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MODERN ORTHODOX AS AN OPTION FOR PROFESSIONAL WOMEN

WENDY WOLFE FINE, B.A., M.A. Editor, IMPACT, a Publication of the Hornstein Program in Jewish Communal Service, West Newton, Massachusetts

Modem Orthodox professional women coexist in the secular and religious worlds and they must balance their extensive responsibilities in those two arenas. Through obser­ vance of and the holidays, these women regularly make time for a rich family life. The crossover of secular values, such as feminism, into the religious world has led many to explore innovative public religious experiences, such as women's tefillah groups.

his article examines how professional, this article is helpful to professional Jewish Tmodern Orthodox Jewish women recon­ women who want to explore ; it cile the religious and professional compo­ demonstrates the possibility of coexisting nents of their lives. Through in-depth dis­ and achieving a level of comfort in both cussions with eleven modern Orthodox these worlds. women belonging to two neighboring syna­ gogues in the , 1 explored their THE TRADITIONAL ROLE OF WOMEN religious practices and beliefs, their reasons IN ORTHODOXY for living a modern Orthodox life, and the In traditional , women most salient values of their religious and and men do not have idenfical educations, secular worlds. identical roles, or equal visibility in public To put the interview material in its (Aiken, 1993). Historically, in traditional, proper context, I briefly outline the tradi­ -observant Judaism, numerous sub­ tional role of women in Orthodoxy, the dis­ groups each had special roles. For example, tinction between priests served in the Temple and taught and traditional Judaism, and the influences Torah, and the Levites sang praises to God and impact of feminism and on and played musical instruments in the the traditional role. The final section dis­ Temple. Neither of these groups was al­ cusses the interview material, which encom­ lowed to perform the responsibilities of the passes a descripfion of the set­ other. Similarly, women have a number of tings and the respondents, a summary of the unique and special duties in Torah-obser­ respondents' reasons for choosing a modern vant Judaism. According to Lisa Aiken Orthodox life, a description of how they (1993, p. 30), "A plurality of roles allows balance and juggle their responsibilities in each group of to make its special con­ these two worlds, and a discussion of their tribution that will allow the Jewish nation views of feminism and public opportunities to properly serve God." for religious expression or lack thereof Two overarching explanations from tra­ within modern Orthodox Judaism. ditional Jewish sources account for the dif­ This article attempts to provide Jewish ferences in men and women's roles in Or­ communal professionals with a better un­ thodox Judaism. First, both men and derstanding of modern Orthodox, profes­ women are obligated to follow God's plan sional women and the conflicts between and imitate God by uniting through acts of modern Orthodox Judaism and feminism. giving and lovingkindness (Aiken, 1993). Through their heightened understanding Each, however, is required to imitate God the Jewish community can be more respon­ in a different way, as is discussed below. sive to this important segment of the Second, women are designated the more American Jewish population. Furthermore,

153 Journal of Jewish Communal Service / 154 private roles, and men are given the more God (Aiken, 1993). The fmaS. , public roles, even though neither gender is candle lighting, sanctifies time. The Sab­ restricted to either area. Both should strive bath candles are lit 18 minutes before sunset for privacy because in Judaism spiritual on a to take time from the secular heroism takes place in private, but women day to add it to the . By adding should cultivate a private relationship with more spiritual time to the Sabbath, women God as a primary value and men should do demonstrate that every moment of time and this as a secondary goal (Aiken, 1993). The human existence is significant and that it is root of the female's role as a private one is within our human potential to sanctify time the verse, 'The entire glory ofthe daughter (Aiken, 1993). ofthe king lies on the inside (Psalm In Orthodox Judaism, women are re­ 45:14)." sponsible for imitating God in two ways— In Orthodox Judaism, the mitzvot (divine by creating new life and nurturing others. conunandments) that men and women ob­ According to serve are necessary to sanctify the world. (1978, p. 16), 'The Jewish woman is the Women are exempt from the time-bound creator, molder, and guardian of the Jewish mitzvot, which include reciting the Shema, home. The family has always been the unit dorming , wearing (fringes), of Jewish existence, and while the man has counting the Omer, hearing the , always been the family's public representa­ dwelling in the , and taking the tive, the woman has been its ." The . With the exception of tefillin, how­ center of Jewish life has always been the ever, a woman may perform these com­ home, and not the synagogue. As the soul mandments. The states that the ex­ of a Jewish home, the woman has the pri­ emption does not signify that men have mary responsibility for transmitting Jewish greater worth than women, but rather both and practice to her children, teaching are equally (Meiselman, 1978). them to know and love God and bringing Most authorities view these exemptions as the concepts of God to life for them. The an accepted part of Halachah (Jewish law). woman infiises the physical aspects of pro­ Others have attributed the exemption to in­ viding for the needs of her family with herent differences in men and women; by providing the proper reli­ women have the iimate ability to reach gious environment for all members of her spirituality, in contrast to men whose ag­ family (Meiselman, 1978). In his eulogy gression inhibits this attainment and there­ for the Talne Rebbitzen Twersky zt'l, the late talmudic scholar Rabbi Joseph fore necessitates their performance of addi­ Soloveitchik zt'l describes how and what tional commandments (Meiselman, 1978, his mother taught him as the soul of his pp. 43-44). family's home: Three special mitzvot are the exclusive domain of women: (1) the laws of taharat hamishpachah (family purity); (2) the sepa­ I used to watch her arranging the house ration of a piece of dough when baking in honor of a hohday. I used to see her bread; and (3) the lighting of the Sabbath recite : I used to watch her recite candles (Aiken, 1993). These acts raise de­ the sidra (the Torah portion of the ) tails of daily life to a level of holiness. every Friday night and I still remember Through the laws of taharat hamishpachah, the nostal^c tune. I leamed from her sexual relations between a husband and a very much. wife are made holy. Setting aside a piece of Most of all I learned that Judaism ex­ that is baked in honor of the Sab­ presses itself not only in formal comph­ bath is a way of demonstrating to family ance with the law but also in a hving ex­ members that material blessings come from perience. She taught me that there is a God and their ultimate purpose is to serve flavor, a scent and warmth to mitzvot. I

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Modern Orthodox Judaism and Professional Women / 155

leamed from her the most important role of assessing and meeting the needs of thing in life—to feel the presence of the her children in the morning and developing Almighty and the gentle pressure of His her internal role (Aiken, 1993). Since she hand resting upon my frail shoulders. is not required to develop the area of public Without her teachings, which quite often responsibility, she cannot be counted as one were transmitted to me in silence, I of the ten comprising the basic unit, would have grown up a souUess being, a , and cannot lead public prayer dry and insensitive (Soloveitchik, 1977, (Meiselman, 1978). Recent Jewish litera­ p. 77). ture on Jewish law states that "a minyan is made up of ten people who share the same Familial responsibilities and women's degree of obligation (quoted in Meiselman, ultimate responsibility for ensuring the con­ 1978, p. 138)," and this applies to non-gen­ tinuity of the Jewish people are yet a third der issues as well. explanation for women's exemptions from Part of communal prayer includes the time-bound commandments (Aiken, 1993). , and in traditional Judaism Within Orthodox communities, in order women are excluded from having an to serve God properly, men and women (being called to the Torah). The reasoning must focus on developing their inner selves behind this exclusion is twofold. First, a by dressing and acting modestly so as to person who is praying is required to focus present themselves with dignity to the rest only on the prayer and should avoid any­ ofthe world (Aiken, 1993). Modesty ex­ thing that might make him or her feel self- tends to Ijehavior as well. In Orthodox Ju­ conscious: "One must be able to lose him­ daism, there is a reciprocal requirement for self totally in prayer" (Meiselman, 1978, men and women to refrain from behaving in p. 142). Sexual distraction is considered to a sexually suggestive manner. This is the inhibit prayer and is one of the explanations reason women are not permitted to sing be­ for separate seating in Orthodox syna­ fore men other than their husbands. gogues. In addition, according to Meisel­ In contemporary society, women occupy man (1978), men feel more self-conscious a range of professions, which religiously in the presence of women than in the pres­ they are not prohibited from occupying. In ence of men. Second, women have less of keeping with the laws of modesty, however, an obligation than men in Torah reading; they (and men, as well) must uphold the they are not required to attend synagogue and listen to the communal Torah reading. Jewish standards of morality and ethics. Although women cannot constitute a part of Both men and women are discouraged from a minyan and cannot be called to the Torah, assuming positions where prestige is a pre­ the paradigm of how a should pray is requisite of the job (Aiken, 1993). the biblical Hannah: "And Hannah talked In , men and women [to God] of what was in her heart, only her have different roles in prayer, although both lips moved and her voice was not heard are equally obligated to pray to connect with (I Samuel 1:13)." Both men and women God, and their prayer is equally accepted by use Hannah's example as a model of prayer. God (Meiselman, 1978). Twice a day, women are required to pray the Shemoneh Esrai, the central daily prayers, and are en­ THE DEFWTTION OF MODERN couraged to say the Shema. When they can­ ORTHODOX JUDAISM AND THE not do this, they should strive to pray in INFLUENCES OF MODERNTFY AND some form every day. Although a woman FEMINISM ON MODERN ORTHODOXY can participate in communal, public prayer, Orthodox Judaism in America is not homo­ she is not obligated to do so. If a woman geneous; within Orthodoxy lie a range of were required to say the morning prayers, subgroups, such as the Hasidim, Haredi, she might be hindered from performing her

WINTER/SPRING I99S Joumal of Jewish Communal Service / 156 and modern Orthodox. Even within mod­ of life available in modem society and the em Orthodoxy he different perspectives and emphasis on self-fiilfiUment as the enduring subgroups, as this article shows. Tradi­ principle for choosing a lifestyle (- tional Orthodox Judaism, which includes man, 1990). Individualism conflicts with the Hasidim and Haredim, values the status since it focuses on the self over ob- quo and remains insulated fromcontempo ­ hgations to community and tradition. Re­ rary culture, but is not completely unaf­ garding rationalization, modern individuals fected by life on the outside (Heilman & are too pragmatically oriented to grasp such Cohen, 1989). Traditional Jews look to­ other-worldly religious conceptions as God. ward rehgious authority to detenrune what The modern Orthodox in David- should be done and how one should live man's study (1990) on the one hand de­ one's life. scribe God in traditional terms, such as the In contrast, modem Orthodox Jews are "source of life" and the "final authority," attached to contemporary life and culture and on the other hand assert that a tradi­ with its fiiture orientation and focus on tional way of life is meaningfiil without be­ change. They are also, however, bonded to lief in God. Lastiy, changing women's the traditional past. They exist simulta­ roles in the modern world conflict with Or­ neously in the parochial world of Orthodoxy thodox Judaism, which excludes women and the cosmopolitan world of America, from public roles and stresses their duties as and they tend to achieve this coexistence by wives and mothers: "In a society in which synthesizing or compartmentalizing their women have increased opportunities and lives (Heilman & Cohen, 1989). Although options, and in which feminist critiques of permissiveness is not part of the modern established religious roles are widely avail­ Orthodox , individuals tend to be able, religious communities that wish to at­ more leitient in their religious practices, al­ tract or retain modern women must find though less so than non-Orthodox Jews, and ways of addressing these issues" (David- are less concerned with asking the rabbi man, 1990, p. 39-40). about what Judaism demands of them, but The inevitable crossover of values be­ rather define it for themselves. To a degree tween the secular and the Orthodox worlds they are ambivalent about the major tenets has been examined in several studies. of Orthodoxy (Heilman & Cohen, 1989). Debra Renee Kaufman in her study of Given that modern Orthodox Jews coex­ baalot tshuvah (women who have returned ist in the secular and the traditional Jewish to Orthodoxy) found that they minimized worlds, the crossover of values from one to the importance of feminism in their lives, the other is inevitable. As mentioned above but used feminist rhetoric to describe their even the traditionalists are affected by life Orthodox lives, specifically regarding the in the outside world. Indeed, according to laws of taharat hamishpachah. The women Sylvia Barack Fishman (1993, p. 160), in she interviewed viewed these laws as "giv­ most American Jewish commuiuties, the ing stmcture, regulation, and control to majority of Orthodox women under the age them over their sexuality (Kaufman, 1991, of 50 have attained college degrees and are p. 9)." In Naomi Marmon's study of employed outside the home. Lynn David- taharat hamishpachah, the Orthodox man (1990), in her comparison of methods women viewed the role differentiation in Ju­ of outreach of two contemporary Orthodox daism between men and women as positive groups, discusses several values of moder­ because it allowed women to be valued in nity—pluralism and individualism, ratio­ their own right, rather than in competition nalization, and changing women's roles— with men. According to one woman, "Juda­ that have been particularly problematic for ism gives women their own unique way to religion. Pluralism and individualism rep­ contribute to the world, and we don't have resent the overabundance of choices of ways to imitate men to gain stature in this system

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Modern Orthodox Judaism and Professional Women / 157

(Marmon, 1993, p. 49)." today have women's tefillah In addition, Marmon found that the groups. Although in the mid-1970s certain modem value of free choice, the right to religious authorities condoned these prayer choose among the available options, was groups, provided that they followed the embraced by some of the Orthodox women same mles that apply to women praying in­ in her study. Some did not observe those dividually, many rabbis came to see them as laws of taharat hamishpachah that made responses to secular feminism and not based them uncomfortable as their way of coping in a desire to pray more intensely as a Jew. with the stmggle between modern values Based on the principle in Judaism that pro­ and tradition. hibits Jews from imitating ways, The influences of feminism and moder­ these prayer groups were forbidden because nity have resulted in new religious opportu­ they were incorporating the secular philoso­ nities for modern Orthodox women, such as phy of feminism (Aiken, 1993). Another women's tefillah groups, dancing with the criticism that has been leveled against Torah scroll during their own (pro­ women's tefillah groups is that they intro­ cessions with the Torah) on the holiday of duce a new practice in synagogue custom. Simchas Torah, Bat Mitzvah ceremonies The same modern Orthodox rabbi relates within the context of a tefillah group, Ehrei that there has been a strong reluctance to Torah (talks on religious texts) given by change anything related to synagogue cus­ women at the women's tefillah services and toms throughout . at the conclusion of Sabbath morning ser­ A third criticism of the women's tefillah vices, and the public recitation of the Gomel groups is that its proponents should defer to prayer, given in thardcs for the deliverance the Gedolei Torah (the greats of the Torah) from a potentially dangerous situation, such of our day to assess their validity. Through as childbirth. According to Fishman (1993, history to the present day, these men have p. 159), "Orthodox feminists believe deeply addressed the issues that affect the Jewish both in the authority of Jewish law and in nation as a whole and have charted the most expanding and enhancing opportunities for appropriate path for the Jewish people in spiritual expression for women, on the other Halahchah. Rabbi Reuven Dmcker (1987, hand." p. 38) contends that "a matter of such mag­ Women's tefillah groups are a case in nitude is beyond the scope of any one syna­ point. They provide women with opportu­ gogue rabbi and should be recognized as nities to lead davening (praying), read from such. Such an issue needs to be referred to the Torah, and pray among women only. and reviewed by the framers of the Mesorah The participants emphasize that the group [tradition] in our day." For each ofthe ar­ is not a women's minyan; unlike a group of guments, however. Rabbi (1990) ten men in Orthodox Judaism, they recog­ presents counterarguments; for example, he nize that a group of ten women does not provides examples of how rabbinic authori­ hold Halachic status. In the absence of a ties have responded to different phenomena minyan, many will not recite the 20 percent that have arisen throughout history using of the prayer service reserved for a quomm the Halachic process and notes that certain of ten men (Fishman, 1993, p. 158); rather, esteemed Jewish scholars have never cat­ they recite those prayers that they would be egorically rejected the women's tefillah allowed to recite in private. groups. In fact, in 1984, five rabbis on the Although Rabbi Avi Weiss (1990) has faculty of University, who are con­ written a book exploring the halachic justi­ sidered Gedolei Torah, wrote an opinion on fication for women's tefillah groups, they the issue, concluding that "separate hakafot are not universally accepted in Orthodox for women on Simchas Torah, and separate circles. According to one modern Orthodox gatherings, 'minyanim' of women for prayer rabbi, only a small number of Orthodox [and] for reading...the Torah, are prohibited

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Journal of Jewish Communal Service / 158 according to Jewish law (quoted in Weiss, families belong to both synagogues. Often 1990, pp. xv-xvi)." on a Sabbath morning, members of both There is obvious disagreement within the synagogues will spend some time at each. Orthodox community as to the validity of Ofthe three respondents who belonged to women's tefillah groups. This is reflected both, one was counted as a member of Con­ in the two modern Orthodox synagogue set­ gregation Beit Tzion, and two were counted tings chosen for the study reported in this as members of Congregation Ahavath Sha­ article. One condones women's tefillah lom based on which synagogue they were groups, whereas the other does not. These more committed to at the time of the inter­ two settings are near each other, so mem­ view. In total, five members of Congrega­ bers have the option to attend one or the tion Beit Tzion and six members of Congre­ other. The respondents' choices provide in­ gation Ahavath were interviewed. teresting insights into how these women All the interviewees are married and be­ have reconciled the two worlds in which tween the ages of 32 and 56. Ten of the they live—the secular and the religious. women have between two and six children. They all work either part- or full-time in de­ THE INTERVIEW MATERIAL manding professions; four are professors, three are physicians, two are lawyers, one is The Religious Identities of the Respondents an engineer, and one is a researcher. All and the Synagogue Settings are well educated, and with one excepfion, all have either graduate or professional de­ The Respondents grees. Their husbands all work in profes­ The women in this study were chosen from sions or careers that entail spending 40 to two synagogues in a major city in the north­ 70 hours at work per week. All have some eastern United States, Congregation Beit form of domestic help, such as full-time Tzion and Congregation Ahavath Shalom.' nannies or part-time housekeepers. The Through discussions with the rabbis and household responsibilities of child care, members of the synagogues, 1 collected cooking, grocery shopping, cleaning, and fi­ names of professional women who were be­ nances are divided among the husbands, lieved to be committed to modern Orthodox wives, and outside helpers. Judaism. The choices of professional mod­ ern Orthodox women at Congregation Beit Modern Orthodox Practices Tzion were more limited. From the set of names, I chose a group of women from each Nine of the eleven women are committed, synagogue who were representative of a practicing modem Orthodox Jews in that range of demanding professions, such as they regularly observe the Sabbath, keep law, medicine, and academia. My goal was strictly kosher inside their homes, visit (or to schedule ten interviews, five from each had visited pre-menopause) the mikvah ev­ synagogue. Almost all the women with ery month, and are committed to an Ortho­ whom 1 spoke were interested in the project dox educational experience for their chil­ and agreed to meet with me. dren. One woman does all of these prac­ tices, but characterizes herself as Orthodox Congregation Beit Tzion has a member­ and not modern Orthodox. One woman ship of 230 families, whereas Congregation Ahavath Shalom has a membership of 120 from Congregation Ahavath Shalom is con­ famihes. The two synagogues are within siderably less observant. She does not visit short walking distance of one another, and the mikvah, is not strict about observing the there is an overlap in membership—some Sabbath, brings some non-kosher or dairy foods into her home, and sends her

'The names ofthe synagogues and the children to Conservative day school. interviewees are pseudonyms. In addition, the level of outside

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Modern Orthodox Judaism and Professional Women / 159 their homes varies. None ofthe members of whether they are engaging in religious prac­ Ahavath Shalom cover their hair, whereas tices. The belief of others is characterized two ofthe members ofBeitTzion do so. Of by greater constancy or by a pervasiveness the members of Beit Tzion, two of five were of God in their daily actions and experi­ raised as practicing modern Orthodox, two ences. were raised Conservative, and one was raised with a mixed Reform and non-Jewish The Synagogue Settings background. Of the members of Ahavath Shalom, three were raised as practicing The two synagogues have fimdamental dif­ modern Orthodox, one grew up affiliated ferences in how they provide for the reli­ with a modern Orthodox synagogue but was gious expression for women. At Congrega­ non-practicing, and two were raised Con­ tion Beit Tzion the fiill-time rabbi sets the servative. religious tone of the synagogue. On the modern Orthodox spectrum, the rabbi is tra­ ditional in his approach to how and what Belief in God can be done in the synagogue. He The women did not give a uniform, singular that women should take the more private explanation for their belief in God. One of role in religious life as prescribed by the women declined to respond to the ques­ Halachah and objects to more public expres­ tion. The remaining women all expressed a sions for women, such as the women's belief in God, but their explanations dif­ tefillah group. He questions whether these fered and can be grouped into six areas: are motivated by feminist needs to engage (1) belief based on connectedness to God in practices that have traditionally been re­ through practices, (2) belief in an all-pow- served for men or by a striving for greater erfiil force, (3) belief in a centralizing force, spirituality. He also views the groups as de­ (4) belief that God has a plan for how Jew­ viating from traditional synagogue . ish people should behave, (5) belief that Congregation Ahavath Shalom has a God provides a sense of morality, and part-time rabbi. At this synagogue, the (6) belief shaped by parents' experiences as members largely set the tone, but seek guid­ Holocaust survivors. Three of the women ance on Halachic issues from the rabbi. described their belief as being most pro­ The membership is described as religiously found when they perform religious prac­ homogeneous since a majority grew up with tices. Orthodox day school educations. Approxi­ Whether these women grew up as Ortho­ mately 30 adult women out of 100 partici­ dox is one key factor that explains their pat­ pate in a monthly women's tefillah service terns of belief and practice. Yael believes for (the afternoon service) on the that since she has grown up with Ortho­ Sabbath before (the new doxy, she accepts certain of its aspects, such month). In addition, both men and women as belief in God, as givens and has not had give Dvrei Torah on Sabbath mornings to question them. She explains that ques­ from the bimah (). tioning is natural for baalei tshuvah (people who have returned to Orthodoxy). Interest­ Why Have These Women Chosen to Lead a ingly, Shoshana, who did not have an Or­ Modern Orthodox Life? thodox upbringing, admitted that she ob­ Modern Orthodox and Not Conservative or serves the because they work for her Traditional Orthodox and her family, but does not know how she feels about God nor what she believes in As mentioned above, the respondents came terms ofthe origin of the rituals. For some from varied Jewish backgrounds. Some of these women, their connectedness to God grew up in Orthodoxy, and others came to it varies on a day-to-day basis and depends on on their own or together with their hus-

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bands. They pursue a modern Orthodox close out everything. It's almost like medi- and not a Conservative or more traditional tafion and relaxation. [Before Shabbas,] Orthodox path for a variety of reasons. you are rushing to done, to get every­ Several respondents value modern Ortho­ thing finished. Then there's peace." doxy because it combines the religious and The commitment to children and their the secular worlds and it provides girls with education within Orthodoxy was another equal educational opportunities. value that was discussed. Yehudit de­ For some, modern Orthodoxy represents scribed how she and her husband are creat­ a community with a consistent lifestyle. ing an atmosphere in their home where According to , "If you want to be a Jewish leaming is a part of daily life. They Sabbath observer, you really only have the have a commitment to set aside time for her Orthodox world to deal with, and that's husband to learn with their children outside what I mean by community." Yaflfa does of school. She says doing so introduces not agree with the "picking and choosing" them to Jewish leaming in a more personal of observances in Conservative settings. way than in school. Mia feels that serious Yehudit, who comes from a Conservative and self-disciplined study offered to boys background, had a yearning for Yiddishkeit and girls through Orthodox Judaism is part that she did not fmd in Conservative Juda­ of its sound value system. Hannah dis­ ism. She says, "I didn't approach fmding cusses lifelong learning, "being engaged in modern Orthodoxy through a yeshivah edu­ expanding our minds," as the most signifi­ cation and belief in God. It was more based cant Jewish value that does not exist in in situating myself in a tradition....For me it secular society. is a lifestyle choice, rather than a choice Another value emphasized by these based on a dynamic belief" Only women was the pervasiveness of a modern described herself as Orthodox and not mod­ Orthodox lifestyle. According to Shira, ern Orthodox. She believes in a masoret "Modern Orthodoxy is a seven-day-a-week, (tradition) handed down through the gen­ 24-hour-a-day experience. It is as much a erations, which has been the only thing that lifestyle as a religion. It is a culture, not has kept us alive as Jews. only a belief" Although several of the women acknowl­ Family, the Sabbath, and Other Values edged that they know many materialistic Orthodox Jews, two of the women valued Ten of the eleven women interviewed said modern Orthodoxy because it presents an that, of all Jewish practices, they most value alternative to the materialism of the secular or look forward to observing the Sabbath. world. Some talked about it as an opportunity for Several of the women talked about mod­ uninterrupted family time. Shoshana views ern Orthodoxy as a beautiful way of life. it as "25 hours of kid time." Yael looks for­ According to Yael, 'There is something ward to Shabbas as an opportunity to spend lovely for me and my kids to be connected time with her family after carpooling all to a rich tradition rooted in a community." week long. "Shabbas," she says, "sets a Miriam discussed how Orthodox Judaism specific time that is unmovable. It's a time possesses extraordinary beauty, and the for religious life and a time for family life." rhythm of Jewish life has so much richness. Others look at it as a rest day after a long For her, the Jewish response to week of work. Sima says, "Shabbas is a through (the seven-day period of wonderful perk. The whole day—going to mourning following a burial) and the laws shul, the social aspect, the way it shapes my of taharat hamishpachah exemplify this week—makes me feel peacefiil." According beauty. In addifion, other values were men­ to Shira, "Shabbas is the most wonderful tioned as being important, such as giving day of the week. It's the one time when you () and maintaining shalom

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bayit (a peaceful home). Shabbas. Although these women emphasize the Although they find ways to organize rich values of Orthodox Judaism, they also their lives and manage, balancing their talk about their doubts and difficulties. lives in dual worlds is not without its trials Miriam says there are two sides to obser­ and . For example, Yaffa's medi­ vances, the spiritual side and the "other" cal fieldi s so demanding that she will often side. According to Yael, being kosher be late on Friday afternoons and will have never seemed spiritual to her, and the to do rounds at the hospital on the Sabbath tnikvah has seemed outdated, based on an­ that she is on call. For Yael, being a Sab­ cient practices and associated with the no­ bath observer has limited her career by de­ tion of the woman being "impure." Yet she lineating an uncrossable boundary for her still observes these practices. family and her work. She has refiised re­ quests to flyacros s the country or attend THE BALANCING ACT workshops on Saturdays. She leaves work on Friday afternoon, even if she is in the The lives of these women are replete with middle of something critical. Yet, observ­ the richness of a religious Jewish life and ing the Sabbath has put limits on the impor­ professional fiilfillment in the secular tance she has placed on her professional world. How, then, do they balance, juggle, life. She says: "Sometimes 1 have been an­ and manage? gry that it has limited my work; other times One option is suggested by Sylvia 1 have been happy that it has contained my Barach Fishman (1993, p. 161): "Substan­ work. On balance 1 am happy with things. tial numbers of Orthodox women seem to The values of modern Orthodoxy have abso­ compartmentalize the nontraditional aspects lutely given me the ability to step away of their lives from their traditional roles." from the demands of my professional life to In a discussion of holiday and Shabbas focus on family values. preparation, this was readily apparent. One The biggest issue for Shoshana has been woman uses vacation days to prepare for the work-home balance. As an observant and , and even to Jew, the demands of her home life have cut deliver shalach manos (the sending out of into her work life in two ways—she has re­ food) with her children for . Other sponsibilities to care for her children, which women similarly budget and block off their sometimes involve attending to a sick child, time. and she has a commitment to observe the Four of the eleven women worked part- Sabbath and other holidays. She has had an time, which facilitates balancing the differ­ unfavorable reaction at work when one of ent facets of their lives. Some of the women her children is sick. Any flexibility on her who work fiill-time discussed the flexible behalf by her employer sets a precedent. nature of their professions. Hannah, for ex­ Overall, she has had a hard time reconcil­ ample, is a professor and can choose her ing her job with child rearing and being a own schedule. Others rely on the help of Sabbath observer. In the words of Mia, their husbands, housekeepers, and children. whose life is filled to capacity with the de­ According to Mia who works fiill-time and mands of her job and the responsibilifies of has a long commute, 'The only way we her family, and was perhaps the most have Shabbas is because my husband goes stressed of the women I interviewed, "I am to the bakery and the butcher, [cooks], and a prisoner of time." hooks up the hot plate." Miriam, Sarah, and Yehudit all parcel out different respon­ TRADITIONAL ROLES, FEMINISIVI, AND sibilities to their children. Yehudit posts THE WOMEN'S TEFILLAH GROUP assignments for her children, which she feels has the added benefit of drawing boys The group of women interviewed embody into the women's role of preparing for multiple approaches to Jewish observances

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Journal of Jewish Communal Service / 162 and religious expression. On the more tra­ women have different voices than men, re­ ditional end of the spectrum, two respon­ jects the women's tefillah service, but ac­ dents from Congregation Beit Tzion fiilly cepts other forms of public religious expres­ accept the prescribed traditional roles and sion. For Yael, her public domain is her reject the feminist message of equal capac­ work domain where she is equally repre­ ity between genders. They believe in iidier- sented, and this tempers her need for public ent differences between men and women, expression within Judaism. which are validated by the traditional role Two members of Congregation Beit differentiation in Orthodox Judaism. Nei­ Tzion are strong feminists and to a limited ther Yona nor Miriam opt to participate in extent partake in public opportunities for re­ the women's tefillah group; rather they are ligious expression. Both Sima and Sho­ contented with traditional modes of prayer. shana believe that men and women have On the other end of the spectrum are equal capacifies, and both are bothered by members of Congregation Ahavath Shalom the absence of public roles for women in who are strong advocates of the women's Orthodox Judaism. Sima believes there is tefillah group and other public opportuni­ something unequal about women's exemp­ ties for religious expression. They believe tions from time-bound commandments, but in the feminist philosophy that men and at times she is grateful for the exemption. women have equal capacity. Mia, for ex­ Shoshana too is ambivalent about her syna­ ample, says all the secular feminist values, gogue role. She would like to find a way to such as equal capacity ofthe sexes, have in­ be more involved in synagogue ritual, but fluenced her approach to modern Orthodox right now she does not know what she Judaism and are manifested in her partici­ would do about it. pation in the women's tefillah group. Simi­ Shoshana and her husband have chosen larly, Sarah believes women should think to model behavior for children outside of about their goals and aspirations and have a the traditional roles. In private, she encour­ moral obligation to achieve these goals. ages her daughter to say the Motzeh (the She comments that the women's tefillah blessing for bread, traditionally said by group gives women a regular opportunity to men) because she wants her to have that together and sing together. She re­ skill. Her husband takes care of the chil­ calls that the women were hesitant at first dren in shul on Shabbas morning, even before they sang out loud, and how many though he is required to daven. She wants grandmothers wept when they first looked her children to see her daven and not only into a Torah because they had not realized take care of them. how deprived they felt. Finally, two members of Congregation These women defend their right to have Ahavath Shalom take a traditional approach these opportunities for public religious ex­ to their roles in Orthodoxy and do not wish pression and are angered by those who crifi- to participate in the women's tefillah ser­ cize their endeavors. Sarah says, "I am vice. Shira is concerned that that service most agitated by the unwillingness of some attracts non-Orthodox women who want to rabbis and lay persons to evaluate issues participate, and she fears this can change a honestly fi-om a genuinely Halachic point of synagogue. view...and when people are outraged by the level of woman's participation at [Congre­ CONCLUSION gation Ahavath Shalom]." Ldcewise, some This group of professional, modern Ortho­ women are upset by restrictions imposed on dox women, with one exception, is conmiit- the women's service. ted to a religious core of practices, com­ In the middle of the spectrum lie a vari­ prised of keeping kosher inside their homes, ety of views. For example, Yael, a member visiting the mikvah, and observing the Sab- of both synagogues, espouses the belief that

WINTER/SPRIN G 1995 Modern Orthodox Judaism and Professional Women / 163 bath. They successfully manage to build women take shortcuts and demonstrate di­ their lives around two seemingly antitheti­ minished religious behavior. However, this cal worlds, the religious and the secular. study did not incorporate a control group of They choose a modern Orthodox life be­ traditional Orthodox women, such as cause it allows them to participate in their Haredi women, which would have demon­ ancient religious heritage and the modern strated whether that group typically incor­ world. For some the balancing has been porates a more complete set of religious easier than for others. practices. Although they are committed to a core of The findings of this study parallel and practices, a majority are selective about the contrast with those of Lynn Davidman's practices they follow that fall outside of this (I99I) research conducted in 1984, where core. The levels at which they keep kosher she interviewed predominantly single, pro­ outside their homes, and whether they dress fessional women who were becoming inter­ modestly and recite the Shemoneh Esrai or ested in modern Orthodox Judaism. The pray in some form every day vary signili- women in her sample, although at different cantly. Consistent with Heilman and stages in their lives and religious develop­ Cohen's definition of modern Orthodoxy, ment from the women in this study, were at­ they are permissive in their religious prac­ tracted by the emphasis on family and com­ tices, although less so than Conservative munity values. Many of these women, Jews, from whom these women consciously whose contemporaries were already mar­ stand apart. Indeed, they live an Orthodox ried, decided to explore the synagogue be­ life because it provides them with a rich cause they longed for families of their own. value system and social structure. In addition, the modern Orthodox lifestyle Seemingly, their coexistence in the secu­ provided an alternative to the confiised pre­ lar and religious worlds prevents them from scripfion for women's roles offered by secu­ following completely the traditionally pre­ lar society. They had worked for years, scribed role. In addition to being selective competing with men professionally, but had about their practices, they do not present a never intended to be "career women." They uniform explanation of their belief in God. more uniformly accepted Orthodox gender Not all of them have the time to spend ar­ differentiation than the women in this ranging their homes in honor of a holiday study, but would strongly object to inequal­ or the Sabbath. None of them mentioned ity in the workplace. For these women, the reciting the Sidra on Friday niglUs, as noted synagogue offered true fulfillment, and they in Rabbi Soloveitchik's memories ofhis did not want to risk their opportunities for mother. Not all of them draw upon tradi­ marriage and family by struggling with the tional Judaism to guide them in all the fine system (Davidman, 1991). In contrast, the nuances of their lives. The crossover of women in this study had already attained a secular values, such as feminism, has led measure of stability in all the arenas—fam­ many to explore innovative, public religious ily, profession, and religion—and some of experiences, such as the women's tefillah them challenge openly the traditional tenets group. For others, a reinterpretation of of Orthodoxy. feminism has led to the validation of tradi­ In living an Orthodox Jewish life, the tional religious roles. Some are still wres­ modern Orthodox women in this study feel tling with the contradictory sets of values that they regularly make time for family from both worlds, whereas others are more through meaningful Sabbath experiences settled. (Membership in a particular syna­ that are sacrosanct. In a society where pro­ gogue did not predict acceptance of public fessional achievement is valued and family opportunities for religious expression.) fime is devalued, through Orthodox Juda­ When compared to the ideal of women's ism, these women establish clear priorities. traditional roles in Orthodox Judaism, these In a society where stress, anxiety, and ex-

WINTER/SPRING 1995 Journal of Jewish Communal Service / 164 haustion are fundamental components of Donm, Rabbi Hayim. Halevy. (1972). To be a life, these women have a coping mechanism Jew: A guide to Jewish observance in con­ and a means of restoring sanity to their temporary life. : Basic Books. lives. In a society with confused messages Donin, Rabbi Hayim. Halevy. (1980). To pray of right and wrong, these women embrace a as a Jew: A guide to the prayer book and sound value system. the synagogue service. New York: Basic Books. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Drucker, Rabbi Reuven. (1987, March). Re­ sponse to "Moving Forward." Young Is­ I gratefully acknowledge the following people for reading this article and providing rael Viewpoint, p. 38. insightful comments and suggestions: Pro­ Fishman, Sjdvia Barack (1993). A breath of fessors Joseph Reimer and Bemard Reis­ life: Feminism in the American Jewish man ofthe Hornstein Program in Jevwsh community. New York: The Free Press. Communal Service at Brandeis University, Goldman, Nicky. (1991, Sprmg). The celebra­ Professor Sylvia Barack Fishman of the tion of Bat Mitzvah within the Orthodox Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Depart­ community in the United States today. ment at Brandeis, and Rabbi Gershon Waltham, MA: Homstein Program in Jew­ Segal. Rabbi Segal met with me on several ish Communal Service, Brandeis Univer­ occasions and significantly contributed to sity. my understanding of many facets of modern Greenberg, Blu. (1981). On women and Juda­ Orthodox Judaism. I would Idee to thank ism: A view from tradition. Philadelphia: the eleven women who gave up their valu­ Jewish Pubhcation Society. able time to discuss these issues, and a good Heilman, Samuel C, & Cohen, Steven M. friend for serving as a pilot for a prelimi­ (1989). Cosmopolitans and parochials: nary draft of the questioimaire. I am also Modern Orthodox Jews in America. Chi­ indebted to my sister. Dr. Joanne Wolfe, cago: University of Chicago Press. whose challenging statements pushed me to Kaufman, Debra Renee. (1985, August). explore the issue of professional women in Women who return to Orthodox Judaism: Orthodox Judaism. Most of all, I am grate­ A feminist analysis. Journal of Marriage ful to my husband, Charlie, not only for and the Family, 47(3), 543-551. reading several drafts and providing valu­ Kaufman, Debra Renee. (1991). 's able suggestions, but for spending a tremen­ daughters: Newly Orthodox Jewtsh dous amount of time bearing the sole re­ women. New Brunswick: Rutgers Univer­ sponsibility for child care so I could com­ sity Press. plete this project. Marmon, Naomi. (1993, December). The cul­ ture of ritual immersion: A sociological study of women who observe Taharat REFERENCES Hamishpachah. Waltham, MA: Senior Aiken, Lisa. (1993). To be a Jewish woman. Thesis, Near Eastem and Judaic Studies Noithvale, NJ: Jason Aronson Inc. Department, Brandeis University. Davidman, Lynn. (1990). Accommodation and Meiselman, Moshe. (1978). Jewish woman in resistance to modernity A comparison of Jewish law. New York: Ktav. two contemporary Orthodox Jewish groups. Soloveitchik, Joseph B. (1978, Spring). A trib­ Sociological Analysis, 5i(l), 35-51. ute to teh Rebbitzen of Talne. Tradition, Davidman, Lynn. (1991). Tradition in a root­ 17(2), 74. less world: Women tum to Orthodox Ju­ Weiss, Avraham. (1990). Women at prayer: A daism. California: University of Califor­ halakhic analysis of women's prayer nia Press. groups. : Ktav.

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