Trust and Populism: the Vote for Bolsonaro
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Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn
Revista de Estudios Sociales 69 | 01 julio 2019 Temas varios Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn Realineamiento político en Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro y el giro a la derecha Realinhamento político no Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro e o giro à direita Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 ISSN: 1900-5180 Publisher Universidad de los Andes Printed version Date of publication: 1 July 2019 Number of pages: 92-100 ISSN: 0123-885X Electronic reference Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”, Revista de Estudios Sociales [Online], 69 | 01 julio 2019, Online since 09 July 2019, connection on 04 May 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 Los contenidos de la Revista de Estudios Sociales están editados bajo la licencia Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. 92 Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn * Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos ** Received date: April 10, 2019· Acceptance date: April 29, 2019 · Modification date: May 10, 2019 https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 How to cite: Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. 2019. “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”. Revista de Estudios Sociales 69: 92-100. https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 ABSTRACT | One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took office, and there are two salient aspects of his presidency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his entourage and the absence of parliamentary support has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. -
No. 550 Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil
TEXTO PARA DISCUSSÃO No. 550 Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil Bernardo S. da Silveira João Manoel Pinho de Mello DEPARTAMENTO DE ECONOMIA www.econ.puc-rio.br Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil Bernardo S Da Silveira† and João M P De Mello‡ Abstract Despite the “minimal effects” conventional wisdom, the question of whether campaign advertising influence elections outcome remains open. This is paradoxical because in the absence of a causal link from advertising to candidate performance, it is difficult to rationalize the amounts spent on campaigns in general, and on TV advertising in particular. Most studies using US data, however, suffer from omitted variable bias and reverse causality problems caused by the decentralized market-based method of allocating campaign spending and TV advertising. In contrast with received literature, we explore a quasi-natural experiment produced by the Brazilian electoral legislation, and show that TV and radio advertising has a much larger impact on election outcomes than previously found by the literature. In Brazil, by law, campaign advertising is free of charge and allocated among candidates in a centralized manner. Gubernatorial elections work in a runoff system. While in the first round, candidates’ TV and radio time shares are determined by their coalitions’ share of seats in the national parliament, the two most voted candidates split equally TV time if a second round is necessary. Thus, differences in TV and radio advertising time between the first and second rounds are explored as a source of exogenous variation to evaluate the impact of TV advertising on election outcomes. -
Covid-19 and the Brazilian 2020 Municipal Elections
Covid-19 and the Brazilian 2020 Municipal Elections Case Study, 19 February 2021 Gabriela Tarouco © 2021 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <https://www.idea.int> Editor: Andrew Robertson This case study is part of a collaborative project between the Electoral Management Network <http:// www.electoralmanagement.com> and International IDEA, edited by Toby S. James (University of East Anglia), Alistair Clark (Newcastle University) and Erik Asplund (International IDEA). Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... -
Freedom in the World Report 2020
Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process. -
Redalyc.Electoral Governance in Brazil
Brazilian Political Science Review E-ISSN: 1981-3821 [email protected] Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política Brasil Marchetti, Vitor Electoral Governance in Brazil Brazilian Political Science Review, vol. 6, núm. 1, 2012, pp. 113-133 Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política São Paulo, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=394341999006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Electoral Governance in Brazil * Vitor Marchetti Federal University of the ABC (UFABC), Brazil Electoral governance has increasingly more frequently been the object of study of the comparative politics literature. This article examines the electoral governance institutional model adopted in Brazil and its consequences for political/electoral competition. It is argued herein that Brazil’s Electoral Justice System, motivated by the institutional design, has ended up becoming one of the main actors of the country’s recent democratic consolidation, being decisive not only with regard to rule adjudication and application, but also to rulemaking. With the purpose of assessing this governance model in action, three important recent rulings by Brazil’s Electoral Justice System are analysed here: verticalization of the coalitions, reduction in the number of councillors, and party loyalty. Keywords: Brazil; Electoral governance; Electoral Justice System; Judiciary branch; Higher Electoral Court; Judicialization of politics. Introduction The rising role of the Brazilian Electoral Justice System in the consolidation of Brazil’s democratic regime has focused widespread attention on an institution that hitherto had been very little known and debated. -
Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations
Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations Updated July 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46236 SUMMARY R46236 Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations July 6, 2020 Occupying almost half of South America, Brazil is the fifth-largest and fifth-most-populous country in the world. Given its size and tremendous natural resources, Brazil has long had the Peter J. Meyer potential to become a world power and periodically has been the focal point of U.S. policy in Specialist in Latin Latin America. Brazil’s rise to prominence has been hindered, however, by uneven economic American Affairs performance and political instability. After a period of strong economic growth and increased international influence during the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil has struggled with a series of domestic crises in recent years. Since 2014, the country has experienced a deep recession, record-high homicide rate, and massive corruption scandal. Those combined crises contributed to the controversial impeachment and removal from office of President Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). They also discredited much of Brazil’s political class, paving the way for right-wing populist Jair Bolsonaro to win the presidency in October 2018. Since taking office in January 2019, President Jair Bolsonaro has begun to implement economic and regulatory reforms favored by international investors and Brazilian businesses and has proposed hard-line security policies intended to reduce crime and violence. Rather than building a broad-based coalition to advance his agenda, however, Bolsonaro has sought to keep the electorate polarized and his political base mobilized by taking socially conservative stands on cultural issues and verbally attacking perceived enemies, such as the press, nongovernmental organizations, and other branches of government. -
Impact of Electronic Voting Machines on Blank Votes and Null Votes in Brazilian Elections in 1998*
Impact of Electronic Voting Machines on Blank Votes and Null Votes in Brazilian Elections in 1998* Jairo Nicolau Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Electronic voting machines were used for the first time in general elections in Brazil in 1998; in that year, some cities used this new voting method, while others continued to vote using paper ballots. Few studies have demonstrated that the rate of invalid votes for federal deputy was significantly lower in cities that used electronic voting machines. This article analyzes the frequency of null votes and blank votes for four posts—federal deputy, state deputy, the president and governor. Based on a comparison of the results from the 1998 elections with the results from previous elections (1994), the article demonstrates that electronic voting machines reduced the percentage of blank votes for federal deputy, state deputies, the president and governor. Meanwhile, null votes reduced the competition for the posts of federal deputy and state deputy; however, it increased the competition for posts with greater visibility in the Brazilian political system: the governor and president. Keywords: voting machine; invalid votes; Brazilian elections. * http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212015000300017 For replication, see bpsr.org.br/files/archives/Dataset_Nicolau.html. 3 (2015) 9 (3) 3 – 20 Impact of Electronic Voting Machines on Blank Votes and Null Votes in Brazilian Elections in 1998 ntil the mid-1990s, Brazilians voted the way most of the world still U continues to vote. Voters arrived at their polling stations, received an official printed ballot, went into a voting booth, wrote the names (or numbers) of their chosen candidates, and deposited their ballot into a ballot box. -
Choice Sets, Gender, and Candidate Choice in Brazil
Electoral Studies 39 (2015) 230e242 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Electoral Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud Choice sets, gender, and candidate choice in Brazil * Rosario Aguilar a, Saul Cunow b, Scott Desposato b, c, a Centro de Investigacion y Docencia Economicas, Carretera Mexico-Toluca 3655 Col. Lomas de Santa Fe, Delegacion Alvaro Obregon, C.P. 01210 Mexico, D.F., Mexico b Department of Political Science, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive MC 0521, La Jolla, CA 92093-0521, USA c Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Universitat€ Zürich, Affolternstrasse 56, 8050 Zürich, Switzerland article info abstract Article history: Is there a gender gap in Latin American attitudes toward women politicians? While Received 24 March 2015 scholars of Latin America have examined the role of institutions and quotas in women's Accepted 25 March 2015 electoral success, less attention has been paid to voters' attitudes about women leaders. In Available online 11 April 2015 this paper, we report on two survey experiments and an observational study in Brazil looking at the effect of candidate gender on vote choice. We asked subjects to chose a Keywords: candidate from a hypothetical ballot while randomly varying candidates' gender. We find a Experiments strong and consistent 5e7 percentage point pro-female bias. Our experiments illustrate a Elections Women's representation novel approach to testing candidate choice models. © Candidate gender 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Latin America Brazil 1. Introduction surpassed many developed countries, including the United States. Recent presidential elections suggest that a trans- However, there remain many troubling signs of formation in gender politics is taking place in Latin Amer- inequality. -
Constitutional Change in Brazil: Political and Financial Decentralisation, 1981-1991
CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN BRAZIL: POLITICAL AND FINANCIAL DECENTRALISATION, 1981-1991 Celina Maria de Souza Motta The London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government Thesis submitted for a Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1995 UMI Number: U615788 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615788 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I S F 72SS ^V om \C ^ x'cS )07&zzs% Abstract The aim of the present study is to investigate how and why a country facing issues that needed to be tackled nationwide chose to decentralise political power and financial resources when it moved from military rule to redemocratisation. Furthermore, the study examines whether the decision to decentralise taken in Brazil in the period 1981-1991 has changed the allocation of public expenditure at sub-national level, especially to education. By analysing the decision to decentralise and its results at the sub-national level, the study embodies both an upstream and a downstream approach. The upstream approach encompasses the topics related to decentralisation in the Brazilian Constituent National Assembly that sat from 1987 to 1988. -
Competence Versus Priorities: Negative Electoral Responses to Education Quality in Brazil
Competence versus Priorities: Negative Electoral Responses to Education Quality in Brazil Taylor Boas F. Daniel Hidalgo Guillermo Toral Boston University MIT MIT [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] August 21, 2020 Forthcoming, Journal of Politics Abstract Do voters reward politicians for the quality of public services? We address this question by study- ing voters’ responses to signals of municipal school quality in Brazil, a setting particularly fa- vorable to electoral accountability. Findings from a regression discontinuity design and a field experiment are strikingly consistent. Contrary to expectations, signals of school quality decrease electoral support for the local incumbent. However, we find the expected effect among citizens for whom school quality should be most salient—parents with children in municipal schools. Using an online survey experiment, we argue that voters who do not value education interpret school quality as an indicator of municipal policy priorities and perceive trade-offs with other services. Voters may hold politicians accountable not only for their competence but also for their represen- tation of potentially conflicting interests—a fact that complicates the simple logic behind many accountability interventions. Keywords: Information; Elections; Accountability; Education Supplementary material for this article is available in the appendix in the online edition. Replica- tion files are available in the JOP Data Archive on Dataverse (http://thedata.harvard.edu/dvn/dv/jop). Approval for the field experiment was obtained from the Institutional Review Boards of Boston University (protocol 4094X), MIT (protocol 1604551604), and the Universidade Federal de Per- nambuco (número de parecer 1571592). Approval for the online survey experiment was obtained from the institutional review boards of Boston University (protocol 4748X) and MIT (protocol 1712167362). -
Digital Media and the 2010 National Elections in Brazil 4/28/2011 Jason
Digital media and the 2010 national elections in Brazil 4/28/2011 Jason Gilmore Philip N. Howard University of Washington Abstract Over the past decade, digital and mobile media have significantly changed the system of political communication in Brazil. An increasing number of Brazilian candidates have begun to use websites and social networking applications as an integral part of their overall campaign efforts. To explore how these "new" media tools are used at all levels of campaigns for national office, we built an original dataset of media use by political campaigns in the 2010 elections for the lower house of the Brazilian Congress. We investigate factors such as a candidate's use of web and social networking sites in conjunction with other traditional influences such as candidate gender, age, incumbency, party affiliation, coalition membership and campaign spending in order to get a robust understanding of the different roles that digital media tools are beginning to play in Brazilian elections. In this chapter we ask two questions. First, does digital media provide some competitive advantage to minor party candidates facing off against major party candidates with higher profile and more resources? Second, do challenger candidates get any electoral advantage against incumbents for using the internet, social media, or mobile media strategies in their campaigning? 1 Introduction Systems of political communication around the world have significantly evolved over the last decade. The introduction of digital media has given political parties worldwide new tools for logistics and new ways of reaching potential supporters. There is a large body of research on the impact of digital media on campaigns and elections in advanced democracies, but there have also been important changes to the practices of political campaigning in emerging democracies. -
Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil 287
Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil 287 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of California, Los Angeles Princeton University Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil This paper provides the first model of legislative behavior in nondemocratic settings. Many authoritarian regimes have sought to maintain a façade of democracy by creating “puppet” legislatures. These legislatures should always support the regime since uncooperative behavior risks career-ending punishments. But in spite of potentially high costs, legislators do sometimes rebel against military executives. I show how legislative rebellion can be a rational strategy—even under authoritarian rule. When applied to data from Brazil, the model reveals the durable power of the electoral connection and patronage politics. The methods and model could be easily applied to other cases of legislative rebellion against nondemocratic executives. Introduction This paper provides the first model of legislative behavior in nondemocratic regimes. Many authoritarian executives have sought to maintain a façade of democracy by creating “puppet” legislatures. These legislatures should have every reason to support the regime since uncooperative behavior risks career-ending punishments. In spite of this, they sometimes rebel against the authoritarian executive. Why should politicians risk their careers to oppose a powerful regime? This paper models legislators’ choices to support or oppose an authoritarian executive as functions of political survival. When evalu- ating unpopular policies, legislators must consider the costs of anti- executive or anti-constituent roll-call votes. I argue that deputies weigh these potential costs with reference to their relative career risks. I test the model by examining Brazil’s authoritarian regime (1964–85). During most of this period, deputies continued to hold legislative sessions, vote on policy proposals, and face regular elections.1 But at the same time, the military occupied the presidency and used broad executive powers to control legislative behavior.