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Priming White Identity Elicits Stereotype Boost for Biracial Black

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Priming White Identity Elicits Stereotype Boost for Biracial Black GPI0010.1177/1368430215570504Group Processes & Intergroup RelationsGaither et al. 570504research-article2015 G Group Processes & P Intergroup Relations I Article R Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 1 –11 Priming White identity elicits © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: stereotype boost for biracial sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1368430215570504 Black-White individuals gpir.sagepub.com Sarah E. Gaither,1 Jessica D. Remedios,2 Jennifer R. Schultz2 and Samuel R. Sommers2 Abstract Psychological threat experienced by students of negatively stereotyped groups impairs test performance. However, stereotype boost can also occur if a positively stereotyped identity is made salient. Biracial individuals, whose racial identities may be associated with both negative and positive testing abilities, have not been examined in this context. Sixty-four biracial Black-White individuals wrote about either their Black or White identity or a neutral topic and completed a verbal Graduate Record Examination (GRE) examination described as diagnostic of their abilities. White-primed participants performed significantly better than both Black-primed and control participants. Thus, biracial Black-White individuals experience stereotype boost only when their White identity is made salient. Keywords academic achievement, multiracial, priming, racial identity, stereotype boost Paper received 7 May 2014; revised version accepted 29 December 2014. In his book, Whistling Vivaldi, Claude Steele with demanding tasks (Schmader & Johns, 2003), describes a young Black man who whistled classi- via a process known as stereotype threat (Martens, cal music while walking past White people in his Johns, Greenberg, & Schimel, 2006; Steele & neighborhood in the effort to communicate to Aronson, 1995). Stereotype threat causes stigma- others that he was not aggressive or threatening. tized people to underperform on tests in stereo- Aware that passers-by would view him in terms of typed domains (Aronson, Lustina, Good, Keough, stereotypes that Black men are dangerous (Devine, 1989; Payne, 2001), he altered his own behavior 1University of Chicago, USA for fear of confirming the preconceived notions 2Tufts University, USA those White individuals may have had. Unfortunately, the prospect of being judged Corresponding author: Sarah E. Gaither, Department of Psychology and The Center according to stereotypes can also interfere with for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture, University of targets’ abilities to regulate their own behavior Chicago, 5848 S. University Ave, Chicago, IL 60637. (Inzlicht & Kang, 2010) and cognitively engage Email: [email protected] 2 Group Processes & Intergroup Relations & Steele, 1999; Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 2008; investigate how different racial identities may Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999; Steele & Aronson, either positively or negatively affect the academic 1995), engage in unregulated behaviors like achievement of multiracial students. aggression and overeating (Inzlicht & Kang, 2010), and experience negative health outcomes, Stereotype Boost as a like high blood pressure (Blascovich, Spencer, Consequence of Priming Multiple Quinn, & Steele, 2010). The effects of stereo- type threat have been documented in a number Identities of groups, including (but not limited to) Black, Despite the lack of research on multiracial iden- Latino, and Asian Americans (Cheryan & tity, some studies have examined how reminding Bodenhausen, 2000; Gonzales, Blanton, & individuals of their various social identities, such Williams, 2002), women (Spencer et al., 1999), as race and gender, affects test performance. older adults (Thomas & Dubois, 2011), and Overall, this work has shown that participants are White athletes (Stone, Lynch, Sjomeling, & more susceptible to stereotype threat when an Darley, 1999). One of the first studies to docu- identity associated with negative stereotypes is ment this effect found that African Americans, more active than another identity (Pittinsky, Shih, who are stereotyped as being intellectually infe- & Ambady, 1999; Sinclair, Hardin, & Lowery, rior, do worse on verbal exams only when the 2006)—however the same is true for stereotype test is labeled as a direct measure of their intelli- boost when a positive identity is activated. gence (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Although ste- Stereotype boost occurs when individuals overa- reotype threat has been studied across many chieve in situations in which their positively ste- domains, test performance remains one of the reotyped identities are activated (Shih, Pittinsky, more popularly studied topics within this field, & Ho, 2012). For example, one study primed mainly because of its link to issues such as the Asian women with either their racial or gender educational achievement gap (e.g., Cohen, identity and found that participants primed with Garcia, Apfel, & Master, 2006). their Asian identity, which is associated with posi- However, despite the large body of literature tive stereotypes about math performance, scored examining the groups affected by stereotype higher on a math test than participants who were threat, the multiracial population, which has primed with their gender identity, which is associ- increased by 32% since the year 2000 in the ated with negative stereotypes about math per- United States (U.S. Census, 2010a), has largely formance (Shih, Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1999). Not been ignored in this research. It is particularly only did reminding participants of a negatively timely to examine educational outcomes for mul- stereotyped identity (female) decrease perfor- tiracial youth because the multiracial population mance, but reminding participants of a positively has a younger median age (median age = 19.7) stereotyped identity (Asian) also increased per- than both White (median age = 38.3) and Black formance. Therefore, positive stereotypes, when (median age = 31.3) populations in the United activated subtly (Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000), States (U.S. Census, 2010b). Because the literature may decrease test-takers’ anxiety and increase has largely conceptualized race as an either/or processing efficiency (Shih et al., 2012). construct, multiracial people are usually grouped However, research examining how people into monoracial categories across research disci- respond when one of their multiple social identi- plines, meaning that we know very little about ties has been primed has only examined the how multiracial populations may differ from their effects of priming either race or gender (e.g., monoracial counterparts. However, a growing Gonzales et al., 2002; Shih et al., 1999), which are body of work demonstrates that, for multiracial two distinct and orthogonal social identities. individuals, such a rigid conceptualization of Given that the same individual may over- or race fails to capture the complex ways that race underperform on a test depending on which of affects their behavior. Therefore, it is essential to his or her social identities is salient, we reasoned Gaither et al. 3 that biracial Black-White individuals (whose mul- 2013; Sanchez & Bonam, 2009); suggesting that tiple racial identities are associated with divergent subtle shifts in how biracial Black-White individ- academic stereotypes) may also perform differ- uals see themselves could affect how they ently on a test depending on whether their Black approach and perform in academic testing envi- or White identity is activated. ronments. Therefore, we predicted that biracial Black-White individuals primed with their Black identity would exhibit decreased testing outcomes Multiracial Identity and Test (similar to testing outcomes of monoracial Performance Blacks) in comparison to participants primed To date, only one other study has examined test with their White identity (similar to testing out- performance for multiracial individuals when comes of monoracial Whites). race was made salient (Shih, Bonam, Sanchez, & Researchers generally conclude that threat is Peck, 2007). Participants were assigned to a race the default experience for members of stereo- salient or control condition. Participants in the typed groups, such that stereotyped individuals race salient condition completed questions about experience threat most of the time in test-taking the racial identification of both parents, as well as situations, unless the context is manipulated to cultural activities related to their race (e.g., eating alleviate threat (Inzlicht & Kang, 2010). Therefore, habits). The results showed that Asian and White to best simulate a real testing environment, in the participants experienced a boost in quantitative present study we described the verbal test as diag- test performance when race was primed com- nostic of verbal abilities to all participants. Rather pared to the control condition. Black participants than examining how biracial individuals respond performed worse in the race-prime than in the to tests described as diagnostic or nondiagnostic, control condition. But importantly, biracial Black- we were interested in whether priming one’s Black White and Asian-White participants performed identity exacerbates the negative consequences of similarly in both the race salient and control con- a default threat experience, and whether priming ditions. These results suggest that multiracial and one’s White identity boosts performance by allevi- monoracial individuals are affected differently in ating threat. In the current study we explored, for testing situations when
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