1 the Dramatic Background of the Arguments with Callicles, Euripides
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Clitophon's Challenge and the Aporia of Socratic Protreptic* Teruo Mishima
Clitophon’s Challenge and the Aporia of Socratic Protreptic* Teruo Mishima Before I discuss the text in detail, I would like to briefly sketch the main line of arguments in the Clitophon which I am going to take up, just for the sake of anamnēsis of the readers : In the opening scene Socrates speaks to Clitophon in the third person and tells him that he heard from somebody else that Clitophon, in his conversation with Lysias, has criticised Socratic diatribai (pursuits), whereas he has lavishly praised his synousia (association) with Thrasymachus. Taking Socrates’ words as a sort of disguised criticism or complaint, Clitophon answers that the story was only half true, because although he did on the one hand criticise Socrates, he also on the other hand highly praised him. Then, he explains to Socrates why he must take such an ambiguous attitude towards him. In the first half of his speech he focuses on the aspect of Socratic teaching which he admires unreservedly, namely Socrates’ protreptic speech towards virtues. Here he refers to a lot of Socratic dicta which remind us of well known passages in the early dialogues of Plato. By contrast, in the latter half Clitophon explains where his deep frustration with Socrates lies. He says that, being already converted by Socratic protreptic and resolved to pursue virtues, what he expects now from Socrates is “what comes next”, that is a detailed account of the essence of virtues to be acquired and a piece of concrete advice on how to acquire them. But to these - Clitophon complains - neither Socrates’ company nor Socrates himself gives any convincing answer. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition David Welsh
WELSH, DAVID, Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:2 (1991:Summer) p.133 Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition David Welsh SAEUS 9, ON THE ESTATE OF ASTYPHILUS, can be conveniently I studied through part of the family stemma of the litigants.1 The speech relates that the professional soldier Astyphilus died on military service at Mytilcnc, and subsequently in Athens Cleon, his first cousin and the speaker's opponent in the suit, took possession of the estate in the name of his own son. x I Thudippus Euthycrates = sister of Hierocles = Theophrastus I I I Cleon Astyphilus speaker I son Cleon maintained that Astyphilus had adopted this son before his departure and invoked a will deposited with a certain Hierocles. The (unnamed) speaker, Astyphilus' uterine half brother by the remarriage of Euthycrates' widow to Theo phrastus, denounces the will as a forgery and contends that he has a stronger claim to the estate.z One of his chief arguments is 1 The following works will be cited by author's name: A. R. W. HARRISON, The Law of Athens: The Family and Property (Oxford 1968);]. K. DAVIES, Athenian Propertied Families 600-300 B.C. (Oxford 1971); W. WYSE, The Speeches of Isaeus (Cambridge 1904); A. P. BURNETT and C. N. EDMONSON, "The Chabrias Monument in the Athenian Agora," Hesperia 30 (1961) 74-91; T. T. B. RYDER, Koine Eirene (London 1965); S. HORNBLOWER, Mausolus (Oxford 1982). 2 Since Cleon and his son were respectively the first cousin and first cousin once removed of Astyphilus on the paternal side, either would normally have enjoyed legal precedence over the speaker in the order of succession to the 133 WELSH, DAVID, Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:2 (1991:Summer) p.133 134 ISAEUS 9 AND ASTYPHILUS' LAST EXPEDITION based on Astyphilus' alleged hostility to Cleon because Thudippus was said to have killed Euthycrates in a fraternal quarrel over partition of the family estate. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
Silencing the Female Voice in Longus and Achilles Tatius
Silencing the female voice in Longus and Achilles Tatius Word Count: 12,904 Exam Number: B052116 Classical Studies MA (Hons) School of History, Classics and Archaeology University of Edinburgh B052116 Acknowledgments I am indebted to the brilliant Dr Calum Maciver, whose passion for these novels is continually inspiring. Thank you for your incredible supervision and patience. I’d also like to thank Dr Donncha O’Rourke for his advice and boundless encouragement. My warmest thanks to Sekheena and Emily for their assistance in proofreading this paper. To my fantastic circle of Classics girls, thank you for your companionship and humour. Thanks to my parents for their love and support. To Ben, for giving me strength and light. And finally, to the Edinburgh University Classics Department, for a truly rewarding four years. 1 B052116 Table of Contents Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………….1 List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………3 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………….4 Chapter 1: Through the Male Lens………………………………………………………6 The Aftertaste of Sophrosune……………………………………………………………….6 Male Viewers and Voyeuristic Fantasy.…………………………………………………....8 Narratorial Manipulation of Perspective………………………………………………….11 Chapter 2: The Mythic Hush…………………………………………………………….15 Echoing Violence in Longus……………………………………………………………….16 Making a myth out of Chloe………………………………………………………………..19 Leucippe and Europa: introducing the mythic parallel……………………………………21 Andromeda, Philomela and Procne: shifting perspectives………………………………...22 Chapter 3: Rupturing the -
Wonder Woman Daughter of Destiny
WONDER WOMAN: DAUGHTER OF DESTINY Story by Jean Paul Fola Nicole, Christopher Johnson and Edmund Birkin Screenplay By Jean Paul Nicole, and Andrew Birkin NUMBERED SCRIPT 1st FIRST DRAFT 1/3/12 I279731 Based On DC Characters WARNER BROS. PICTURES INC. 4000 Warner Boulevard Burbank, California 91522 © 2012 WARNER BROS. ENT. All Rights Reserved ii. Dream Cast Lol. Never gonna happen. Might as well go all in since I'm "straight" black male nerd living in a complete fantasy world writing about Wonder Woman. My cast Diana Wonder Woman - Naomi Scott Ares - Daniel Craig Dr. Poison - Saïd Taghmaoui Clio - Dakota Fanning Mala - Riki Lindhome IO - Regina King Laurie Trevor - Beanie Feldstein Etta Candy - Zosia Mammet Hippolyta - Rebecca Hall Hera - Juliet Binoche Steve Trevor - Rafael Casal Gideon - James Badge Dale Antiope (In screenplay referred to as Artemis) - Nicole Beharie or Jodie Comer Dr. Gogan - Riz Ahmed Alkyone - Jennifer Carpenter or Jodie Comer or Nicole Beharie W O N D E R W O M A N - D A U G H T E R O F D E S T I N Y Out of AN OCEAN OF BLOOD RED a shape emerges. An EAGLE SYMBOL. BECOMING INTENSELY GOLDEN UNTIL ENGULFING THE SCREEN IN LIGHT. CROSS FADE: The beautiful FACE OF A WOMAN with fierce pride (30s). INTO FRAME She is chained by the neck and wrists in a filthy prison cell. DAYLIGHT seeps through prison bars. O.S. Battle gongs echo. Hearing gongs faint echo, her EYES WIDEN. PRISONER They've come for me. This is Queen Hippolyta queen of the Amazons and mother to the Wonder Woman. -
The Spell of Achilles Tatius: Magic and Metafiction in Leucippe and Clitophon
The Spell of Achilles Tatius: Magic and Metafiction in Leucippe and Clitophon ASHLI J.E. BAKER Bucknell University Eros is “…δεινὸς γόης καὶ φαρμακεὺς καὶ σοφιστής…” (Plato, Symposium 203d) Introduction In the beginning of Book Two of Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Clitophon, the clever but thus far failed lover Clitophon witnesses a remarkable – and useful – scene. He passes by just as Clio, Leucippe’s slave, is stung on the hand by a bee. He sees Leucippe soothe Clio’s pain by singing incantations (ἐπᾴδω) she says she learned from an Egyptian woman.1 When Clitophon, determined to woo Leu- cippe, finds himself alone with her on the following day, he pretends that he too has been stung by a bee. Leucippe approaches, asking where he has been stung. In reply, Clitophon says, ————— 1 παύσειν γὰρ αὐτὴν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος δύο ἐπᾴσασαν ῥήματα· διδαχθῆναι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὑπό τινος Αἰγυπτίας εἰς πληγὰς σφηκῶν καὶ μελιττῶν. Καὶ ἅμα ἐπῇδε· καὶ ἔλεγεν ἡ Κλειὼ μετὰ μικρὸν ῥᾴων γεγονέναι. (2.7 - “…she would, she said, stop her pain by chanting two spells; she had been taught by an Egyptian woman how to deal with wasp- and bee-stings. As she had chanted, Clio had said that the pain was gradually relieved.”). All Greek text of Leu- cippe and Clitophon is that of Garnaud 1991. All translations are cited, with occasional alterations, from Whitmarsh 2001. I want to give special thanks to Catherine Connors for her insightful comments throughout the drafting of this paper. Thanks too to Alex Hollmann and Stephen Trzaskoma for feedback on earlier versions of this project. -
Victoria WOHL Cleon Before Pericles: Thucydides on the "Turn" in Athenian Politics
Victoria WOHL Cleon before Pericles: Thucydides on the "turn" in Athenian politics In his summation of Pericles' achievements, Thucydides draws a strong distinction between Pericles and his successors (2.65). In his intelligence, integrity, and near monarchical authority, Pericles represented a perfection in Athenian history never to be matched. By comparison, his successors were mere parodies of his greatness, poor imitations of the original. Cleon in particular is presented in Thucydides' narrative as a failed or parodic Pericles. This paper questions not only the relation between Cleon and Pericles, but also the historiographic impulse (ancient and modern) to conceive of history in terms of perfect originals and failed copies. What does it mean to view Cleon as a purely derivative figure, a parodic Pericles? What is at stake for Thucydides in this contrast? What is at stake for Pericles and "Periclean" Athens? Thucydides' contrast turns on the issue of democratic pleasure. Pericles leads the demos because of his refusal to "speak to please" (2.65.8); his successors "turned to pleasing the people and relinquished affairs to them" (2.65.10). Aristophanes reaffirms this historiographical schism: his Knights literalizes this "turn to pleasure," and its vile economy of oral gratification exposes the vital concerns behind Thucydides' insistence that Pericles, unlike his successors, did not speak to please. But while Thucydides represents Cleon as a failed Pericles, Plutarch shows us Pericles as a barely sublimated Cleon. In his Life of Pericles, the statesman's early career is characterized by precisely the sort of pleasing politics associated with Cleon. Plutarch's Pericles turns away from Cleontic pleasures, but the turn is never complete and the line between Pericles and Cleon is not as clear as Thucydides, for one, would like. -
Euanthes and the World of Rhetoric in Achilles Tatius' Leucippe And
Euanthes and the World of Rhetoric in Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Cleitophon KATHERINE A. MCHUGH The University of Edinburgh In Book Three of Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Cleitophon there is an ekphrasis of a painting, one of three within the entirety of the novel. The description takes place after the protagonists’ arrival at Pelusium, as they happen upon the Temple of Zeus and come across “double images” (εἰκόνα διπλῆν, 3,6,3) which have been signed by the artist Euanthes (3,6,3).1 The main aim of this article is to consider the name of this artist, as opposed to the painting itself; it seeks to prove that Euanthes was not a real figure, but a name created by Achilles which is imbued with rhetorical references in keeping with the intellectual climate of 2nd Century AD Greek literature. The name Euanthes and its possible rhetorical connotations will be explored in conjunction with a detailed consideration of Achilles’ use of ekphrasis throughout Leucippe and Cleitophon and his interest in rhetorical edu- cation in order to assert that some of the author’s playful in-jokes have been un- derstudied, and that they can provide us with a clearer picture of how the author strives to appeal to his reader; that is, a reader who is steeped in a rhetorical edu- cation himself. The article also considers the other two ekphraseis of paintings in Leucippe and Cleitophon (which occur in Books One and Five) in order to aid with an understanding of Achilles’ use of the rhetorical technique and how sig- nificant rhetoric is to his novel as a whole. -
Neale C. Gay First Draft of Research Paper Tentatively Titled: The
Neale C. Gay First Draft of Research Paper Tentatively titled: The Dual Theses Regarding Democracy In Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian war stands as one of the benchmarks of Western historiography. The History is a history interlaced with a tragedy befitting fifth century Athens, and an understanding of the cultural and intellectual achievements of the twenty-four years covered by its author. That he stretches farther back in his archeology to cover the Persian Wars is a further benefit to his readers, because, by doing so, he manages to encompass one hundred years of Athenian democracy into the vastness of his scope. His is a history written for posterity,1 a history written to illuminate forever the importance of the war between the Athenian alliance and the Spartan alliance.2 This was his initial purpose. The study of Thucydides’ History, however, has given much more to future generations than merely an understanding of the greatness of the Peloponnesian War; Thucydides has bequeathed an account of the decline and fall of Athenian democracy. When he began chronicling the battles fought and the speeches made, this was far from his mind. He began to develop underlying theses concerning government that, while saying volumes about Athenian characteristics, have dire consequences for his opinion of his countrymen, and for humankind in general. The History becomes a tragic satire as Thucydides witnesses the rapid decline of his culture. 1 “My work is not a piece of writing designed to meet the taste of an immediate public, but was done to last for ever.” (I, 22) 2 Thucydides believed that never in history were two adversaries matched so evenly as Athens and Sparta while at the height of their militaristic power. -
Clitophon and Socrates in the Platonic Clitophon
Ancient Philosophy 32 (2012) ©Mathesis Publications 1 Clitophon and Socrates in the Platonic Clitophon Christopher Moore The Clitophon shows us a man similar to Socrates in analytic skill, social ease, frankness, and avowed interest in justice. He praises Socrates for bringing people to desire to be just, but criticizes Socrates for not helping them be just, the object of their desire. H gives his experience as an example: having listened to Socrates he desires justice, but does not know how to be just. Readers have often accepted both the cogency of and warrant for Clitophon’s criticism. But details of the dia - logue undermine both. Its characterization of Socrates shows that desiring to be just, considered robustly—recognizing one’s ignorance, listening to other views, and trying to learn about the good—is much the same as being just, and so Socrates cannot be faulted for merely inculcating the desire. And though Cli - tophon has heard Scorates speak and is interested in justice—especially in find - ing some apt formula—he has not listened closely to Socrates, and therefore has not allowed himself to be brought fully into desiring to be just. Therefore, he fails, both theoretically and personally, to understand Socrates’ efforts, and so his criticism fails too. The dialogue begins with Socrates reporting a rumor. He heard that Clitophon disparaged their time together but raved about his time with Thrasymachus. Cli - tophon calls this rumor mistaken. Far from disparaging their time together, Cli - tophon says, he lauded much about Socrates. He asks leave to speak frankly. He wants to give a fuller report about what he actually said to Lysias, the source of the rumor.