Adopted Minutes EGP Council 18 20 May 2018
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“Green Policies Are About Our Entire Way of Life”
“Green Policies Are about Our Entire Way of Life” Article by Inés Sabanés August 31, 2021 The Covid-19 pandemic is the latest in a string of crises Spain has faced in recent years, which have left the country weakened and many worried about its future. With elections on the horizon, Member of the Spanish Parliament Inés Sabanés explains how an all-encompassing Green vision can transform every aspect of society, and why Europe has the potential to help Spain overcome many of its difficulties. Green European Journal: From the perspective of the Greens (Verdes Equo), what are the key political issues facing Spain in 2021? Inés Sabanés: The pandemic has reset political priorities at both the Spanish and European levels. Three fundamental issues stick out; they were important during the 2021 Madrid elections and are present throughout our daily political life. First is the economic and social recovery: in response to the crisis caused by the pandemic but also in connection to the climate emergency. The distribution of projects arising from European funds needs to bring us out of this crisis through a fundamental structural change to the way our country works. Spain today is too susceptible to crises – our economy is overdependent on tourism for example – and needs to build its future on a more solid, productive, and better developed economic model. The second major issue is the rise of the far right. Frequent elections have been a fundamental error and a lack of consensus between parties in government has led to a rise in the number of far-right members of parliament. -
Letter to the Commission Regarding Printers Voluntary Agreement
Brussels, Wednesday 26th of May To: Mr Virginijus Sinkevičius, European Commissioner for Environment, Oceans and Fisheries Mr Thierry Breton, European Commissioner for the Internal Market Mr Frans Timmermans, European Commission Executive Vice-President for the European Green Deal We urge the European Commission to keep its promises and propose a regulatory measure addressing the durability and repairability of printers as well as the reusability of cartridges as part of the forthcoming Circular Electronics Initiative. And we ask that the Commission rejects the proposed voluntary agreement drafted by manufacturers. The Commission's flagship Circular Economy Action Plan, adopted in March 2020, has set out to address the entire life cycle of products and tackle their premature obsolescence notably by promoting the right to repair for ICT products. In addition to mobile phones, laptops and tablets, the Plan has rightfully identified printers as a particularly wasteful product category, and has included a commitment to tackle them by means of a dedicated regulatory instrument “unless the sector reaches an ambitious voluntary agreement” by September 2020. Nearly one year later, the discussions on the voluntary agreement have not yielded any tangible results. Voluntary approaches clearly do not work. We need strong regulatory action now. We are extremely concerned by this situation. Not only because of the negative impacts of short-lived printers on the environment and on consumers but also because we are witnessing promises made being walked back on. Printers are one of the most iconic examples of premature obsolescence. Our analysis of printers in use today suggests that over 80% of them have been in use for less than 3 years, and only about 4% have been in use for 5 years or longer. -
League Information
Leagues at Woodcrest Golf Club General League Guidelines Leagues start as early as the last week of April and end as late as the first week in September, are typically 16 weeks unless changed by Woodcrest Golf Club or the participating league and are typically a minimum of 24 players unless approved by Woodcrest Golf Club. Substitutes, where allowed by leagues, playing for a Woodcrest Member are required to pay the weekly per person League Greens Fee Rate. Woodcrest Golf Club will be the final arbiter of when the golf course is or is not playable. No more than four (4) players are allowed in any group. Tee times are scheduled consecutively for the 1st and 10th tees. Starting on any other hole is not allowed. What we guarantee you: Tee Times Guaranteed recurring tee times will be scheduled on a weekly basis according to a posted League Schedule. If outside tournaments are scheduled that interfere with the leagues scheduled tee times, alternate tee times or a cancellation for that week will be scheduled. Woodcrest Golf Club will make every attempt to notify the leagues in a timely fashion should this situation occur. The same is true for holidays falling on league nights. Please note that when a week has been skipped due to holiday or an outside club event that the league will end up playing the same nine holes for two consecutive league nights. Greens Fees and Cart Fees Fees for league play are a current special reduced greens fee rate and are due for each league participant who is not a Woodcrest Golf Club member. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
Brussels Network Office : International Press Center, 1 Boulevard Charlemagne, Box 1, B-1041 Brussels ● Switchboard: +32 (0) 2 226 58 10
Brussels, 27 January 2016 INVITATION - Speaker Financing the EU primary elections 2019 B Tuesday, 15th of March 2016, from 12:00 to 14:00 r L42, Rue de la Loi, 42 - 1000 Brussels u s At a recent EurActiv roundtable debate (28th of May 2015) senior representatives of political parties and political s foundations indicated - in large majority - that they wanted to see the new system of the EU primary elections go e forward, while pointing to a number of shortcomings that would need to be addressed. l Establishing a framework in which transnational political parties can attract funding to allow them to run pan-European s campaigns is one of the key elements of a successful connection with the citizens. Some national parties have funds up , to 100 times higher than their European party equivalents. Direct membership to the European parties or lump sum campaign budgets from the Community budget are two possible, non-exclusive ways. 1 EurActiv now plans a follow up debate entitled: “Financing the EU primary elections 2019”. On Tuesday, 15th of March 1 2016, leading EU think tanks will come together to present their ideas regarding the financing of the European primary elections ahead of the next round in 2019. In the second part of the event, seven European Political Parties (European People’s Party, Party of European Socialists, Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, Alliance of Liberals and S Democrats for Europe Party, Party of the European Left, European Green Party and European Free Alliance) are invited to present their reactions on the proposals presented and what is possible to achieve ahead of 2019. -
The Strategic Value of Pronominal Choice: Exclusive and Inclusive “We” in Political Panel Debates
Pragmatics 23:2.361-383 (2013) International Pragmatics Association DOI: 10.1075/prag.23.2.07ver THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF PRONOMINAL CHOICE: EXCLUSIVE AND INCLUSIVE “WE” IN POLITICAL PANEL DEBATES Bram Vertommen Abstract This study explores the use of the first person plural pronoun “we/wij” by government and opposition party members in panel debates from the Flemish talk show De Zevende Dag. Both groups of politicians enter this arena with divergent communicative goals, which has clear implications (i) for the type of propositions in which subclasses of “we/wij”-pronouns are generally involved and (ii) for the politicians’ assessment of the status of these propositions. Patterns with regard to these three implications are analyzed by means of a systemic functional approach supported with quantitative data. It is claimed that government and opposition party discussants either employ distinct patterns in accordance with their different aims, or that they use similar ones, albeit with divergent discourse functions. The former scenario turns out to be true in the case of exclusive uses of “we/wij” and the latter in the case of inclusive meanings. In that way, the paper sheds light on subtle differences in how government and opposition party discussants argue and deal with the invisible presence of an overhearing broadcast audience. Keywords: Pronominal reference; Political panel debates; Systemic functional linguistics (SFL); Appraisal; Pragmatics; Activity type. 1. Introduction1 In line with an increasing tendency in broadcasting media to present more compelling, attractive and dramatic forms of (political) interviewing, panel debates have become a commonplace in television shows from the 1980s onward (Clayman & Heritage 2002: 1 This research formed part of the master thesis I wrote when I was enrolled in the Master of Advanced Studies in Linguistics (Cognitive and Functional Linguistics, University of Leuven, 2009- 2010). -
European Political Parties and Foundations: the ’Tissue’ That Connects?
EUROPEAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND FOUNDATIONS: THE ’TISSUE’ THAT CONNECTS? POLICY BRIEF | NOVEMBER 2019 https://eurac.tv/9R2x EUROPEAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND FOUNDATIONS: THE ’TISSUE’ THAT CONNECTS? To the average European citizen, the political groups in the POLICY BRIEF | NOVEMBER 2019 European Parliament, which help shape EU-wide legislation, are https://eurac.tv/9R2x a vaguely familiar concept. But there is much less knowledge of the European political parties (as opposed to groups) and the think-tanks that are affiliated to them. The dominant players have traditionally been the European People’s Party (EPP), the Party of European Socialists (PES), and the Federation of Liberal and Democrat parties (renamed ALDE in 2012), all of which were formed in the 1970s, as confederations of national parties from across the European Union. They were joined by the European Green Party and the Party of the European Left in 2004, and then by the European Conservatives and Reformists Party in 2009. Part of that eco-system are the foundations/think-tanks, which are affiliated to each of the parties, based in part on the German Stiftung model, bringing together the think-tanks at the national level. The parties then also have women and youth networks. So what role do the European political parties and foundations play? How do they interact with the European Parliament groups and Commissioners, and how do they affect political and policy co-ordination in Brussels and across national capitals? NOV. 2019 | POLICY BRIEF | EUROPEAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND FOUNDATIONS: THE ’TISSUE’ THAT CONNECTS? | EURACTIV 3 European Political Parties and Foundations: The ’tissue’ that connects? By Benjamin Fox | EURACTIV.com THE BRIDGE FROM THE BUBBLE own pre-Council summits and ministerial meetings by sector. -
2011-Holyrood-Manifesto.Pdf
SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT MANIFESTO 2011 This is a crucial election. UK Ministers are cutting our public services, and all the other Holyrood parties are debating how to do exactly the same. Governments of all colours in London and Edinburgh have neglected our environment, let inequality widen, and narrowed our politics. Only Greens are offering an alternative to this failed agenda. We’ll raise revenue from the wealthy and from big business, and invest in the things that matter. We think the Scottish Parliament was created for this. We’ll protect Scotland’s public services, and build the low-carbon economy the others only talk about, to cut energy bills, create jobs and tackle climate change. If you agree, make your 2nd vote Green on 5th May 2011. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 A Green alternative to public service cuts 4 Local roots for a local economy 6 Building a fairer and more sustainable economy 8 Secure, safe and sustainable energy 10 A public transport renaissance 12 Caring for our most valuable natural assets 14 Education as a social good to be funded collectively 16 Supporting Scotland’s diverse communities 18 A healthy society, not just one that picks up the pieces 20 Promoting justice and crime prevention 22 A deeper devolution and a responsible Scotland 24 THERE HAS NEVER BEEN A MORE IMPORTANT TIME TO VOTE GREEN he Scottish Green Party has been a part of Scotland has an alternative. Even within existing devolved Scottish devolution since the beginning. We have powers, Greens believe that it’s possible to protect public Tconsistently brought a fresh approach to politics, services, build the inclusive good society which people and a challenge to the other political parties on the crucial in Scotland want to live in, and invest in the skills and issues which our world faces. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.