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“Control...Over the Entire State of Coahuila” an Analysis of Testimonies in Trials Against Zeta Members in San Antonio, Austin, and Del Rio, Texas
“Control...Over the Entire State of Coahuila” An analysis of testimonies in trials against Zeta members in San Antonio, Austin, and Del Rio, Texas NOVEMBER 2017 This report does not represent the official position of the School of Law or the University of Texas, and the views presented here reflect only the opinions of the individual authors and of the Human Rights Clinic 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................ 3 2. INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 5 A. Project Description And Purpose ............................................... 5 B. The Trials ................................................................... 6 I. The San Antonio Trial..................................................... 6 II. The Austin Trials ......................................................... 7 III. The Del Rio Trial ......................................................... 9 C. Background Information ...................................................... 9 I. Mexico’s Security Strategy ................................................. 9 II. Coahuila, Mexico ......................................................... 10 III. Brief History of the Zeta Cartel ............................................. 11 3. FINDINGS ON THE ZETA CARTEL STRUCTURE AND OPERATIONS ......................... 13 A. Hierarchy and Organization. .................................................. 13 B. Most Important Zeta Members Based on Testimonies ............................. -
First Steps of the Cabinet of Enrique Peña Nieto SPECIAL REPORT
SPECIAL REPORT Mexico: First steps of the cabinet of Enrique Peña Nieto Mexico, January 2013 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO MEXICO: FIRST STEPS OF THE CABINET OF ENRIQUE PEÑA NIETO 1. INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION 2. POLITICS, ECONOMY AND On 1 December 2012 Enrique Peña Nieto was sworn in as Constitutional SOCIETY: CABINET’S CENTRAL President of the United Mexican States. FORMATION 3. THE PACT FOR MEXICO Furthermore, in 2012, the elections of 128 Senators and 500 Federal 4. EXPENDITURE BUDGET Deputies were held; at the local level were elected 6 Governors of 5. CONCLUSIONS the states of Chiapas, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Morelos, Tabasco and AUTHORS Yucatan; Head of Government of the Federal District; 579 local LLORENTE & CUENCA deputies in 15 states; 876 city councils; 20 municipal boards; and 16 Heads of Delegation of Mexico City. In total, 2127 positions at national level. In this report, we intend to describe in general the key points in the government’s formation headed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI in Spanish), the party which ruled in Mexico for 71 years, lost power to the National Action Party (PAN in Spanish) during two presidential terms and is back now. Peña Nieto has affirmed on different occasions that the PRI is no longer the same one which governed Mexico; in view of this statement, it is necessary to point out that Mexico is neither the same, that society and business people are aware of and up-to-date with what is happening, since formal and informal media and the social networks help to have a better understanding of the actions of our rulers and of national and international events. -
201101.Grayson.Mexico
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2011 MEXICO’S 2011 GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS AND THEIR IMPACT ON POLICY By George Grayson George W. Grayson is the Class of 1938 Professor at the College of William & Mary, an associate scholar at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a senior associate at Center for Strategic & International Studies, and a board member of the Center for Immigration Studies. He has made more than 200 research trips to Mexico, and his recent publications include La Familia Drug Cartel: Implications for U.S.-Mexican Security (Strategic Studies Institute, the U.S. Army War College, 2010) and Mexico: Narco Violence and a Failed State? (Transaction, 2009). • Mexico’s six gubernatorial elections this year will set the stage for the 2012 presidential contest and determine whether the once-dominant Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) can continue its come-back. • Of greatest importance is the July 3 face-off in Mexico State where Governor Enrique Peña Nieto is determined to name his successor—not only to project his policies into the future, but to gain even more momentum in his race for Los Pinos presidential residence. • The center-right National Action Party (PAN), which successfully collaborated with the Left to win three governorships in 2010, is seeking to forge a coalition that can defeat Peña Nieto’s dauphin; although the president of the leftist-nationalist Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) favors such an accord, self-proclaimed “Legitimate President” Andrés Manuel López Obrador and other key figures are dedicated to thwarting a coalition. -
Mexico 2017 Human Rights Report
MEXICO 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mexico, which has 32 states, is a multiparty federal republic with an elected president and bicameral legislature. In 2012 President Enrique Pena Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party won election to a single six-year term in elections observers considered free and fair. Citizens elected members of the Senate in 2012 and members of the Chamber of Deputies in 2015. Observers considered the June 2016 gubernatorial elections free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The most significant human rights issues included involvement by police, military, and other state officials, sometimes in coordination with criminal organizations, in unlawful killings, disappearances, and torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions in some prisons; arbitrary arrests and detentions; intimidation and corruption of judges; violence against journalists by government and organized criminal groups; violence against migrants by government officers and organized criminal groups; corruption; lethal violence and sexual assault against institutionalized persons with disabilities; lethal violence against members of the indigenous population and against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons; and lethal violence against priests by criminal organizations. Impunity for human rights abuses remained a problem, with extremely low rates of prosecution for all forms of crimes. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, often with impunity. Organized criminal groups also were implicated in numerous killings, acting with impunity and at times in league with corrupt federal, state, local, and security officials. -
Mexico Coahuila: Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity
Mexico Coahuila: ongoing crimes against humanity Communication to the International Criminal Court May 2016, Mother’s Day: Groups from all Mexican states coming together to demand justice and truth about forced disappearances. © Karine Bonneau TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary .......................................................6 Methodology ............................................................12 I. JURISDICTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT ...............14 A. Temporal, territorial, or personal jurisdiction. 14 B. Subject Matter Jurisdiction .........................................15 II. GENERAL AND SPECIFIC CONTEXT OF THE CRIMES ......................16 1. General Context of the Violence in Mexico ............................16 2. Specific Context of the Violence in Coahuila ...........................21 III. Crimes Against Humanity in Coahuila ...................................40 A. Existence of an attack against the civilian population pursuant to or in furtherance of a State or organizational policy to commit such attack .......41 B. The systematic nature of the attack against a civilian population ........61 IV. Conclusion ...........................................................66 FIDH - Mexico, Coahuila 3 V. Appendices Appendix 1: Factual Description of the 32 Cases that Underlie this Communica-tion Appendix 2: Table of the Systematization of the Modus Operandi of the Coahuila Security Forces in the 32 Cases that Underlie this Communication Appendix 3: USB Drive Containing the Files of the Dossiers of the -
The Development of Narcotrafficking and Corruption in Mexico
Anuario Latinoamericano Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales vol. 6, 2018 pp. 213–234 The development of narcotrafficking DOI: 10.17951/al.2018.6.213-234 and corruption in Mexico El desarrollo del narcotráfico y la corrupción en México Nubia Nieto Independent researcher [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9454-5922 ABSTRACT In recent decades, Mexico has hit the news headlines due to the high levels of violence, brutality and drug trafficking. Moreover, the links between political power, intelligence agencies, corruption and organised crime have been undeniable in the development of narcotrafficking and violence in Mexico. In this scenario, the following questions are emerging and are intended to be analyzed throughout this text: Why have drug traffickers managed to destabilize the Mexican government? How much responsibilities have the U.S. and Mexican intelligence agencies in the development of drug trafficking and violence? Can Mexico by itself control the development of drug trafficking? Is it possible to establish the rule of law and accountability mechanisms? Does the new government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador represent hope for the control of violence in Mexico? KEYWORDS: corruption, drug trafficking, political elites, Mexico, democracy. RESUMEN En las últimas décadas, México ha encabezado los titulares en la prensa debido a los altos niveles de violencia, brutalidad y tráfico de drogas. Además, pocas veces se cuestionan los vínculos entre poder político, agencias de inteligencia, corrupción y crimen -
Latin America's Gay Right's Revolution
Access Provided by Vanderbilt University Library at 04/19/11 3:04AM GMT Latin america’s Gay riGhts revoLution Omar G. Encarnación Omar G. Encarnación is professor of political studies at Bard College. He is the author of The Myth of Civil Society (2003) and Spanish Poli- tics: Democracy after Dictatorship (2008). The legalization of same-sex marriage in Argentina on 22 July 2010 dealt a serious blow to Latin America’s longstanding reputation as a bastion of machismo. Only the tenth country in the world to do so, Ar- gentina is today a member of a select group of nations regarded as being on the cutting edge of homosexual rights.1 But even before the enacting of Argentina’s landmark “gay”2 marriage law, a gay-rights revolution in Latin America was well underway. In 2007, Uruguay became the first Latin American country to enact nationwide legislation permitting gay civil unions, and in 2008 Co- lombia’s Constitutional Court, in another Latin American first, grant- ed gay couples full rights of insurance, inheritance, immigration, and social-security benefits.3 Mexico City upped the ante in 2009, when city officials started issuing marriage licenses to gay couples against the wishes of the federal government, which launched a failed consti- tutional challenge. The Mexican Supreme Court not only affirmed the constitutionality of gay marriage for residents of the Mexican capital, it also legalized gay adoptions. More discreet advances are no less impressive. With the reforma- tion of the penal code legalizing same-sex relations in Nicaragua and Panama in 2008, all Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America plus Brazil have completely decriminalized homosexuality, and anti–gay dis- crimination laws are now on the books in Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru. -
What Is COMEXUS? B
Paquete de Bienvenida La beca Fulbright-García Robles y tu estancia en México Comisión México - Estados Unidos para el Intercambio Educativo y Cultural English Teaching Assistantship México, D.F. 2012 Índice de Contenidos I. Comisión México-Estados Unidos para el Intercambio Educativo y Cultural a. What is COMEXUS? b. Programas de beca Fulbright-García Robles c. Estadísticas básicas d. Staff distribution e. Mundo organizacional II. Programa Fulbright a. What it means to be a “Fulbrighter” b. Asociación de Exbecarios Fulbright, EUA c. Fulbright Program Fact Sheet III. Información Cultural a. Welcome to Mexico b. Mexico City and tourist information c. Mexico Fact Sheet IV. Información General a. Teléfonos de emergencia b. Tabla de conversión de medidas c. Comparative Chart of U.S. and Mexican Educational Systems d. The Grading System in Mexico e. ¿Como hacer una llamada telefónica? f. Mensajería y paquetería local, nacional e internacional g. Librerías en México h. Lista parcial de acervos, archivos y bibliotecas en el Distrito Federal i. Aerolíneas y autobuses j. Días de descanso obligatorios y días festivos What is COMEXUS? The U.S.-Mexico Commission for Educational and Cultural Exchange, COMEXUS, was founded on November 27, 1990, in Monterrey, Nuevo León, by means of a bilateral agreement, signed before the presidents of both countries. The goal of the Commission consists of promoting mutual understanding between Mexico and the U nited S tates b y m eans of educational a nd c ultural e xchanges. In ord er t o a chieve t his goal, COMEXUS offers d istinct s cholarship p rograms f or s tudents, r esearchers, u niversity professors, public school teachers and administrators, and professionals of both countries. -
Undeniable Atrocities 3 Confronting Crimes Against Humanity in Mexico
CONFRONTING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN MEXICO Copyright © 2016 Open Society Foundations. This publication is available as a pdf on the Open Society Foundations website under a Creative Commons license that allows copying and distributing the publication, only in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Open Society Foundations and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. ISBN: 9781940983622 Published by: Open Society Foundations 224 West 57th Street New York, New York 10019 USA www.OpenSocietyFoundations.org For more information contact: Eric Witte Senior Project Manager, National Trials of Grave Crimes Open Society Justice Initiative [email protected] Design and layout by Ahlgrim Design Group Printing by GHP Media, Inc. Cover photo © Gael Gonzalez/Reuters UNDENIABLE ATROCITIES 3 CONFRONTING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN MEXICO TABLE OF CONTENTS 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS REPORT 6 METHODOLOGY 10 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 21 I. THE ROOTS OF CRISIS: AUTHORITARIANISM, ORGANIZED CRIME, AND MILITARIZATION 30 II. DIMENSIONS OF THE CRISIS 46 III. CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY 96 IV. POLITICAL OBSTACLES TO CRIMINAL ACCOUNTABILITY 132 V. BUILDING ON A MIXED RECORD OF REFORM 156 VI. CONCLUSION 159 ENDNOTES UNDENIABLE ATROCITIES 4 CONFRONTING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN MEXICO SECTION NAME ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This is a report of the Open Society Justice Initiative, in partnership with the Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights (Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos), the Diocesan Center for Human Rights Fray Juan de Larios (Centro Diocesano para los Derechos Humanos Fray Juan de Larios), I(dh)eas Human Rights Strategic Litigation (I(dh)eas Litigio Estratégico en Derechos Humanos), Foundation for Justice and Rule of Law (Fundación para la Justicia y el Estado Democrático de Derecho), Citizens for Human Rights (Ciudadanos en Apoyo a los Derechos Humanos, CADHAC). -
MEXICO NEEDS an INTERNATIONAL MECHANISM to COMBAT IMPUNITY Copyright © 2018 Open Society Foundations
Open Society Justice Initiative CORRUPTION THAT KILLS WHY MEXICO NEEDS AN INTERNATIONAL MECHANISM TO COMBAT IMPUNITY Copyright © 2018 Open Society Foundations. This publication is available as a pdf on the Open Society Foundations website under a Creative Commons license that allows copying and distributing the publication, only in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Open Society Foundations and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. ISBN: 9781940983783 Published by: Open Society Foundations 224 West 57th Street New York, New York 10019 USA www.OpenSocietyFoundations.org For more information contact: Christian M. De Vos Open Society Justice Initiative [email protected] Design and layout by Ahlgrim Design Group Printing by Diversidad Gráfica S.A. de C.V. Cover photo © Fernando Brito/AFP/Getty CORRUPTION THAT KILLS 1 WHY MEXICO NEEDS AN INTERNATIONAL MECHANISM TO COMBAT IMPUNITY 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 ABBREVIATIONS 4 MAP OF COAHUILA 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 9 I. INTRODUCTION 15 II. A DEEPENING CRISIS 24 III. COAHUILA: EXAMINING EVIDENCE OF CORRUPTION, COLLUSION, AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY 43 IV. WHY MEXICO NEEDS AN INTERNATIONAL MECHANISM TO COMBAT IMPUNITY 52 V. CONCLUSION 53 ENDNOTES ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was produced by the Open Society Justice Initiative, in partnership with the following organizations: the Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights (Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de