In 2004, Two Famous Scholars Published a Pioneering Book On
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 76 | Issue 1 Article 10 5-24-2019 Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Caroline Mala Corbin, Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism, 76 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 453 (2019), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol76/iss1/10 This Student Notes Colloquium is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin* Table of Contents I. Introduction ...................................................................... 453 II. Christian Nationalism ..................................................... 458 III. Christian Prayers Reflect and Exacerbate Christian Nationalism ..................................................... 463 A. Christian Legislative Prayers as Embodying Nationalism ................................................................ 464 B. Christian Legislative Prayers Promote Christian Nationalism .............................................. -
Lebanese Christian Nationalism: a Theoretical Analyses of a National Movement
1 Lebanese Christian nationalism: A theoretical analyses of a national movement A Masters Thesis Presented by Penelope Zogheib To the faculty of the department of Political Science at Northeastern University In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Northeastern University Boston, MA December, 2013 2 Lebanese Christian nationalism: A theoretical analyses of a national movement by Penelope Zogheib ABSTRACT OF THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December, 2013 3 ABSTRACT OF THESIS This thesis examines the distinctiveness of Lebanese Christian identity, and the creation of two interconnected narratives pre and during the civil war: the secular that rejects Arab nationalism and embraces the Phoenician origins of the Lebanese, and the marriage of the concepts of dying and fighting for the sacred land and faith. This study portrays the Lebanese Christian national movement as a social movement with a national agenda struggling to disseminate its conception of the identity of a country within very diverse and hostile societal settings. I concentrate on the creation process by the ethnic entrepreneurs and their construction of the self-image of the Lebanese Christian and the perception of the "other" in the Arab world. I study the rhetoric of the Christian intelligentsia through an examination of their writings and speeches before, during and after the civil war, and the evolution of that rhetoric along the periods of peace and war. I look at how the image of “us” vs. -
209E7a36e95cfc54395aebf73c1
\\server05\productn\G\GHS\5-1\GHS103.txt unknown Seq: 1 17-MAY-07 7:54 Where Do Universal Human Rights Begin? The following talk was given by George Critchlow on April 25, 2006 at Temple Beth Shalom in Spokane, Washington in honor of Yom Hashoah, the annual remembrance of the Holocaust. Critchlow, an associate pro- fessor at Gonzaga University School of Law and a founder and former director of the Gonzaga Institute for Action Against Hate, was selected by the congregation to represent the “righteous gentile.” Professor Critchlow would like to acknowledge the helpful ideas and background information presented at the Amnesty International USA Lawyers’ Conference at the University of Washington School of Law on February 17-18, 2006. In particular, he was inspired by John Shattuck’s presentation titled “The Legacy of Nuremberg: Confronting Genocide and Terrorism Through the Rule of Law.” I have enormous respect for Temple Beth Shalom, what it stands for, its congregation, and those individuals whom I have come to know and count as friends. I am deeply honored and privileged to be invited to speak to you on this Day of Remembrance–especially in light of the occasion to recognize the 60 years that have now passed since the establishment of a new rule of law and accountability regarding war crimes and crimes against humanity at the Nuremberg Military Tribunal in 1946. I have a poster hanging in my office that frequently catches my eye and reminds me to connect my heart with my head. It is a picture of a small child of uncertain ethnicity, running happily, arms out, into the smiling face and open arms of his mother. -
Sample Chapter
35354_u01.qxd 11/6/07 3:04 PM Page 9 chapter 1 The Religious Challenge to the Secular State One of the more puzzling features of the fatweh in which Osama bin Laden proclaimed war on the American and European West in 1996 was his comparison of Western presence in the Middle East with the Cru- sades and colonialism. This may have surprised many Westerners who were not used to hearing issues of international relations expressed in cultural terms—especially not in images derived from the Middle Ages and the colonial era. Most Americans and Europeans thought that this kind of cultural oppression was buried in the unhappy past. To many in the non-Western world, however, these images aptly char- acterized the present. When the Ayatollah Khomeini railed against Amer- ican and European influence in Iran, what he had in mind was a new kind of colonialism. Though Iran had never been colonized by Europe- an powers, the domination of Western cultural and economic control seemed like colonialism all the same. The ayatollah and many other leaders of what used to be known as the “third world” of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East regarded Western influence as an intrusion that did not end with Euro- pean political and military retreat in the mid-twentieth century. They re- garded it as having continued for the next forty years of the Cold War era under the guise of political ideology and economic control and into the twenty-first century in the form of American-orchestrated global- ization. The new secular nationalism that was Europe’s legacy in the de- ___–1 veloping world began to be perceived by many in those regions as ___ 0 ___+1 9 Copyrighted Material 35354_u01.qxd 11/6/07 3:04 PM Page 10 10 Chapter 1 morally vacuous and politically corrupt—the worse features of the colo- nial past. -
Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access in the United States1
1 Forthcoming at Sociological Forum “I Don’t Want Everybody to Vote”: Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access in the United States1 Samuel L. Perry Department of Sociology University of Oklahoma Andrew L. Whitehead Department of Sociology Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis Joshua B. Grubbs Department of Psychology Bowling Green State University Abstract Though the persistence of voter suppression and disenfranchisement in the US is well- documented, we still know little about their contemporary ideological underpinnings beyond partisanship and racial resentment. Highlighting the Christian Right’s influence in driving anti- democratic sentiment in the post-Civil Rights era, we propose contemporary ideological support for restricting the vote generally, and specifically, to those who prove “worthy,” is undergirded by a pervasive ideology that cloaks authoritarian ethno-traditionalism with the ultimacy and polysemic utility of religious language―Christian nationalism. Nationally representative data collected weeks before the November 2020 elections reveal Christian nationalism is a leading predictor that Americans deny that voter suppression is a problem, believe that the US makes it “too easy to vote,” believe that voter fraud is rampant, and support measures to disenfranchise individuals who could not pass a basic civics test or who committed certain crimes. Interactions show Christian nationalism’s influence is particularly strong among men across most outcomes and, regarding voter suppression, whites compared to Blacks. We argue Christian nationalism seeks to institutionalize founding ideals in which civic participation is rooted in hierarchies, being restricted to a “worthy” few. Appeals to America’s religious heritage thus facilitate stratifying America’s citizenry and justifying restricting participation to preserve dominance. -
The “CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM” of Nichifor Crainic
The “CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM” of Nichifor Crainic reflected in his work from the th4 decade of the 20th century Iuliu-Marius Morariu The “CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM” of Nichifor Crainic reflected in his work from the th4 decade of the 20th century Presa Universitară Clujeană 2020 Referenți științifici: Prof. Univ. Dr. Inocent-Mária Vladimír Szaniszló OP, Universitatea Pontificală Angelicum, Roma Pr. Lect. Univ. Dr. Daniel Aron Alic, Universitatea „Eftimie Murgu”, Reșița Design: Dan G. Văscu © 2020. Autorul volumului. Toate drepturile rezervate. Reproducerea integrală sau parțială a textului, prin orice mijloace, fără acordul autorului, este interzisă și se pedep- sește conform legii. ISBN 978-606-37-0819-0 Universitatea Babeș-Bolyai Presa Universitară Clujeană Director: Codruța Săcelean Str. Hasdeu nr. 51 400371 Cluj-Napoca, România Tel./Fax: (+40) – 264 – 597. 401 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.editura.ubbcluj.ro/ Iuliu-Marius Morariu (hieromonk Maxim) is an Orthodox priest, PhD in Orthodox Theology in “Babeș-Bolyai” University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and a PhD. Candidate in Social Sciences in Angelicum Pontifical University in Rome. He graduated as a vale- dictorian the Faculty of Orthodox Theology from the aforemen- tioned University in Cluj-Napoca (BA in 2014, MA in 2016) and also the Faculty of History and Philosophy there (BA in 2014, MA, 2016). He also graduated the Ecumenical Institute in Bossey, Ge- neva University (2018) and received a MA title in Social Sciences in Angelicum Pontifical University in Rome (2020). He published, edited, coordinated and translated 26 books, more than 300 stud- ies and articles in Romania and abroad and more than 150 book reviews. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
LOP 50: the Impact on Global Mission of Religious Nationalism And
THE IMPACT ON GLOBAL MISSION OF RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM AND 9/11 REALITIES Lausanne Occasional Paper No. 50 Produced by the Issue Group on this topic at the 2004 Forum for World Evangelization hosted by the Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization In Pattaya, Thailand, September 29 to October 5, 2004 “A New Vision, a New Heart, a Renewed Call” In encouraging the publication and study of the Occasional Papers, the Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization does not necessarily endorse every viewpoint expressed in these papers. Lausanne Occasional Paper (LOP) No.50 This Issue Group on this topic was Issue Group No.21 (there were 31 Issue Groups at the Forum) Series Editor for the 2004 Forum Occasional Papers (commencing with LOP 30): David Claydon This Occasional Paper was prepared by the whole Issue Group and the principal writer for Section A was Dr Joseph De Souza and for Section B was Dr Ernest C.T. Chew. Copyright © 2005 Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization and its National Committees around the world [email protected] www.lausanne.org The context for the production of the Lausanne Occasional Papers The Lausanne Movement is an international movement committed to energising “the whole Church to take the whole gospel to the whole world.” With roots going back to the historical conferences in Edinburgh (1910) and Berlin (1966), the Lausanne Movement was born out of the First International Congress on World Evangelization called by evangelist Billy Graham held in Lausanne, Switzerland, in July 1974. The landmark outcome of this Congress was the Lausanne Covenant supported by the 2,430 participants from 150 nations. -
Pioneers of Clerical Fascism? Mythical Language of Revolutionary Political Catholicism in Slovakia and Visions of a “New Nation”1
PIONEERS OF CLERICAL FASCISM? MYTHICAL LANGUAGE OF REVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL CATHOLICISM IN SLOVAKIA AND VISIONS OF A “NEW NATION”1 Anton Hruboň DOI: 10.17846/CL.2021.14.1.131-145 Abstract: HRUBOŇ, Anton. Pioneers of Clerical Fascism? Mythical Language of Revolutionary Political Catholicism in Slovakia and Visions of a “New Nation”. Clerical fascism is among the vaguest and most corrupted terms in the political lexicon. As a result of abuse by the Communist regime for political purposes, it became an ideological label and insult after 1948. The present study attempts to revive this devalued term over the background of an analysis of the political language and ideology of Rodobrana, considered the first fascist movement in Slovakia (1923 – 1929). The study defines clerofascist ideology as a system of opinions, ideas and worldviews, functionally combining clericalism and fascism into a coherent worldview. The presented case study proves that, although clerical fascism has never formed the basis of any European regime, several variously significant political movements, including the Slovak Rodobrana, met its definition criteria. After outlining the methodology and general continental European context of the issue, the study analyses the forms of militarization of Catholicism in Slovakia after 1918, the formation of the concept of mystical ultra-nation, as well as the Rodobrana’s vision of establishing a new religious community. The paper pays special attention to the work performed by the myth of purity in the political language of the Rodobrana, the political instrumentalization of Christ and his sacred blood in the context of creating the “revived nation”. Keywords: clerical fascism, Blood of Christ, Rodobrana, Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, Vojtech Tuka, Slovak fascism, political mysticism, mythic language Clerical fascism – between an ideological label and an analytical tool The term clerical fascism provokes rather passionate reactions in the Slovak milieu. -
Culture Wars and COVID‐19 Conduct
JOURNAL for the SCIENTIFIC STUDY of RELIGION Culture Wars and COVID-19 Conduct: Christian Nationalism, Religiosity, and Americans’ Behavior During the Coronavirus Pandemic Samuel L. Perry Andrew L. Whitehead Department of Sociology Department of Sociology University of Oklahoma Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis Joshua B. Grubbs Department of Psychology Bowling Green State University During the COVID-19 pandemic, Americans’ behavioral responses were quickly politicized. Those on the left stressed precautionary behaviors, while those on the (religious) right were more likely to disregard recommended precautions. We propose the far right response was driven less by partisanship or religiosity per se, but rather by an ideology that connects disregard for scientific expertise; a conception of Americans as God’s chosen and protected people; distrust for news media; and allegiance to Trump–Christian nationalism. Analyzing panel data collected in the thick of the COVID-19 crisis, we find Christian nationalism was the leading predictor that Americans engaged in incautious behavior like eating in restaurants, visiting family/friends, or gathering with 10+ persons (though not attending church), and was the second strongest predictor that Americans took fewer precautions like wearing a mask or sanitizing/washing one’s hands. Religiosity, in contrast, was the leading predictor that Americans engaged in more frequent precautionary behaviors. Findings document that Christian nationalism, not religious commitment per se, undergirded the far-right response to COVID-19 that disregarded precautionary recommendations, thus potentially worsening the pandemic. Keywords: COVID-19, coronavirus, Christian nationalism, religion, religiosity, science. INTRODUCTION Among the many factors contributing to the comparatively high number of cases and fa- talities in the United States throughout the COVID-19 pandemic was how quickly the pan- demic itself became absorbed into partisan culture wars (Newport 2020; Singal 2020). -
Is Islamofascism Even a Thing? the Case of the Indonesian Islamic
Is Islamofascism even a thing? Th e case of the Indonesian Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI) Stephen Miller Abstract—Although a term with roots going back to 1933, “Islamofascism” did not gain wide-spread use until the beginning of the 21st century. In the West the term has often been associated with conservative and far right-wing politics, giving it Islamophobic overtones. However, in Indonesia and other Muslim majority coun- tries at times it can emerge in public discussion and debates as a rhetorical weapon of liberal intellectuals when discussing conserva- tive and far right-wing “Islamist” organizations—although in Indo- nesia the more common term is “religious fascist.” Th is paper exam- ines theories of fascism built up in “Fascist Studies” (the so-called “New Consensus”), as well as those of non-Stalinist Marxists and longue durée approaches to the history of fascism and the far right to see what light they might shed on the character of the Indonesian Islamic Defenders’ Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI). It concludes that while “Islamofascism” might be an interesting and productive stepping-off point, and while there are some parallels that can be drawn between FPI politics and ideology and those of fascism and far right politics as identifi ed in this literature, the term “Islamofas- cist” is nevertheless problematic. Th is is both because of its Islamo- phobic overtones and because the politics and ideology of the FPI are still coalescing as the organization emerges on the national stage. Keywords: Fascism, Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI), Indonesia, ideology, Islamofascist Asian Review 30(2), 2017, pp. -
The Promise and Failure of the Zionist-Maronite Relationship, 1920-1948
The Promise and Failure of the Zionist-Maronite Relationship, 1920-1948 Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Ilan Troen, Graduate Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Master’s Degree by Scott Abramson February 2012 Acknowledgements I cannot omit the expression of my deepest gratitude to my defense committee, the formidable triumvirate of Professors Troen, Makiya, and Salameh. To register my admiration for these scholars would be to court extravagance (and deplete a printer cartridge), so I shall have to limit myself to this brief tribute of heartfelt thanks. ii ABSTRACT The Promise and Failure of the Zionist-Maronite Relationship, 1920-1948 A thesis presented to the Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Scott Abramson Much of the historiography on the intercourse between Palestinian Jews and Lebanese Maronites concerns only the two peoples’ relations in the seventies and eighties. This thesis, in contrast, attempts a departure from this scholarship, joining the handful of other works that chart the history of the Zionist-Maronite relationship in its earliest incarnation. From its inception to its abeyance beginning in 1948, this almost thirty-year relationship was marked by a search of a formal alliance. This thesis, by presenting a panoptical survey of early Zionist-Maronite relations, explores the many dimensions of this pursuit. It details the Zionists and Maronites’ numerous commonalities that made an alliance desirable and apparently possible; it profiles the specific elements among the Zionists and Maronites who sought an entente; it examines each of the measures the two peoples took to this end; and it analyzes why this protracted pursuit ultimately failed.