Reconsidering Ramkrishna Mukherjee of India Were “Political Unity,” “Assured Peace,” and the “Reign of Law” in Place of the Arbitrary Will of Despots
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PERSPECTIVES creation of the Indian Empire was not the Social Change in India result of a clear design. Among the “price- less gifts” of the Company to the people Reconsidering Ramkrishna Mukherjee of India were “political unity,” “assured peace,” and the “reign of law” in place of the arbitrary will of despots. If there were Surendra Munshi instances of deviation from the good intentions that the Company had for the With Ramkrishna Mukherjee’s amkrishna Mukherjee provides people of India, these were isolated study of social change in India, a many narratives of social change instances of deviation arising from igno- scholar of his standing deserves R in India. It is useful to recognise rance about “oriental” mentality and them. Four such narratives are identi- “native” customs. There were also ins- to be read seriously, not ignored fi ed here. Two of these narratives belong tances of failure on the part of individu- or praised without an engagement to his early writings, and each of the als in its employment who failed to live with his writings. An exposition remaining two narratives belongs to his up to their duty in looking after the of his formulations is followed by later writings and his last writings, interests of the Company as well as the respectively. Together, they cover a people living under its rule. their critical examination, working life of more than 50 years, from The second view of the Company, on including his concept of 1948–2006. They cover a long span of the other hand, sees its role in a differ- “soft spots.” time in Indian society, from the appear- entiated manner—from its birth in 1600 ance of the East India Company (hence- up to the close of the 17th century as a forth, the Company) in 1608, to 2008, company representing a group of peace- the year when the land issue in West ful merchants. The battle of Plassey in Bengal became important and the par- 1757 gave full shape to the transforma- tial implementation of the Mandal Com- tion of the Company from a group of mission report in India took place. This peaceful merchants to ambitious rulers, article presents briefl y these narratives, fi lling them with ambition for the terri- followed by comments towards their torial acquisition of the entire country. critical evaluation. This ambition made them greedy and tyrannical. Such a view, notes Mukherjee, East India Company has been so common that it fi nds accept- The Rise and Fall of the East India Company ance even among Indian historians. (1974) is the result of a course of lectures Mukherjee sees the rise of the Company that Mukherjee gave as a guest professor in the historical context. He sees its at the Institute for Indian Studies of the origin in the context of the rise of Eng- Humboldt University in Berlin during the lish merchant capital, the prime mover autumn term of 1953–54. The book was of a “new civilisation” that came into published in Berlin originally in 1955. He existence with the break-up of feudalism, makes it clear in his introductory com- which took a monopolistic character ments that his book is not meant to be a from the beginning. Trade monopoly historical study, but a sociological appraisal was a characteristic demand of these of social forces behind the rise and fall merchant companies. The Company had An earlier draft of this article was presented at of the Company and their impact on to contend with competition for lucra- a conference commemorating Ramkrishna India in particular. He draws from the tive commercial gain from other mer- Mukherjee that was organised by Indian facts collected by historians and other chants in its country, which was resolved Statistical Institute, Kolkata, 28 –29 March scholars, claiming no originality in his- in its favour. In the European context, 2016. The proceedings of the conference are due to appear as a book. For his personal torical material. His study provides a the need for trade monopoly meant communication, I am thankful to Sabyasachi socio logical study of the Company from rivalry between merchant companies of Bhattacharya, and for comments on the its formation to its decline. different nations for “colonial trade” article, my thanks go to Andre Beteille, In developing his argument, he con- and, in the end, meant the acquisition of Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, and T N Madan. tends against two prevailing views. He political power in “purchasing” countries Surendra Munshi ([email protected]) is faces, on the one hand, the general to ensure trading privileges. retired professor of sociology, Indian Institute European view that the Company played In the case of India, it was the English of Management Calcutta. a positive role in India, even though the company that succeeded in this endeavour Economic & Political Weekly EPW SEPTEMBER 24, 2016 vol lI no 39 35 PERSPECTIVES through various measures, including subinfeudatory landlords and the rela- in 1942 had sunk into the lower rank open wars, and took advantage of it. It tively prosperous peasantry, as well as in 1945 and, within the lower rank, was only when the merchant interest those persons who are in well-paid posi- 10% of the families had been further was superseded by the British industrial tions or engage in large-scale trade with impoverished. The Gazetteer of Bogra bourgeoisie that the typical monopolis- interest in land. The middle rank con- district confi rms that there is growing tic company of merchant capital went sists mainly of the self-suffi cient peas- “prosperity” of the landowning class and into decline. Such is the story, in its barest antry and others, such as artisans and increasing impoverishment over time of outline, of the Company that appeared small traders, who maintain a somewhat the bulk of peasantry, who are being in India in 1608 and was forced to liqui- self-suffi cient existence partly based on reduced to the position of sharecroppers date itself in 1858. land. The lower rank consists of the rem- and agricultural labourers. Mukherjee goes into some details aining occupational groups who depend In his second paper, Mukherjee (1949) about how the Company manoeuvred on working for others or even begging. shows the effects of economic changes the country’s strong central power to He fi nds a statistically signifi cant differ- on a few major social institutions in these gain a footing, and how it took advan- ence between the three ranks in terms villages. He fi nds that caste hierarchy tage of the disintegration of this central of per capita expenditure and other does refl ect to a certain extent the division power. The inherent weakness of the economic indicators. of people into separate economic units. Indian feudal structure contributed to Moreover, these occupational groups Thus, he fi nds that all the upper-caste its success. The reckless extraction of the indicate not only the generally recog- Hindu families (Brahmins, Kayasthas, wealth of the country by the Company, its nised positions in rural society, but also and their half-castes) are found in the offi cials and underlings, turned the one- the production relations of these groups. upper rank of the economic structure, time “Granary of the East” into a land of The upper rank own land, the principal and 83% of the Scheduled Caste families the destitute. This phase in the life of the means of production in an agrarian are found in the lower rank, and the rest Company gave full vent to the character economy, and employ the labour power in the middle rank. The “joint family” is of merchant capital. After more than a of others. The persons in the middle found more among the upper rank, the century of such a rule, faced by British principally produce for themselves and “simple family” (parents and dependent industrial capital, the Company seemed employ their own labour, and the persons children) more among the lower rank, to have spent its power and appeared to of the lower rank possess no or little with the middle rank behaving as a be an obstruction to the full play of land, living mainly by selling their labour group between the two. Literacy is of a British capitalism in the colony. power. Data from the rest of rural Bengal poor standard, and, whatever little edu- indicate that the economic structure cation there is, it is confi ned mainly to On Rural Bengal overall is similar to that shown by these the upper rank. The corresponding pro- During 1948 and 1949, Mukherjee pub- six villages. portions are as follows: in the upper lished two papers in the American Socio- This economic structure is mainly rank, 56%; in the middle rank, 13%; and, logical Review, “Economic Structure of responsible for the poor condition of the in the lower rank, only 9% (Mukherjee Rural Bengal: A Survey of Six Villages” rural economy, for the upper rank have 1949: 420). and “The Economic Structure and Social no incentive to develop production tech- Mukherjee (2012b) takes the argument Life in Six Villages of Bengal.” They were niques. With the pressure on land being forward in The Dynamics of a Rural based on his study of these villages in considerable in view of the poor devel- Society. The central argument of the the district of Bogra in North Bengal in opment of industry, the upper rank book is that the dynamics of a society, 1942 and 1945. Comparative data from benefi t from cheap labour. Further, they even a primitive peasant society, cannot 12 villages from the district of Birbhum can compel the impoverished peasantry be revealed without a close analysis of was also considered.