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A Year of Two Elections Written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017
A Year of Two Elections written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017 Victor flew into the tackle, blocking the opponent’s shot at goal. Shouts of praise went up from the fans and substitutes standing on the touch-line. “Sawa Victor!” (“Nice Victor!”). “Asanta Victor!” (“Thank you Victor!”). “Huyu mluhya huyo!” (“This one’s a Luhya that one!”). The last phrase caught my attention. Spoken emphatically by his team-mate John Kamau – a 19-year-old striker who likes to compare himself to his footballing hero, Chelsea attacker Eden Hazard – it was both an ardent declaration of Victor’s Luhya ethnicity and his dogged contribution to the team. Victor, 21 years-old and stockily built, had been leading the line all afternoon, chasing long balls looped over the top of the opposition defence by his 1 of 10 teammates and withstanding several poorly time tackles that had left him lying on the floor in agony on each occasion. Star Boyz, Victor’s team, were 3-1 up and on their way to a first victory in three games. His performance had been instrumental to the win. Given this context, one might better translate Kamau’s words of praise as: “He’s a special Luhya, this guy!” For the last five months I had been training with Star Boyz, a local football team comprised of players aged between 18 and 28 from the area of southern, peri- urban Kiambu County where I continue to conduct my PhD fieldwork. Originally a plan to let off some steam alongside a busy timetable of language-learning, training and hanging out with the players of Star Boyz had begun to provide me with new perspectives on masculine sociality and friendship – themes related to my long-standing research interest in the predicament of young men in an era of mass unemployment and underemployment in Africa and beyond. -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Sbw A.1 – 18.1.2010 Record of Meeting of The
SBW A.1 – 18.1.2010 RECORD OF MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SELECT COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW HELD ON MONDAY, 18 TH JANUARY, 2010 AT THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY LODGE, NAIVASHA PRESENT The Hon. Mohamed Abdikadir, MP – Chairman The Hon. Ababu Namwamba, MP; The Hon. Martha Karua, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Chachu Ganya, MP; The Hon. Mwangi Kiunjuri, MP; The Hon. Danson Mungatana, MP; The Hon. Sophia Abdi Noor, MP; The Hon. (Dr.) Sally Kosgey, MP; The Hon. Amina Abdala, MP; The Hon. Mutula Kilonzo, MP; The Hon. Kambi Kazungu, MP; The Hon. Isaac Ruto, MP; The Hon. James Orengo, MP; The Hon. David Musila, MP; The Hon. Ekwe Ethuro, MP; The Hon. Jeremiah Kioni, MP; The Hon. Millie Odhiambo, MP; The Hon. Musalia Mudavadi, MP; The Hon. Peter Munya, MP; The Hon. Moses Wetangula, MP; The Hon. Charity Ngilu, MP; The Hon. Uhuru Kenyatta, MP; The Hon. J. Nkaisserry, MP; The Hon. W. Samoei Rutto, MP; The Hon. Beth Mugo, MP; ABSENT WITH APOLOGY The Hon. Najib Balala, MP; IN ATTENDANCE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Mr. Patrick Gichohi - Clerk of the National Assembly Mrs. Consolata Munga - Deputy Director, Committee Services Mr. Jeremiah Nyengenye - Principal Legal Counsel Mr. Paul K. Ngentich - Senior Research Officer Mr. Jeremiah Ndombi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Stephen Njenga - First Clerk Assistant Ms. Eunice Gichangi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Michael Karuru - Legal Counsel Ms. Mary Mwathi - Hansard Reporter Mr. Said Waldea - Hansard Report Mr. Zakayo Mogere - Second Clerk Assistant Mr. Samuel Njoroge - Second Clerk Assistant Ms. Rose Mudibo - Public Relations Officer (Prayers) (The meeting convened at 9.30 p.m.) The Clerk of the National Assembly (Mr. -
Partisan Coalitions… and Elections in Kenya STUDIES & ARTICLES
African Perspectives STUDIES & ARTICLES Partisan Coalitions… and Elections in Kenya Ahmad Amal Demonstrator – Institute of African Re- search and Studies Cairo University The Kenyan partisan system is one of the least stable systems in Africa. Since Kenya’s independence in 1963, the Kenyan parties suffer from continuous defections and divisions regardless to the nature of the existing partisan system, be it a one-party or a multi- party system. This continuous change in the structure of the parti- san system had forced the Kenyan parties to adopt another strat- egy so as to compensate their losses from the successive divisions. Such a strategy is represented in forming, before each election, expanded partisan coalitions so as to ensure further expansion, thus raising their opportunities of winning further votes. Due to the fact that the Kenyan elections that took place on March 4, 2013 is the third in a row that witness the phenomenon of partisan coali- tions, it is inevitable to study those coalitions through tackling the main features of their development, then monitoring the effect of such features on the results of the elections that showed the victory of the Jubilee Alliance (JA) by the majority of seats in the two chambers of the Parliament –National Council and the Senate, not to mention the victory of the Coalition candidate Uhuru Kenyatta in the presidential elections. First: Evolution of the Partisan Coalitions in Kenya The phenomenon of partisan coalitions in Kenya has gone through four phases. The first phase started by the beginning of the 20th century and con- tinued by the continuance of the one-party system. -
Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°84 Nairobi/Brussels, 9 January 2012 Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings convinced parliamentarians. Annan consequently transmit- I. OVERVIEW ted the sealed envelope and the evidence gathered by Waki to the ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, on 9 Although the mayhem following the disputed December July 2009. Four months later, on 5 November 2009, the pro- 2007 elections seemed an exception, violence has been a secutor announced he intended to request authorisation to common feature of Kenya’s politics since the introduction proceed with an investigation to determine who bore of a multiparty system in 1991. Yet, the number of people greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the killed and displaced following that disputed vote was un- post-election violence. precedented. To provide justice to the victims, combat per- vasive political impunity and deter future violence, the In- When Moreno-Ocampo announced, on 15 December 2010, ternational Criminal Court (ICC) brought two cases against the names of the six suspects, many of the legislators who six suspects who allegedly bore the greatest responsibility had opposed the tribunal bill accused the court of selec- for the post-election violence. These cases have enormous tive justice. It appears many had voted against a Kenyan political consequences for both the 2012 elections and the tribunal on the assumption the process in The Hague would country’s stability. During the course of the year, rulings be longer and more drawn out, enabling the suspects with and procedures will inevitably either lower or increase com- presidential ambitions to participate in the 2012 election. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Kenya Date of Election: 4 March 2013 Prepared by: Matthias Krönke, Abel Oyuke and Robert Mattes Date of Preparation: 23 November 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Party of National Unity and Allies (National Rainbow Coalition) 2b. -
Shalom Magazine 2009
MASHAV - ISRAEL’S AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION CONTENTS 1 FROM THE DESK OF THE HEAD OF MASHAV HAIM DIVON 3 EQUAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN CAREGIVING IN HIV/AIDS MAZAL RENFORD 8 EDUCATION FOR ALL: TRAINING TEACHERS IN INDIGENOUS AREAS YUDITH ROSENTHAL 13 PROMOTING SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION: UNDP AND MASHAV TRI-LATERAL COOPERATION IN BENIN AVNIT RIFKIN 17 THE MILLENNIUM CITIES INITIATIVE: A COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH TO REDUCING URBAN POVERTY AND GENERATING SUSTAINABLE PROSPERITY CONTENTSDR. SUSAN M. BLAUSTEIN 22 INTERNATIONAL POSTGRADUATE TRAINING IN MEDICINE: MARKING 20 YEARS OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION TAL SHAHAR & ALISON YADAN 25 LEADING THE FIGHT AGAINST NEGLECTED TROPICAL DISEASES IN ETHIOPIA AVNIT RIFKIN 28 SHALOM CLUBS 30 MASHAV NEWS 39 LETTERS TO THE EDITOR MASHAV Shalom Magazine for the Alumni of MASHAV Training Courses is Israel’s Agency for International published by Haigud Society for Transfer of Technology. Development Cooperation Haigud, a government company and non-profit organization, serves Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the financial and administrative arm of MASHAV, and functions as a State of Israel professional unit to assist in the implementation of MASHAV activities. F Israel is in a unique position in the international development arena: It ROM began as a developing country, and continued to be so for many years after its establishment as a state in 1948. Many of us remember the austerity measures of the 1950s and the early 60s - the shortage of basic commodities and food rationing. I At the same time, Israel received generous assistance from a few friendly THE countries, and from Jewish communities in the Diaspora. The fact that we were able to overcome severe challenges and build a strong society with an advanced economy was, for us, the first lesson regarding the importance D of sharing with other developing and newly independent countries. -
The People's President? Raila Odinga And
Institute of African Studies Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada) 2019 (7) The People’s President? Raila Odinga and the “Tunaapisha” Movement Oyunga Pala January 30, 2018 enters Kenya’s history books alongside September 1, 2017—the day when, for the first time, an election in the country was nullified. Many dismissed the opposition coalition’s, the Na- tional Super Alliance (NASA), threat to swear in its principals, Raila Odinga and his deputy Kalonzo Musyoka, as a PR gimmick. Yet, as the new year rolled in, the momentum for the “swear- ing-in” gained traction within the NASA ranks, and it became appar- ent that the “tunaapisha movement” (we are swearing in) had pre- vailed over the moderates. The new concern became the likelihood of a violent clash between the security forces and opposition hard- liners. On the morning of 30 January 2018, Nairobi had a cloud of unease hovering over it. Uhuru Park (Freedom Park) was buzzing as early as 4 am, and waves and waves of humanity swept into the park despite the open threat of repercussion from security authorities. Doomsayers predicted a bloodbath; it was expected that there would be violence when opposition supporters faced the state’s firepower. The day fell on a Tuesday at the end of the frugal month of January. The usual end-of-month buoyant mood, habitually dis- played by salaried workers making up for weeks of being broke, was absent. I encountered no traffic as I drove to meet a business pro- spect in the Lavington shopping centre at about eight in the morn- 176 Nokoko 7 2019 ing. -
Kenya's 2013 Elections
Kenya’s 2013 Elections Africa Report N°197 | 17 January 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... ii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A New Constitution .......................................................................................................... 3 A. Historic Struggles over the Division of Power ........................................................... 3 B. Impact of the New Constitution on the 2013 Elections ............................................. 5 III. The ICC and Political Developments ................................................................................ 10 A. The Eligibility of the Accused .................................................................................... 11 B. Implications ............................................................................................................... 13 C. Possible Scenarios ...................................................................................................... 16 1. What if the election is very close and disputed? ................................................. -
Kisumu - RTJRC19.07 (H.H
Seattle University School of Law Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation I. Core TJRC Related Documents Commission of Kenya 7-19-2011 Public Hearing Transcripts - Nyanza - Kisumu - RTJRC19.07 (H.H. The Aga Khan Hall, Kisumu) Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/tjrc-core Recommended Citation Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission, "Public Hearing Transcripts - Nyanza - Kisumu - RTJRC19.07 (H.H. The Aga Khan Hall, Kisumu)" (2011). I. Core TJRC Related Documents. 111. https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/tjrc-core/111 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission of Kenya at Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in I. Core TJRC Related Documents by an authorized administrator of Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ORAL SUBMISSIONS MADE TO THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION HELD ON MONDAY 18 TH JULY, 2011, AT THE AGA KHAN HALL, KISUMU PRESENT Berhanu Dinka - The Presiding Chair, Ethiopia Gertrude Chawatama - Commissioner, Zambia Ahmed Farah - Commissioner, Kenya Tom Ojienda - Commissioner, Kenya Ronald Slye - Commissioner, USA Patricia Nyaundi - Commission Secretary (Opening Prayer) (The Commission commenced at 09.20 a.m.) (The Presiding Chair (Commissioner Dinka) introduced himself and other Commissioners) The Presiding Chair (Commissioner Dinka): Good morning. We have two representatives from the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) who are here with us. I welcome you and I would like to recognize you. -
Mission Report Africa Forum Peace Mission to the Republic of Kenya
MISSION REPORT AFRICA FORUM PEACE MISSION TO THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA 7 – 12; 14-19; and 22-26 January 2008 January 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................................................. 1 I. INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................. 2 II. MANDATE............................................................................................................ 2 III. DRAFT TERMS OF REFERENCE (TOR).......................................................................... 3 IV. CONSULTATIONS................................................................................................................. 4 V. VISITS TO AFFECTED AREAS ........................................................................................... 7 a) ELDORET (Detailed Report in Annex II).............................................................. 8 b) NAIROBI (Jamhuri Grounds) ............................................................................... 9 VI. SITUATION ANALYSIS AND MAJOR ISSUES (A SUMMARY) .................................... 9 VII. THE IMPERATIVES OF A NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT OF THE CRISIS ............ 10 VIII. CONCLUSIONS AND NEXT STEPS ............................................................................. 11 ANNEX I INITIAL SITUATION ANALYSIS: PRE AND POST ELECTION SITUATION IN KENYA ..................................................................................... 12 Pre-Election: ................................................................................................................