The Butterfly Did It: the Aberrant Vote for Buchanan in Palm Beach
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1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996
Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. Garza, Jr. Race Summary Report Unofficial Election Tabulation 1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996 President/Vice President Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Delegates Lamar Alexander 18,615 1.8% 11,432 5.0% Patrick J. 'Pat' Buchanan 217,778 21.4% 45,954 20.2% Charles E. Collins 628 0.1% 153 0.1% Bob Dole 566,658 55.6% 126,645 55.8% Susan Ducey 1,123 0.1% 295 0.1% Steve Forbes 130,787 12.8% 27,206 12.0% Phil Gramm 19,176 1.9% 4,094 1.8% Alan L. Keyes 41,697 4.1% 5,192 2.3% Mary 'France' LeTulle 651 0.1% 196 0.1% Richard G. Lugar 2,219 0.2% 866 0.4% Morry Taylor 454 0.0% 124 0.1% Uncommitted 18,903 1.9% 4,963 2.2% Vote Total 1,018,689 227,120 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.5 % % Voting Early 2.3 % U. S. Senator Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Phil Gramm - Incumbent 837,417 85.0% 185,875 83.9% Henry C. (Hank) Grover 71,780 7.3% 17,312 7.8% David Young 75,976 7.7% 18,392 8.3% Vote Total 985,173 221,579 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.2 % % Voting Early 2.3 % 02/03/1998 04:16 pm Page 1 of 45 Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. -
Florida 2004
This story was edited and ready to run when I happened to mention to my editor, John Bennet, that I’d spent the afternoon hanging Kerry literature on doorknobs. Twenty minutes later, I got a call from both Bennet and David Remnick, telling me they had to kill the story because of my obvious bias. “What would happen if Fox News found out?” Remnick asked, to which I replied, “What would happen if The Nation found out that the New Yorker killed a good story because it was afraid of Fox News?” I argued that I was not a paid operative of the Kerry campaign, but just a citizen participating in democracy. And if they couldn’t trust me to keep my politics out of my writing, how could they trust me to be on staff at all? It’s conversations like this that explain why I don’t write for the New Yorker anymore. Dan Baum 1650 Lombardy Drive Boulder, CO 80304 (303) 546-9800 (303) 917-5024 mobile [email protected] As the third week of September began in south Florida, the air grew torpid and heavy with menace. Hurricane Ivan was lurking south of Cuba, trying to decide whether to punish the Sunshine State with a third tropical lashing in as many weeks. Palm trees along Biscayne Boulevard rustled nervously. The sky over Miami swelled with greenish clouds that would neither dissipate nor burst. Election day was fifty-six days off, and Florida’s Democrats anticipated it with an acute and complex dread. The presidential Florida.18 Created on 10/1/04 5:32 AM Page 2 of 25 contest in Florida is as close this year as it was in 2000,1 which raises the specter of another fight over whether and how to recount votes. -
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NATIONAL & LOCAL NEWS MEDIA TV, RADIO, PRINT & ONLINE SOURCES Master List - Updated 04/2019 Pain Warriors Unite Washington Post: Website: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/submit-an-op-ed/?utm_term=.d1efbe184dbb What are the guidelines for letter submissions? Email: [email protected] We prefer letters that are fewer than 200 words and take as their starting point an article or other item appearing in The Post. They may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name; anonymous letters and letters written under pseudonyms will not be considered. For verification purposes, they must also include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers, including a daytime telephone number. Writers should disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject matter of their letters. If sending email, please put the text of the letter in the body and do not send attachments; attachments will not be read. What are the guidelines for op-ed submissions? Submissions should be limited to 800 words. We consider only completed articles and cannot commit to, or provide guidance on, article proposals. Op-eds may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name — anonymous op-eds or op-eds written under pseudonyms will not be considered. They also must include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers. Additionally, we ask that writers disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject at hand. Please use our op-ed submission form L.A. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Patrick Joseph Buchanan, “Culture War Speech: Address to the Republican National Convention” (17 August 1992)
Voices of Democracy 7 (2012): 47‐59 Miller 47 PATRICK JOSEPH BUCHANAN, “CULTURE WAR SPEECH: ADDRESS TO THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION” (17 AUGUST 1992) Eric C. Miller Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania Abstract: Patrick Buchanan's speech from the 1992 Republican National Convention is frequently cited as a definitive artifact of the culture wars of the late twentieth century. After challenging President George H.W. Bush in the Republican Primary, Buchanan agreed to endorse Bush in exchange for a primetime speaking slot at the RNC in Houston. Having attacked Bush over tax policy, Buchanan drew on social issues to stir passions and unite the GOP behind Bush's candidacy. Keywords: Buchanan, Bush, culture war, family values, Republican National Convention On August 17, 1992, conservative commentator Patrick J. Buchanan addressed the Republican National Convention, delivering a speech that would long be remembered as the definitive statement of the American "culture war." Diagnosing the national condition as one of spiritual decline, Buchanan neatly divided the American populace into two competing camps— one that was traditional, patriotic, and conservative, and another that was radical, deviant, and fiercely liberal. A vote for George H. W. Bush, Buchanan declared, was a vote for the former; a vote for William Jefferson Clinton was a vote for the latter. If Americans were to emerge from their spiritual descent and return to the "Judeo‐Christian" values upon which the nation was founded, it was vital that they support of the Republican ticket. Couched in the language of warfare, the stakes of Buchanan's vision were unmistakably high. But in order to understand Buchanan's argument—indeed, to understand why he was afforded a speaking slot at the RNC in the first place—one must first understand a few things about his life, career, politics, and the context in which these events unfolded. -
The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia
The American State – symposium Michael Minkenberg The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia Abstract This article takes a closer look at the Tea Party by adding a transatlantic perspective. Its aim is to show that the Tea Party is a genuine right-wing movement with strong affinities to the Republican Party which revives par- ticular American traditions of conservatism and the radical right. Its support base is not ‘the mainstream’ but a particular cross section of the white middle classes. In this, it is the American mirror image of many European parties and movements of the populist radical right which share the Tea Party’s anti-establishment message, its ultra-patriotism and ethnocentrism. It also shares some of its characteristics with the Christian Right with which it competes and cooperates when aiming at influencing the Republican Party and Washington while marking the merger of the Christian Right with Southern conservatism. Key words: Populism, American conservatism, radical right, Christian Right, Republican Party 1. Introduction “Keep your government hands off my Medicare!” (at a town hall meeting in South Carolina, quoted in Zernike 2011a, p. 135) After more than one and a half years of its existence and unmistakable presence in American politics, and of its accompanying scrutiny, the Tea Party movement remains a deeply ambivalent phenomenon. Ambivalent in terms of its independence as a movement or and its relationship to the Republican party, conservative business elites, or right-wing media; ambivalent in terms of its message, the kind of change it advocates in explicit de- marcation from the change its adherents attribute to President Obama; ambivalent about its social base as a true grass-roots or an elite-driven network of organizations and activ- ists, a middle class or cross-class movement (see Rahe 2011; Rasmussen/Schoen 2010; Williamson et al. -
Fileprod-Prc-Dc\Peoplepress\Pew Projects
FOR RELEASE: MONDAY, JANUARY 29, 1996 FORBES DRAWS EVEN WITH DOLE IN NEW HAMPSHIRE FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Andrew Kohut, Director Robert C. Toth, Senior Associate Kimberly Parker, Research Director Margaret Petrella, Survey Analyst Pew Research Center for The People & The Press 202/293-3126 http://www.people-press.org FORBES DRAWS EVEN WITH DOLE IN NEW HAMPSHIRE Political newcomer Steve Forbes has moved into a statistical tie with Bob Dole for top honors in the New Hampshire primary. A Pew Research Center poll of 543 likely voters taken January 25-28 finds the millionaire publisher leading the Senator 29% to 24%, but the lead is within the poll's margin of sampling error. Well behind the two front runners are Lamar Alexander (11%), Pat Buchanan (11%), and Phil Gramm (10%), all in a statistical tie for third place. All other candidates register less than 5% support. Despite the big margin that separates Forbes and Dole from the second tier of candidates, voter attitudes in New Hampshire are highly volatile. Only a tiny minority of respondents describe themselves as strong supporters of any of the candidates (Dole 6%, Forbes 7%, Alexander 2%, Gramm 2%, and Buchanan 5%). There is also widespread discontent among New Hampshire voters with the Republican field, which is currently working to Forbes's advantage. A 64% majority of likely voters gave the Republican candidates as a group a negative rating of fair or poor. Forbes leads Dole by a 30% to 22% margin among these disaffected voters, while Dole leads 32% to 26% among voters who view the Republican field as good or excellent overall. -
The Fellowship of the Crooked Cross: Trump's Evangelical Hounds of Hell
Postdigital Science and Education https://doi.org/10.1007/s42438-019-00074-7 ORIGINAL ARTICLES The Fellowship of the Crooked Cross: Trump’s Evangelical Hounds of Hell Peter McLaren1,2 & Petar Jandrić3 # Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 Abstract This critical rage pedagogy article explores intersections between Alt-Right movements and Christian fundamentalist prosperity theology. Starting from The Fellowship Foundation founded in the USA in the 1930s and looking at similar and interconnected developments in various countries from South America, Africa, and Europe, the article explores theological foundations of today's world- wide ascend of fascism. Using the example of Anders Behring Breivik’sfamous terrorist attack in Norway, it explores theoretical background for Alt-Right attacks on political correctness and ‘cultural Marxism’. Looking into the 'end of the world' theology and its morality, the article explains deep relationships between Christian fundamentalist prosperity theology and Israel. The article connects Christianity’s forward-looking, linear view of history with ‘end of the world’ theology and capitalism. It explores the postdigital and post-truth nature of evangelical Christians’ public communications and links them to various anti- intellectualist tendencies such as the anti-vaccination movement. Using insights from Marxism, critical pedagogy, and liberation theology, the article demystifies Christian fundamentalist theology and points towards opportunites for resistance. Keywords Criticalpedagogy. Liberation theology. Christian fundamentalism. Prosperity theology. Alt-Right . Linear time . Marxism * Peter McLaren [email protected] Petar Jandrić [email protected] 1 Chapman University, Orange, CA, USA 2 Northeast Normal University, Changchun, China 3 Zagreb University of Applied Sciences, Zagreb, Croatia Postdigital Science and Education Glorious news, everyone! Donald Trump is God! Everything makes sense now, and the final purpose of all things is at last clear. -
Social Conservatism and the New Fusionism
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch2 Mp_31 rev1 page 31 chapter two Social Conservatism and the New Fusionism Joseph Bottum there is no conservatism in the United States and never has been—at least, if by “conservatism” we mean what we ought to mean: the preservation of the ancien re´gime, a government of throne and altar, and a perpetual endowment of medieval privileges for certain families, guilds, and classes. A nation born in political revolution may not appeal to the traditions of the polis as it existed before the rev- olution. And like a logical argument against the force of logic—or a grammatical complaint about the oppressive structure of grammar— a conservative rebellion against rebellion would only manage to instance, again, the thing it claims to undo. If we are conserving anything in America, it is the Revolution of 1776 and the founding generation’s great experiment in freedom: an essentially anticonser- vative moment in human history. This fact has consistently skewed the thought of everyone labeled, for one reason or another, a conservative. With The Scarlet Letter,we have American literature’s most influential attack on the Mayflower Compact and the oppressive manners of close-knit communities— and it came from Nathaniel Hawthorne, cast by the majority of critics as the most conservative of New England’s high nineteenth-century Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch2 Mp_32 rev1 page 32 32 joseph bottum intellectuals. John C. Calhoun’s thought may have informed the con- stitution of the Confederacy, but his speeches and letters—indeed, even his mostly abstract works of political theory, such as the post- humous Disquisition on Government and Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States—show that Calhoun was, in fact, a progressive social Darwinist avant la lettre, who believed in eugenic racism and the modern advance of positivistic science. -
Grassroots, Geeks, Pros, and Pols: the Election Integrity Movement's Rise and the Nonstop Battle to Win Back the People's Vote, 2000-2008
MARTA STEELE Grassroots, Geeks, Pros, and Pols: The Election Integrity Movement's Rise and the Nonstop Battle to Win Back the People's Vote, 2000-2008 A Columbus Institute for Contemporary Journalism Book i MARTA STEELE Grassroots, Geeks, Pros, and Pols Grassroots, Geeks, Pros, and Pols: The Election Integrity Movement's Rise and the Nonstop Battle to Win Back the People's Vote, 2000-2008 Copyright© 2012 by Marta Steele. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations embedded in critical articles and reviews. For information, address the Columbus Institute for Contemporary Journalism, 1021 E. Broad St., Columbus, Ohio 43205. The Columbus Institute for Contemporary Journalism is a 501(c) (3) nonprofit organization. The Educational Publisher www.EduPublisher.com BiblioPublishing.com ISBN:978-1-62249-026-4 ii Contents FOREWORD By Greg Palast …….iv PREFACE By Danny Schechter …….vi INTRODUCTION …….ix By Bob Fitrakis and Harvey Wasserman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS …...xii AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION …..xix CHAPTER 1 Origins of the Election ….….1 Integrity Movement CHAPTER 2A Preliminary Reactions to ……..9 Election 2000: Academic/Mainstream Political CHAPTER 2B Preliminary Reactions to ……26 Election 2000: Grassroots CHAPTER 3 Havoc and HAVA ……40 CHAPTER 4 The Battle Begins ……72 CHAPTER 5 Election 2004 in Ohio ……99 and Elsewhere CHAPTER 6 Reactions to Election 2004, .….143 the Scandalous Firing of the Federal -
Webster. Chamberlain & Bean
LAW OFFICES WEBSTER. CHAMBERLAIN & BEAN 1747 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE N W GEORGE D WCBSTCR WASHINGTON D C 2OOO6 J CCLEMANBEAN (OQO\ 7B^ O'SOO ARTHUR L "MOLD I BUB) 785-8300 ALAN P DYE FAX (2O2) 83S-O243 CHARLEa C CHAMBERLAIN E3WARO D COLEMAN BURKETT VAN KIRK «MOCI»IK» •OMSOM THANK M NORTHAM "UGH MCCAHEY GERARD P P«NARO JOHN W HAZARD JR CHARLES M WATKIVS XUOH « WEBSTER 3AVID P OOCH T1MOT '™ ApnI21 1993 BY HAND DELIVERY Honorable Joan D Aikens Commissioner Federal Election Commission 999 E Street N W Washington. DC 20004 Re Proposed Advisory Opinion 1992-44, National Committee ot the U S Taxpayers Party _ Commissioner Aikens Enclosed is the first issue ot the official newsletter of the National Committee ot the U S Taxpayers Party This is in further support ot the National Committee s advisory opinion request and we respectfully request its consideration Very truly yours, David P Goch DPG vys Enclosure Dear USTP Supporter, He are pleased to send you this initial edition of the USTP Quarterly Review which will be produced once during each three- month period to keep you posted on the ideas, as well as the activities of USTP leaders and activists EXECUTIVE This first edition features the remarks of 1992 U S Taxpay- COMMITTEE ers Party presidential nominee, Howard Phillips, at the closing session of the post-election meeting of the National Committee Ted C -\dams Jr of the U S Taxpayers Party (held at the Hyatt Regency Hotel in Chairman Louisville, Kentucky) on Friday, December 11, and Saturday, William K Shearer December 12, 1992 Sincerely Julie -
Chapter 2 the STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE of PALM BEACH COUNTY
Chapter 2 THE STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF PALM BEACH COUNTY David Andrews Andrey Feuerverger Abstract This paper emphasizes certain issues and problems that arise when a statistical analysis must be undertaken on complex and evolving data, under tight constraints of time. In such circumstances, it typically is not possible to develop extensive or problem-specific methodology, yet an answer may be required almost immediately, and must be correct, defensible, understandable, and carry impact. It must also be able to withstand the test of comparison with analyses yet to come. We illustrate these points by presenting the background to, and an analysis of, the State of Florida results in the 7 November, 2000 U.S. Presidential elections with emphasis on Palm Beach County. The anal- ysis we discuss was carried out in the days immediately following that election. The statistical evidence strongly suggested that the use of the 'butterfly' ballot in Palm Beach County had resulted in a signifi- cant number of votes having been counted for presidential candidate Pat Buchanan which had not so been intended. The design of the 'butterfly' ballot suggests that many of these votes had likely been intended for the Democratic candidate A1 Gore. This confusion was sufficient to affect the overall outcome of the 2000 U.S. Presidential election, conferring the office to George W. Bush, and this result is statistically significant. 1. Mise en schne On the evening of Tuesday November 7, 2000, the United States of America, along with much of the world, found itself in a state of sus- pended animation as a consequence of an inconclusive outcome to the U.S.