Amendment to the Coalition Agreement
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Annual Garage Sale – a Great Success! Prostna: 1St& 3Rd We Sold Items Totaling Over $1,600 Mondays, 6 P.M
Providing fitness and community for individuals and families through June/July 2010 vol. 33 no. 6 physical, educational, cultural, and social programs. 80th Annual Booya and Picnic - Sunday, August 15, 2010 Contributed by Ray Vanyo Minnesota Sokol Camp on beautiful Cross Lake in Pine City will host its 80th Annual Booya and Picnic on Sunday, August 15, from noon to 5 p.m. We are planning to have an incredibly beautiful, sunny day filled with fun activities and great food. There will be delicious chicken Booya for sale by the bowl or in bulk. Bring a jar or pot to fill to take home and enjoy or share with friends. There will also be jiternice, brats, hot dogs, Upcoming meatloaf sandwiches, cabbage rolls, kolace, and candy. A cold pivo or refreshing soda pop will Events satisfy any thirst. Old time music, dancing, bingo, a cash prize raffle, kids games, a Country Store, and a performance by the St. Paul Czech & Slovak Folkdancers will take you back in Slovo Deadline: time. June 1 Our Country Store is always in need of white elephant donations. Please call Pat Andrle at Culture 651-484-6360 for pick-up coordination or bring your donation to the Sokol Camp on the day of Camp: June 14-18 the picnic. For any other questions, please call Ray Vanyo at 651-222-6448. Submission To get to the campground, take the first Pine City exit from Interstate 35 North, and follow Deadline for the signs that will be put up on the day of the event. You can also view a posting on Facebook Fall Events Postcard: under “Sokol Camp Booya.” There are pictures of the road signs and other fun pictures of past July 15 events. -
Gallina-Nicole Anticorr 2013 Upload Excerpt
Gallina, Nicole: Anti-Corruption Revisited: The Case of the Czech Republic and Slovakia Abstract Corruption is an urgent problem in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Whereas the new Czech government has pushed anti-corruption plans; in Slovakia, a special court and prosecution office are in place facing constant challenges. In both countries, the issue has been highly politicised and the adaptation of anti-corruption institutions as well as the implementation of legislation have been poor. This paper examines, whether those shortcomings can be explained by elite-based “politics of corruption”. Basically, on a general scale, the paper shows the relation between politics and corruption and identifies a gap between anti-corruption efforts and results. The conclusion finds that anti-corruption in both states has no serious political base while, depending on single personalities, there have been some achievements in this respect in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Keywords: Anti-Corruption, Political Elites, the Czech Republic, Slovakia 1. Introduction […] A striking fact is that most oppositional political parties in East Central Europe have a strong focus on anti-corruption. This has been especially valid for the Czech Republic as oppositional parties have run on an anti-corruption ticket in election campaigns. Assuming government responsibility, the former oppositional and later governing parties abandoned or delayed law projects as a rule, and the former governing and later oppositional parties accused the new rulers of corruption. In Slovakia this occurred as well, but the anti- corruption efforts account has been more favourable (on the first sight), even if the authoritarian government of Vladimir Me čiar first pointed in another direction. -
The Parliamentary Election in the Czech Republic, May 2010
238 Notes on Recent Elections / Electoral Studies 30 (2011) 223–244 The parliamentary election in the Czech Republic, May 2010 Mary Stegmaier a,*, Klára Vlachová b,1 a Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, 22904, USA b Institute of Sociology AS CR, Jilská 1, 110 00, Praha 1, Czech Republic article info Article history: Received 8 October 2010 Accepted 13 January 2011 The May 28 – 29, 2010 Czech parliamentary elections the polls - 36% and 31.5% respectively. The Communists resulted in a dramatic upheaval to what had been a rela- (16%), Greens (7%), and the KDU-CSL (5%) were the only tively stable political landscape. The Christian Democratic other parties generating enough support to surpass the 5% Party (KDU-CSL) and the Green Party failed to reach the 5% electoral threshold.3 electoral threshold while two new parties, TOP 09 and After the governing coalition failed to win parliamen- Public Affairs, burst onto the scene with surprising strength. tary support in the March 2009 vote, a caretaker govern- The two pillars of the party system, the Civic Democrats ment of experts, led by Jan Fischer, who had been serving as (ODS) and the Social Democrats (CSSD), lost substantial the President of the Czech Statistical Office, governed with support. Only the Communist Party (KSCM) maintained its support from the ODS and CSSD. The two parties agreed to standing by winning 26 of 200 seats. hold early parliamentary elections instead of waiting until The major shake-up broke the pattern of bare majority the end of the regular 4-year term (June 2010). -
Czech Republic by Jeremy Druker
Czech Republic by Jeremy Druker Capital: Prague Population: 10.5 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$18,130 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2013. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Electoral Process 2.00 2.00 2.00 1.75 1.75 1.50 1.50 1.25 1.25 1.25 Civil Society 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.25 1.50 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 Independent Media 2.25 2.00 2.00 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 Governance* 2.25 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a 2.50 2.50 3.00 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 Local Democratic Governance n/a 2.00 2.00 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 2.50 2.50 2.25 2.00 2.00 2.25 2.00 2.00 2.00 1.75 Corruption 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Democracy Score 2.33 2.29 2.25 2.25 2.14 2.18 2.21 2.18 2.18 2.14 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
CZECH the NEWSNEWS Newsletter of the Embassy of the Czech Republic Vol
CZECH the NEWSNEWS Newsletter of the Embassy of the Czech Republic Vol. 2, 2010 Prime Minister Creates New Government n the basis of the results of However, right-wing and center- Othe parliamentary elections right parties (ODS with 20.2% of which took place in May 2010, the vote or 53 seats, TOP 09 with Petr Necas, the leader of ODS 16.7% of the vote or 41 seats, and (Civic Democratic Party), became Public Affairs with 10.9% of the the 11th Prime Minister of the vote or 24 seats) formed a clear Czech Republic and created a governing majority with a total new government. of 118 seats in the 200-seat In addition to the ODS, two chamber. Thus, the Social other parties, TOP 09 and VV Democrats and the Communist (Public Affairs), make up the Party (KSCM) (11.3% or 26 governing coalition. These three seats) formed the opposition. parties have signed a 50-page After several election terms of coalition agreement, focusing either minority governments or mainly on fiscal responsibility, governments with only a slight law and the fight against majority, this is the first time corruption as the main goals for that a government of the Czech the new government. Republic has such a substantial The Social Democrats majority in the Chamber of Photo courtesy of www.vlad.cz Czech Government “Family Photo” (CSSD) actually received the Deputies. most votes in the May elections, The election results also including the Prime Minister, Topolanek’s governments. Petr with 22.1% of the vote or 56 mean that there are two new are from the ODS, five are Necas is married and has four seats in the Chamber of Deputies. -
Veronika Pehe Socialism Remembered: Cultural Nostalgia
Veronika Pehe Socialism Remembered: Cultural Nostalgia, Retro, and the Politics of the Past in the Czech Republic, 1989-2014 UCL Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2 I, Veronika Pehe, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract This thesis explores the political dimensions of representing history through literature, film, and television, offering a wide-ranging analysis of the cultural responses to the period of state socialism in the Czech Republic after the collapse of the former Eastern Bloc. Unlike in Germany, where the memory of the period from the end of the Second World War to the fall of the Berlin Wall has largely been discussed in terms of nostalgia, in the Czech case there is little evidence for nostalgia for either the utopian impulse of the socialist project or its everyday aspects. This research thus challenges nostalgia as one of the main paradigms for the remembrance of the socialist period in the former Eastern Bloc and demonstrates that in the Czech context, an aesthetic fascination with the past is not at odds with, but in fact reinforces an anti-communist rejection of the politics of socialism. My contention is that the object of remembrance in cultural production in the Czech Republic is not the period of state socialism itself, but rather a narrative of its overcoming through resistance and heroism. The retrospective handling of the past through cultural texts and practices hinges on a narrative of progress from the period of socialism to liberal democracy, which ultimately serves to legitimate the present political order. -
Informality Reigns the Country: the Case of the Czech Republic1
inForMALitY reiGns tHe CoUntrY: tHe CAse oF tHe CZeCH rePUBLiC1 Nicole Gallina Criminal networks have infiltrated the Czech justice system. Czech Security Information Services BIS, 2007 Abstract: This work focuses on informal politics for the political elite level in the Czech Republic and proposes an actor-based view. It considers the relationship between formal and informal structures and the functions of informality. I analyse areas highly affected by informality: the justice system and anti-corruption agencies as well as state ministries and state monopolies distributing large amounts of money, and identify patterns of informality. Additionally, the work shows the effect of informality for the European level. The work concludes with a rather pessimistic view on the effects of informal politics in a democratic country. Keywords: Informality, Political Elite, Justice System, (anti-)Cor- ruption, the Czech Republic Introduction At least 200 Czech state prosecutors sighed with relief at the end of October 2010: Finally, the general state prosecutor, Renata Ves- ecká had resigned from her office. This would finally put an end to the instrumentalisation of the state prosecution. The destructive informal networks that had developed between the state prosecu- tion and politics had used the justice and political system for their personal gains, and impeded independent agencies from fulfilling their function as control institutions. The Czech Republic has some democratic traditions; however it is still a country in transition. One important aspect is that the for- malisation of politics and of the political system is outweighed in certain situations – for instance, should future possibilities arise to generate financial gain or power advantages. -
Business -Firm Parties and the Czech Party System After 20101
Business -Firm Parties and the Czech Party System aft er 20101 PETR JUST AND JAKUB CHARVÁT Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 12, No. 3 DOI: 10.1515/pce-2016-0018 Abstract: The case study presented in this paper applies the business -fi rm party con- cept to two political entities active in the Czech party system aft er 2010: the Public Aff airs Party (VV) and the Action of Dissatisfi ed Citizens (ANO 2011) movement. We assess whether these actors meet the criteria of the business -fi rm party model and, thus, whether they can be considered representatives of this type of political party in the Czech Republic. The study concludes with a comparison of VV and ANO 2011 as two possible variations on what is known as the business -fi rm party model. Key words: Czech Republic, party politics, business -fi rm party, entrepreneurial party, Public Aff airs Party, ANO 2011 Introduction Modern politics is inconceivable without political parties (cf. Schattschneider 1942). Th ese parties are one of the main forms of political representation in contemporary representative democracies. In recent years, however, political partisanship has generally seen a signifi cant qualitative and quantitative shift, in- cluding the transformation of consolidated democracies. Th e Czech party system is no exception in this regard, and this new trend in its development dates back to at least the end of 2009 and start of 2010. At the same time, the current Czech political scene can hardly be understood if we fail to comprehend its party politics. 1 The article is part of the research projects Czech Democracy 1993–2018 (no. -
Steht Später Die Headline
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TSCHECHIEN DR. HUBERT GEHRING Volby v České republice: Odliv TOMISLAV DELINIC voličů stávajících stran, silný ANNIK TRAUZETTEL mandát nových stran 30. Mai 2010 Sociální demokraté a ODS ztratili přes 10 procent / I www.kas.de přes vítězství ČSSD bude zřejmě utvořena středo- www.kas.de/tschechien pravicová vláda / Nové síly, jasní vítězové / Šéf ČSSD Paroubek odstupuje / Křesťanští demokraté a Zelení neuspěli Většina pro středové a pravicové předseda ODS Petr Nečas (po odstoupení strany Mirka Topolánka) již vyloučil velkou Jiří Paroubek, předseda a volební lídr koalici. První vyjednávání středo- ČSSD ve volbách do Poslanecké pravicových stran se konala již tuto sněmovny, vyšel znovu naprázdno. Jeho neděli. Ovšem sociální demokraté by strana sice „aritmeticky vyhrála“, ale mohli být jako nejsilnější frakce pověřeni zároveň také „strategicky prohrála“, jako první prezidentem Václavem analyzoval volby po oznámení výsledků Klausem vytvořením nové vlády. Ten 57letý ex-premiér o víkendu (viz tabulka zatím odmítl zveřejnit své stanovisko, v příloze). oznámil ale, že k sobě pozve všechny Skutečně: S 22,08 procenty utrpěla jeho předsedy parlamentních stran a poradí se strana Pyrrhovo vítězství, když jen těsně o vzniklé situaci. předstihla Oobčanské demokraty (ODS) v Volební účast byla s 62,2 procenty o něco čele s Petrem Nečasem s 20,22 procenty. málo nižší než v roce 2006. Obě velké strany ztratily přes deset procent a pro sestavení vlády to Křesťanští demokraté a Zelení se Paroubkovi nakonec také nebude stačit. nedostali do Parlamentu Byly to „malé strany“, které ho připravily Již předem se počítalo se spoluúčastí a o vítězství. TOP09, založená v minulém vlivem křesťanských demokratů (KDU- roce Karlem Schwarzenbergem a ČSL) při sestavování nové vlády, ale zisk Miroslavem Kalouskem s heslem „tradice, 4,4 procenta neumožní jedné z odpovědnost a prosperita“, se prosadila s nejstarších politických stran v zemi další 16,7 procenty jako třetí nejsilnější strana působení v Poslanecké sněmovně. -
Výroční Zpráva O Činnosti Vládního Výboru Pro Koordinaci Boje S Korupcí V Roce 2011
Úřad vlády ČR – Sekce pro koordinaci boje s korupcí Výroční zpráva o činnosti Vládního výboru pro koordinaci boje s korupcí v roce 2011 vznik Vládního výboru: 27. dubna 2011 způsob: na základě usnesení vlády ze dne 27. dubna 2011 č. 315 poslední aktualizace Statutu: 17. srpna 2011 byl usnesením vlády č. 618 přijat Statut Vládního výboru pro koordinaci boje s korupcí Úřad vlády ČR – Sekce pro koordinaci boje s korupcí Obsah Předseda a členové ...................................................................................................................... 3 Přehled činnosti - průběh jednání ................................................................................................ 5 Přehled činnosti (četnost jednání) .......................................................................................... 5 Průběh jednání ........................................................................................................................ 6 Výstupy ....................................................................................................................................... 9 Poradní sbor předsedkyně Vládního výboru ............................................................................ 10 Složení a zřízení Poradního sboru ....................................................................................... 10 Činnost Poradního sboru ...................................................................................................... 11 Výdaje na činnost Vládního výboru pro koordinaci boje s korupcí na 2011 -
Different Ways of Institutionalising Entrepreneurial Parties: Czech Public Affairs Party and ANO*
92 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2017 Different Ways of Institutionalising Entrepreneurial Parties: Czech Public Affairs Party and ANO* Vít Hloušek and lubomír kopeček** Abstract This article analyses and compares two Czech entrepreneurial parties, Public Affairs (VV) and ANO (meaning ‘yes’ in Czech). Both parties achieved great success in the first parliamentary elections in which they contested; however, whereas VV quickly collapsed, the success of ANO proved to be sus- tainable. The theoretical framework of the article is the development model of institutionalisation proposed by Robert Harmel and Lars Svåsand, which has three phases: identification, organisation and stabilisation. We show that in the identification phase the leaders of both parties, Vít Bárta (VV) and Andrej Babiš (ANO), proved to exploit the crisis in traditional political representation and the hunger for new parties and personalities effectively, while successfully developing their protest appeals. The differences were visible during the organisation phase. On the one hand, Bárta’s strat- egy of dual leadership (formal and actual) of his party caused conflicts, defections and undesir- able media attention. On the other hand, Babiš’s leading role in the new party was clear. He also constructed the party’s internal mechanisms, and as such was able to control intraparty dissent. The problems of Bárta’s VV deepened in the stabilisation phase. The combination of unmanaged government engagement and growing scandals discredited the party. By contrast, Babiš was able to gradually transform ANO into a competent and credible government party. This successful sta- bilisation greatly helped to facilitate an efficient and disciplined party organisation, ‘accommodating the neutrality’ of some important media, effective communication with voters and improvement of the economic situation. -
Coalition Agreement on the Formation of a Coalition of Budgetary Accountability, the Rule of Law and the Fight Against Corruption
Coalition Agreement on the Formation of a Coalition of Budgetary Accountability, the Rule of Law and the Fight against Corruption concluded by and between the Civic Democratic Party represented by its Chairman, Petr Nečas TOP 09 represented by its Chairman, Karel Schwarzenberg Public Affairs represented by its Chairman, Radek John Table of Contents Preamble............................................................................................................... 3 Public budgets, compulsory expenditure, social protection and pension system.................................................................................................................... 4 Health care ........................................................................................................... 9 Foreign policy, European Union, defence....................................................... 12 FOREIGN POLICY ............................................................................................................. 12 EUROPEAN UNION........................................................................................................... 13 DEFENCE............................................................................................................................ 14 Law, justice, public administration, bureaucracy and corruption .............. 17 CORRUPTION .................................................................................................................... 17 PUBLIC PROCUREMENT, SUBSIDIES, GRANTS, ASSETS .......................................