The Unity of the Laches

Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB)

The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter

12-1962

Michael J. O'Brien Yale University

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Recommended Citation O'Brien, Michael J., "The Unity of the Laches" (1962). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 46. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/46

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THE UNITY OF' THE �.ft.CHES

by Michael J. O'Brien

Ye.le University

'I'he interpretation of many of Plato's early dialogues is hampered by their apparent inconclusiveness. One pattern which several of them share involves the statement of a problem (e.g. "Can virtue be taught?11 or 11What is temperance, or courage� or piety?11) 7 the analysis of vari ous suggestions, and the decision, finally, to accept none of them.l The conversations have the air of being un planned, of moving in no predetermined direction, and of coming to an end when suggestions have been exhausted. Not surprisingly, there has been no agreement, even in a broad sense, about their meaning. The simplest? and at first the most attractive, hypothesis is to take them for what they seem to be, conversations on themes recollected from Plato's hours with Socrates. John Burnet and A. E. 'l'aylor have argued for thj.s view. Burnet has slcetched for us a picture of 11the youthful Plato who was a great dramatic genius and whose- chief aim was to set before us a picture of Socrates as he was" in dialogues which 11do not give us Plato's own philosophy11 but which upreserve the memory of the teaching of Socrates. 112

The notion that the early dialogues are idealized essays in biography by a young man with no original philo sophy of his own has often led to their being classified under literature and not philosophy.3 In apparent support of this classification is the fact that in them Plato seems to lack ability or interest in drawing together into a conclusion their many scattel'ed suggestions and argun1ents. Instead he seems content to offer a philosophic n_o_'t_ .ru:>..Y...r..ri. The disarray of ideas in these works caused Wilamowitz to treat them as literature and biography. A dialogue like the Lg__<;__h_es_9 for example 2 which does not settle the question it sets out to answer (itWhat is courage?u)9 was not written with that theoretical interest in mind� he says� but in order to show that Socrates was a brave man and the best teacher of that virtue.4 It commemorates his courage at the battle of Delium (18lb, 18S'b) and records the admira tion of two distinguished contemporaries for his qualifi cations as a teacher of the young (200cd). It is a

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Socrates brought against 11intelligent steadfastnesstr when he proved that the courageous man can be technically igno rant and often has the bad sense to endanger his life, Laches could not answer Eocrates, but Nicias does answer Laches. In doing so he answers by implication Socrates' 2 objection to Laches1 definition. Courage9 says Nicias� is the knowledge of what is ultimately fearful; it is beyond technical skill or grasp of immediate ends. But then, as Socrates shows� there is nothing to distinguish courage from virtue in general.

Does the lqg_�� imply any conclusion? Socrates� let it be noted� has left one thing unchallenged in each defi nition. Courage remains a kind of steadfastness. On the other hand� it involves knowledge of good and evil� since all virtue does. Laches anticipates Socrates' objection to Nicias 1 definiti.on (the absence of a distinguishing mark) by calling courage, not intelligence alone� but intelligence joined i:1ith perseverance; and Nicias answers the objection to Laches 1 definition by explaining 11knowledge of the fearful and safe11 as Laches ought to have explained 11intelligent.11 Plc.to has brought his readers within sight of a resolution and has stopped short. The ls>.£.��? which has on the surfac0 the appearance of unrehearsed conversa tion, is actually carefully directed by the author's guid- ing hand. 'I'he definitions of Laches and of Nicias complement each other too woll not to suggest conscious contrivance. The dialogue'> when it is j.nterrupted � is moving towards a conception of courage which will join knowledge of good and evil with a steadfast quality of sou1.8

b_qg_g_s_ in the �·§,_Ch§..§. is matched by erg_Q..Q. The parti cipants in a Platonic dialogL1e are not chosen at random'> and for the total meaning of this dialogue what the characters are and do is as important as i·vhat they say. Lysi- machus and l,Ielesias are men of no distinction in life or in intelligence. They left almost no merk on their times by their achievements (179 and each has much to add to the discussion of courage. They are soldiers? and this is appropriate. But the suitability of their personal characters and history to what they say goes further than this, Laches 1 conception of courage is standing one's ground in battle (190e) � or? r.aore generally? steadfastness of soul (192b). He does not immediately see that intelli gence has anything to do with it. 'This is as we might expect. He is a practical soldier who has fought among the hoplites at Delium and who will die in battle at Iv.ian tinea (Thucydides 5,74,3), He scorns theoreticians of war7 like Etesileos7 and sees no absolute need for teachers -7-

of any sort (185e)7 especially sophists (197d6)9 and Damon in pa1�ticuler ( 200a). He is hearty and blunt and quick to cry 11Nonsense!" (195a67 196bl)� he has a feeling for the colorful and humorous (the instructors in arms tip toeing around Sparta [183b] ) and he is a good raconteur � (2tesileos in the sea-fight Ll83d ff.]). He is out of his depth, however, j_n intellectual discussion9 and quickly gives in when it goes against him. 'I'he subtleties of argument he rega�cds merely with suspicion (196b3). But he knows a brave man when he sees one� he is the first to invite Socrates to the discussion, and the first to point out at the end that Socrates is the man to teach courage9 not he or Nicias. Re is a likeable man, and steadfastness of soul7 his notion of courage9 is a worthy ideal9 but his behavior in the dialogue proves its insufficiency, when it is not accompanied by knovrledge. Ee can give no account of courage9 though he feels sure he knows what it is (194b)9 c:.nd in his efforts to find out hj.s steadfastness deserts him. He is a coward in c:rgument; his own behavior dis credits his notion (at 192b) that the courageous man is merely the steadfast man.

Nicias makes a good contrast to Laches and a good exemplar of his own definition of coUJ."age. Less brusque and more at home in intellectual discussion, he has cul tural interests too, and is happy to have found in Damon a good teacher of music fo:c his son I\iiceratus (180d). Vw read elsewhere that Nicias forced this son to learn all of Homer by heart sna. that iUceratus actually took part in a rhapsodic contest. 9 Even in O.iscussiQ$warfa1"e, i.'ilicias dwells on the refined and the intellectual. .A graceful soldier is a bette:;.� soldier (182cd) 9 and knowledge brings grace. Ewordsmanship is a preface to strategy. This in a speech that echoes with the words m.a..tJ:l..?Jn.?... and gfil- st&.m..Et (as noun or verb eleven times in thirty-five lines). Laches' reply9 at 182d6 ff.9 parodies that repetition with noticeB.ble sm."cc;sm (eight tines in the first seven lines). Laches goes on to recE:ll a battle in which Stesileos the theoretician got himself into ,;m ungraceful posture (183c ff.), and he avows that the only music he admires is the good old Doric harmony of ;LogoJ,, and !?.r_K.�. (188d). 10 Nicias, on the other hand, not only reveres knowledge, but he is used to having discussions with Socrates (188b)9 and he acquits himself fairly well, at least in repelling Laches' objections. But he is vain about his ability in discussion (200b). His definition has succuDbed to Socrates' objec tions9 but he is confident that a little thought and some help from Dawon will right it again (200b).

'I'o follow some commentators, one could only agree thet he is right. If 11the perfect condition of the Intelligence, -8-

is the sole and all sufficient condition of virtue, 11 as Grote put it, then we will have to accept Nicias' defini tion, as Socrates revises it at 1S9c5-dl (courage is the knowledge of good end evil). But, apart from the fact that all present balk at this conclusion, there is Nicias himself to consider. Laches' failings as a man are obvious� he is shown here to his worst adv.sntage, in philosophical argument. Laches' behavior is a commentary on the insufficiency of his own definition. �·Jhat of Nicias? The memory which Nicias left to posterity was the.t of an intelligent and extren;ely prudent man without much force of cherccter who was more than once overborne in matters of policy by stronger-minded rivals, and who ended his life in spectacular failure.11 In 425 he re signed his command to Cleon in the face of criticism of his policy in the Pylos campaign and suffered the chagrin of seeing his rival score an unexpected victory. In 4-21, with Cleon now dead, Nicia.s had the satisfaction of seeing Athens and Spc.:rta conclude the peace which goes by his name; but soon after this his pro-Spartan policy was frus trated by Alcibiades7 and Athens allied itself with Argos. 'I'he event� however7 which his nc.me calls to mind before any other is the Sicilian e::[pediti on. No one of Plato 1 s con tec,poraries who read the .L�CQGS could have dissociated the Nicias of the dj_c:.logue from the me.n who led the Athenian army and navy to utter defeat at Eyracuse. Those events took place in 415-4137 a few years after the dramatic date of the k�che�9 which falls between Delium (l+24·) and La.che s' death at hantinea (l:-18). Of all the Athenians 9 i'Ucias perceived r·;ost clearly what was 11fearful and safe11 about the Sicilian expedition. His speech in the �ssembly ('I'huc. 6 o 9-14) is evidence of his prudence at a time when Athens was in the grip of folly and overconfidence. La.ter 7 when the expedition bad been voted in spite of him and he had been made general with Larnachus and Alcibiades, his proposals for the armament were on a generous and prudent scale. They were designed to discourage Athens' zeal for the ventu1·e or, if that failed 7 to insure its success lThuc. 6.2t:-L The long story of the expedition7 with its early successes and eventual disaster9 is well known to all readers of Thucydides. Nicias7 so foresighted in the Assembly, was ineffective in Sicily7 the r,10re so after J.lcibiades had been forced out of command and Lamachus killed. The last stages of the campaign were a personal fe.ilure :fol' him. Defeated before EyJ·acuse � he at first rejected the proposal to retreat; then he gave in. Finally, when all was ready for the a ba.ndonment of the siege, the rnoon was eclipsed, and his superstitious fee.r made him follow the advice of his sootbsc:.yers and delay the retire ment for a month. Dy that time all was lost. .ht the end, qualcing before the moon while the Syracusans made

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