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The poet `Um©ara al-Yamanl

`Alwash, Jawd A.

How to cite: `Alwash, Jawd A. (1967) The poet `Um©ara al-Yamanl, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/8079/

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Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk Tho Poot MJmara al-Yamani

1. Abu Muhammad ^Uiriar^ ibn VAii was born in tho Yomen in 515/1121, He studied jurisprudence at Zabid (531-535 A.H.) thon ho taught Shafi*i Jurisprudence there. TThilo on pilgrimage to Mecca in 538/Li^5 ho mot tho Quoen al-Hurra

of Zabid and beoaino ono of hor close frionds. Ko began trading bott^oen Adon and Zabid in 533 A.II. , and became rich, famous, and a friend of Ibn Saba* (tho Dali of Aden), his

Vizier BiJal b. Jarir and his secretary al-*Abdi. Ho was sent by tho Prince of "al-Haramain" (Qasim b. Hashim b.

Falito), on a mission to tho Fatitnid Caliph (al-Fa'i^) in

Egypt in 549 A.II. So successful was his mission that the

Prmco of al-Horamain sent him on another mission m 553- A.H.

He wont to Egypt and settled thoro, living happily until

Saladin ended the Fatimid Caliphate in 5^7 A.II. when 'Uraara was involvod in a plot to roplace tho son of the last

Fatimid Caliph on the throno. Tho plot was betrayed and

UUmara was exocuted on 2 Ramadan 5^9/6 April 1175)

(Chapter 1 Part IP. 28 - 76).

2. *Umora had a good character, so that most peop3e lilcod and rospoctcd him. lie was a faithful and pious ruoslim, so that he seemed proud of his roligion. Ho bolongod to

Sha.fi *i soct by birth, education and m his way of thinking; so it was said that ho was a fanatic of sunna. He was one of (2)

the most learned of tho peoplo of his tlmo. lie studied jurisprudence, Tafsir Hadith, History, Arabic litorature and language. Then ho wroto many "books In addition to his

"Diwan": al-Nukat ai-tAsriyya, Tarikh al-Yaman, ShularaJ al-Yamnn, al-FaraJicl and Sirat al-Sayyida Nafiaa. All this made him gain a good position in his society

(Chapter ? P. 77 - 129).

3. lUmara'a pootic talent was rovoalod in Adon by the holp of al-*AbdI, grow at Zabid, and his fame made complete in Egypt especially when he joined "Diwan al-ShutaraJ1" m the Fatiiuia Caliphate. So ho became one of the groatost poets of his time until Saladm's roign when ho became noglected.

(Chapter 1 Part II P. 131 - 159).

4. lUmara was a panegyrist. Ho was expert m eulogy in which was most of his pootry, but he also vrote in most of tho poetical themos common to his times olegy opistolary-poetry, satire, love-poetry, ascetic-poetry, doscriptive-pootry and other themos.

(Chapter 2 P. 160 - 230).

5. 'Umara constantly sought to express his idoas lucidly, so most of his poetry was understood by ordinary (3)

roaders. Although his stylo was not distinguished, it was adequate, and his language was eloquent. He was fond of rhotorica.1 flguros (Badit) which can bo soon in moat of his pootry. While ho avoided strange rhymos and rare metres ho wrote many "Urjuzas" and "Muwashshahs".

(Chapter 3. P. 231 - 2S2),

6. iUmora mado us© of some of his predecessors' art, ospocially Abu Tammam, ai-Buh-curi and al-Muranabbi.

Similarly some of his followers bonefittod from his art.

His pootlc thought and descriptions reachod a high lovol, and ho won the admiration of Arabs evorywhere. His importance, then, was as a poet who was able to record in his poetry the events which happenod in his time, and ho was one of the pioneers of "Muwa3hshahou m the east.

(Chaptor h. P. 283 - 318).

J. A. cAl\jash

A The Poet Mjmara al-Yamani

Jawad A.cAlwash

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts m the University of Durham for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

School of Oriental Studies, Elvet Hill, Durham.

June 1967.

The copyright of this thesis rests with the author

No quotation from it should be published without

his prior wiirten consent and information demed

from it should be acknowledged DEDICATION

^-— ) f.

lUmara remains the symbol of a unique loyalty, the creator of veritable pearls of poetry. A star which illuminated his day and age, into the horizon of eloquence m Cairo. I dedicate this new "book, to his unsullied loyal Spirit.

J.'Alwash. (2) Index

Page

Dedication j.

Index 2

Preface 5

Transliteration 7

Introduction (His Background) 5

PART I

( 'Umlra's life)

Chapter I. iHis Biography)

1. His Origin, Birth and Upbringing 23

2. At Zabld 28

3. His Marriage 29

4. To Mecca 32

5. To Aden 35

6. The First Poem 36

7. To H] aaz JLj.0

8. His Mission to Egypt 1+3

9. The Great Merchant 1+8

10. In Egypt 50

11. During the Time of the Ayyubids 67

12. His Death 7k

Chapter II. (His Personality)

1. His Outward Appearance 77

2. His Character 79

3. His Habits and Hobbies 89 (3) i+. His Religion 93

5. His Madhhab 97

6. His Culture 106

7. His Works(a. The Diwan. b) Al- no Nukat al-lAsriyya. c) Tarikh al- Yaman. d) Sh^ara* al-Yaman. e) al-Fara1id. f) Sirat al- Sayyida NafTsa. g) Rasa-*il ^Umira.)

8. His Social Position 122

PART II

{lUmara's Poetry)

(The Stages m ^Umara's Poetical Development)

1. The Beginning 131

2. The Merchant Poet 135

3- The Ambassador Poet 12+2 k* The DTwan Poet 12+6

5. The Neglected Poet 151 Chapter 2

(The Themes of his Poetry)

1. Eulogy (.Madih): Panegyric 160

2. Elegy (Ritha') 180

3. Epistolary Poetry (al-Murasalat 191 al-Ikhwaniyya) i+. Satire (Hi3a') 197

5. Love Poetry (Ghazal) 205 6. Ascetic Poetry (Zuhdiyyat) 211+

7. Descriptive Poetry (Wasf) 218

8. Other Themes 226

Chapter 3

(His Poetical Technique)

1. His Ideas 231

2. His Style and Language 239

3. The RhetoricaSFigures (Bad!1) 255 k» Rhyme (Qafiya) 2GU

5. His Metres (Buhur) 269

6. His'Raoaz' 2?2

7. His"Muwashshahat" 278

Chapter k

(His Place m the History of Arabic Literature)

1. His Predecessors 283

2. His Creative Art 295

3. His Followers 301+ i+. His Importance "08

Conclusion 319

BibIn ography 322 5.

Preface

I farst "became interested m MJmara when I was writing an article about Rajih al-Hilli for "al-Ustadh", the academic magazine of the Faculty of Education m

Baghdad University. Some Arab writers said that

Rajih took his elegy on the death of the King al-Zahir of Aleppo irom lUmara. I wanted to see to what extent

Rajih imitated vUmara, so I sought out his "Diwarw lihen

1 examined Derenboarg's edition, 1 found it interesting and thought it would be worth academic research.

This thesis is concerned only with lUmara's poetry, (2 )

since its title is "The Poet Hlmara al-Yamani". v '

The iirst part is devoted to the study of his life and his personality, and examines his character, habits, religion,

sect and culture. Part two is devoted to his poetry. It

consists of four chapters, m which the development of his poetry, themes ana techniques are studied.

The introduction gives a brief picture of his time, brief because there are quite a number of books, m Arabic,

English and other languages, which aeal with varying (7.) aspects ol this period. w/

(1) Al-Ustadh, V.10, 1962 (2) The letter of the University of Durham* 2nd December, 196k.

(3) Hasan, Ibrahim, Tarikh al-Dawla al-Fatimiyya 67I+-70O lUmara himself gave us good references, "because he wrote his "biography at the beginning of his "book "al-Nukat al-lAsriyya", which is one of the principal sources of this thesis, and the Petersburg (Pet.) and Copenhagen

(Cop.) manuscrips of his"Diwan" also. Of course, some other works contributed to the study of lUmara, for example Derenbourg's '"-Oumara du Yemen" (Der.).

I would like to thank all these friends who helped me m different fields My supervisor, Mr. J.A. Haywood,

Miss N. Kahtan; Mr. & Mrs. M. Willstrop; Mr. A. Faruki, and all the staff of the library m the School of

Oriental Studies. (7) Transliteration b « > i J t m r th n o

3 w 3 h h Jb • kh {• a > y dh Vowels:

> r J U Short Damma z J 0- Short Fatha — s ur i Short Kasra sh U Long Damma s o° a Long Fatha • n d 1 Long Kasra • t Diphthongs: • z an or aw t L ai or ay <_> gh L f a 3 k 3 8

INTRODUCTION

(His Background)

(I)

The sixth A.H. Century was the epoch of lUmara,

"because his life covered just over the first half of that

century. During this time, he lived m "both the Yaraan and

Egypt, so this will be his background which we are about

to review.

••Umara spent the first part of his life m the Yaman,

which is the furthest corner of south-western Arabia. Arab

states have always tried to capture the Yaman because it is

an ideal base, snd also open to new religious and political

movements. The prophet Muhammad sent Mu*adh lbn Jabal to

teach the people the rules of Islam. Banu Umayya and

Abbassids sent their "walls" immediately to the Yaman to be

sure of their authority there. The Yaman was one of the

first centres for the Shiti, VAlawi and Patimid "Da^a",

such as the attempt of "Mansur al-Yaman". So it was divided

into many parts, cities, towns, "Mikhlafs" and fortresses,

and thus there were disputes and struggles for power. They

did exactly as the pre-Islamic tribes used to do. They

raided each other, capturing women and plundering property.

*Umara gives us vivid pictures of this life m his book,

"The History of the Yaraan".

(I) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V. 2/227 9. The main parts of the Yaman during the life of lUmara were* Aden, ZabTd and Tihama. Za"bTd was ruled "by 4^^^m^§, the Queen al-3ayyida al-Hurra ruled acting m the name of her son Fatik after his father's (-a^j^ikaj»ram) aeath. Her Wazir, Abu i'luhammad Surur, was her chief support and the first man of importance m Zahid. The Sulaihites were under the domination oi tne Fatimid Caliphate and they used to mention tne name of the Fatimid Caliph m the Friday public (2) prayers. v ' They ruled many towns and districts, such as* Dhi Jibla and Ta*-kar, and their authority lasted until 553~55U A.H., \/hen VAli lbn IViahdi conquered tnem and ruled most of the Yaman. The Zurai'ites ,,ere the other important government m the Yaman. It existed in Aden and other towns, and 'Mikh- lals followed them. rUmara visited Aden m 538 A.H. while the governor was al-Dali Muhammad ihn Saba', whom lUmara met and praised with his Wazir, Bilal ihn Jarir. When lbn Saba' died, he \,cs succeeded by his son, tIrnran, who continued m the same way as his xather until 56h A.H. The Zurai'ites v/ere "both rulers and Da*is to the Fatimi sect m the Yaman.

When lUmara entered Egypt m the reign of al-Fa'iz, the country was not at peace. Most of tne oarts of tne Fatimid Empire were separated from it, "being independent or following other states, after this Empire had "been

(2) Hasan, Tarlkh al Dawla al-Fatimiyya 239-2kO

(3) *Umara,Tarikh al-Yaman MS. 11+9 10. extended from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, to include the Yaman, Hijaz, Mawoi-1 and Sicily, so the name of Lhe Fatimid Caliph was mentioned m the public prayer on Fridays m tne mosques of all these regions, terrifying the Umayyad governors m Andalus and giving a warning to the Abbasid Caliphs m Baghdad. But now the situation became worse. The Caliphate became weaker; the Caliphs could not do anything to protect their authority because they v/ere too weak, since they undertook the responsibility while they were still young. So the actual authority was directed by the Viziers, who were constantly struggling for favour and quarrelling with other leaders, so that they killed their closest friends for these purposes. The youngest Caliph was al-Fa'iz. When his father, al-Zafir lbn al-Hafiz, was killed by his Vizier 'Abbas al-Smhlgi m 5U9 A.H., he was succeeded by his

son '•Isa, who was surnamed "al-Fa'iz" when he was only three (5) . years old. wy "Abbas tried to force the authority, but the women of the Caliphate palace asked al-Salih Talarilibn

Ruzzik, who was the Prince in the south (Sa'id) for help. o He came and conqiiered '•Abbas who was killed with his two - (6) sons. Therefore, al-Salih became the Vizier. K ' He took _ • • (k) Hasan, Tarikh 78 • " (5) Abu Shama, al-Rawdatam. V. 1/97

(6) Usama lbn Munqidh. al-I'tibar 20-26 11. care of the young Caliph, "but the real atithonty was m his hands, so that he was^the first Vizier5to "be called

"Malik" (King).

Al-Fa'iz did not live a long time; he died m

555 A.H., so al-Salih chose LAbdullah lbn Yusuf to succeed him and called him al-'Adid, he was the last Fatimid

Caliph, who had not yet reached puberty. Al-Salih gave

• • his daughter m marriage to the Caliph to keep his own (8) position, but he was kiUled m 556 A.H. ^ 1 He was succeed ed by his son, al-VAdil Ruzzik, but conditions were worsen• ing. So many Viziers killed each o'^her, forcing the author lty from one to another, al-lAdil, Shawar and Dirghim.

,/hen Shawar brought an army from Sham unaer the leadership of Asad al-Din and his nephew Salah al-Din, he was able to kill Dirgham m 559 A.H. and to become Vizier again, but he did not live long bee-use he, too, was killed "by Salah al-Din m 56i+ A.H. ^

Then Asad al-Din became the Vizier, for a few months until he died m 56^/1169, and then Salah al-Din became the Vizier. ^10^

(7) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil: V.IX/U8

(8) Ibn Khallikan, V/afayat VII/

(9) Abu al-Fida, Tarikh. VIII/U8

(10) Lane-Pool, The Muhammadian Dynasties: 7^+ 12.

"In the first month of 567 (Sept. 1171), Saladin caused the 'khutba' or public prayer to "be said at Cairo in the name of the contemporary Abbasid Caliph, Mustadi' instead of the Fatimid 'Adid, who l^y on his death-bed. The change v/as effected without disturbance, and Egypt became once more" one of the countries which followed Baghdad, but Salah al-Din was King.

• •

(2)

The Islamic society v/as mostly corrupt and divided.

It was growing worse and most of the virtues began to dis• appear. The people were a mixture of many kinds. Arabs,

Turks, Ghuzz and Persians. There were also many Abyssm- lans and Indians m the Yaman. Therefore, the society was full of different habits and conventions. These people were of many different classes;thehigh class which contain• ed Caliphs, Princes, nobles, Viziers and their relatives.

These people had authority and did exactly as they wished.

The great scholars "tUlama," made up the second class. The third class consisted of 1ich merchants. The last was the common people: workmen, farmers, small merchants, Soldiers and others. These classes were flexible however. Other factors divided people into classes, and as there were

(11) Ibn al-Puwati, al-Hawadith 11+3 13. many slaves and "Jariyas" m nearly every house, so relationship in most of the families v/as made weaker and eiw&ity raised its head among relatives and even among "brothers, murder "became common, and crowds of "VAyyars" (vagabonds) became evident m every city, disturbing the peace and security, killing people and stealing their money. At times, they became so dangerous that they terri• fied all the people and troubled the governors, because the relatives of some of the responsible chiefs had 3oined them.<12)

The position of the woman was rather doubtful, although she could hold a high position in society and even at times direct leaders, Viziers and Caliphs, such as Sayyidat al- Qusvr (the aunt of al-Fa'iz) did m Egypt, and the Queen al- Hurra, who was the real governor in Zabid at the time of her son Fatik. Hovever, women could demand respect and they could educate themselves, even "Jariyas" were well educated to the extent that they could have a marked effect on society. Most people were Muslims, but there were many Christ• ians and Jews who attained great wealth and held high posit- (13) ions m the Caliphate. N ^' Muslims were divided into many sects; the main two being Shi*ites and Sunnis. Egypt was (12) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil. VIX/7 (13) Hasan, Tarikh 402 14. governed "by Fatimids whose sect was Isma'ill, which is a branch of Shi'ite. The people m the Yaman were of many sects. Shilite (isma'ilT, Zaidi and Iraami) and Sunni (Shafi*i, Hanafi and Malik!). Most people were still strongly influenced "by religion, so religious men, such as Jurisprudents, were very important m so much that they were able to direct and influence the leaders. People worked m business, trade, crafts and farming. Some were rich, others were poor because they had to pay different taxes to the government, v/hich accumulated a great reserve of money m the treasury. Maqrizi describes this m (15) hi s "Khitat" m incredible terms. s ^' This was m spite *"" • • of the fact that rich people mostly did not pay any tax, but were granted money by the government. But the fact which should be mentioned here is that the Fatimids spent most of this wealth to please the people, at feasts, cele• brations and ceremonies, as they bestowed gifts on the poets writers and scholars. *-Umara was one of the fortunate.

(3)

The cultural side of life flourished. The actual means

of culture were the Jurisprudents, the Qadis, the Muhaddiths

(Ik) *Umara, Tarikh: MS. Ik5 (15) Maqrizi, Khitat: VJ/496 15. the linguists, the grammarians, the writers and the poets. There were, also, scientists, engineers, doctors and astronomers. Most of them were concerned with literature, as most of the Viziers, Princes, their relatives and friends were also.

The first primary school was the "Kuttah", m which "boys used to learn reading and writing, reciting and memor• izing the Koran, calligraphy and arithmetic. The teachers at "Kuttahs" were called "iJutallim" or "Mu*addlb", and most of the "Kuttabs" were m the mosques.

There were m the Yaman many centres of culture; schools, mosques and palaces. The most famous and import• ant centre was Zahid, which was called the city of scholars and jurists. There were many schools there, teaching most kinds of knowledge, especially jurisprudence, so that people used to come from everywhere to study under the great scholars there. Literature was one branch of which people were fond, especially poetry. So there were many poets in the Yaman. lUmara wrote a hook ahout his contemp• oraries, quoting some of their poetry. The leaders and

"Datis" liked poetry and patronised poets. lUmara tells us many stories to show this. He said about the Queen AsmaJ, •efr motha? of the King al-Mukarram. "AsmaJ was of a generous and nohle disposition, literal in the rewards she "bestowed upon (16) Al-Shaihani, Bughya: MS. F. 9 16 poets... Her husband's poet, named As^ad lbn Yahya al-

Haythami, spoke of her m the following terms:

"She hath impressed upon "beneficence the stamp of generosity - of meanness, she allows no trace to appear." (17)

And TUmara says about Surur, the Vizier of the King

Fatik: "I have seen a list of the gratifications which Surur was in the habit of conferring, on his arrival at Zabid, upon the Jurists, Kadis, and upon the most distinguished scholars, learned in the traditions, m grammar, glossology, theology and jurisprudence. The whole amounted to twelve thousand Dinars each year." (18)

In Aden, all the leaders of the Zurai^ites were a great help to scholars and poets. Not only this, but many of them were poets and wrote good poetry; for example, Muhammad lbn Saba* and his father, Saba* lbn Ahmad, who used to reply to the poets who praised him, writing poetry to tnem m addition to his gifts. lUmara said m this connection: "But he was of a benevolent and generous disposition, an accomplished poet, learned m the doctrines of the Pure sect, well acquainted with the sayings of the wise, nurtured on poetry. He requited eulogists with eulogy as well as with substantial rewards."

(17) Kay, Yaraan: 22 (18) Ibid.- 121 17.

On that point, lAly lbn al-Kumm has said of him*

"When I panegyrized al-Hayzari, the son of Ahmad, he rewarded me and he requited me with praise for my praise. He gave me verses for my verses, and added gifts, these my capital in trade, these my profits." (19)

There were many leaders who did the same as Saba'; for instance *\Ali al-Sulaihi and Sultan Hatim Ahmad. So these leaders not only protected and patronised poets and literary men, "but they also shared their literary life with them. Consequently they encouraged them, res_3ected them and created a competitive atmosphere to improve and encourage poetry. As for Egypt, it "became the centre of the Islamic world at that timej so people came there from all over to study, teach, work and earn fame. The Patimid Caliphs welcomed them and encouraged all the scholars, scientists, philolo- (21) gists, writers and poets to come to Cairo. v ' The new government there wanted, in this way, to create a great cultural movement and renaissance, to create propaganda in competition with the Abbasids in Baghdad, and the Umayyads m Andalus. On the other hand, "because they were Shilite, they intended to support their sect with the help of all (22) these kinds of knowledge, philosophy and literature.v 1 (19) Ibid.. k3 (20) Al-Shaibanl, Qurrat al-lUyun- MS. P. 30, 1+1- (21) Hasan, Tarikh. 280-282 18.

The "Imam s" themselves looked after the scholars, paying them good salaries, and took care of the various knowledges ('Ulum), so that they used to open their palaces for this purpose, arranging occasional meetings. They read "books, discussed different matters and displayed their new ideas (23) at these meetings. ' Therefore, many Viziers, Princes and nobles followed the Caliphs m this way, and "became a great help to the education of the country. But while these actions were useful from this point of view, they had their failings, the scholars who did not join these patrons did not have what they needed m life and they v/ere left without means of support. Mosques v/ere the greatest centres of study. Teachers made mosques their schools, so the students gathered round the teachers of the kind of knowledge which they chose. For this reason the Fatimids took great care of mosques and (2<=>) "built many "big ones. v JJ The greatest event, m this aspect, was the establish• ing of "al-Azhar", which became the most famous Islamic university m the time of al-lAziz (378 A.H.). The other great cultural event was the establishment oi the great (23) Maqrizi, Khitat: V. 1/226 (2k) Amin, Zuhr: v! 1/120 (25) Hasan, Tarlkh: 226 19 academy "Dar al-Hikma" which the Caliph al'-Hikma't which tho Oal-igh al-Hakim establised m 395 A.H. near "by hie palace. He provided it with an extensive library called

— L (26 ; ) "Dar al- Ilm". ^ It was not the only library at that

time, because there were libraries in most of the import• ant towns m Egypt and the biggest one was the one which was in the Caliphate palace. It was said that the books

m "Khizanat al-Kutub" were more than 12000 V. ^27^ They were necessary for the benefit of students and teachers, and were a result of the interest of the Caliphs m books, for which they often paid large sums. The Caliphs made these excellent books available to readers at any time because they opened their palaces and libraries to the scholars and students, who could find all they needed m these libraries free of charge, such as paper, pens and

ink. <28>

By these facilities, they could spread and improve '^Ulum" which at that time included the studies of the

Koran, *Taf sir '(interpretation), 15QiraJat" (readings),

religious knowledge, jurisprudence, vxUsui," v,ParaJ id, ' 'Haditb/and other studies'. History, geography, astronomy,

(26) Ibid.: U35 (27) Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij V. 1/201. (28) Hasan, Tarlkh: k2Q 20. philology, *Nahw'^ Sarf'i m addition to the scientific studies such as. medicine, engineering, mathematics, (29) biology, botany and so on. x ' Although literature is one of these branches of knowledge, it received special attention from the Fatimids; it improved very quickly since it was abund• ant, but, unfortunately, most of the writings of the

time are lost. (^0) ^Q p0e-^s were numerous, (31-) an^ (32) they all had their own different roles to play. w ' They describe their life giving re^l images from the society of Egypt, showing us how people lived at that time. People generally liked humour and insolence, so poetry was full (33) of this. They described the beauty of nature by which they were sarrounded and they debcribed the ceremon=

les, meetings and celebrations. ^*+) i'hiS poetry was full of "BadiL" m most of its themes because the Egyptian poets liked it, but the best of all was Ibn Qalaqis, who (35J ) - wa(29s) veryFo fonr mord eo fdetail it, s' seeas :wa sal-Maqrizi *"Umara also, Khitat. , Amin, Zuhr al-Islam and Hasan, Tarikh al-Fatlmiyya. (30) Husam, Fi Adab Misr: 127 (31) Al-lImad Kharida (Egypt) (32) Husam, Fi Adab Misr 295 (33) Ibid. 300 (3k) Ibid: 125-127 (35) Ibid. 226 21.

This poetry m general might be divided into three kinds: pr&i&e poetry, the poetry of propaganda to the Isma^ilT sect and lyric poetry. ^ ' The poets found patronage which showered them with many gifts. There was establish• ed a special "Diwan1* for the poets, which looked after them and paid them certain salaries.

The favoured position of poets and other literary men was not only because the Caliphs and the Viziers liked literature as propaganda for the state, but because they also enjoyed it. Some of them were poets, v/riters and orators (Khutaba') al-Mansur, al-Qa'im and al-Mutizzal3 were. Some books quoted their poetry but the best of them was Tamim lbn al-Muliz^v/hose poetry was of a high order. (37) The Viziers, often used to compose poetry, for instance Ibn Kkills, al-Lalik al-Salih, Dirgham and Shawar. So they • • • encouraged poets and writers and employed them m the "Diwans" or m any worthwhile government office. This was a factor which attracted poets and writers all over the Arab world to come to Egypt to gam what they wanted, money, fame and position. Many did so, ^8) and lUmara was one of these poets who left his ov/n country, for this purpose, and settled m Egypt. (36) Amin, Zuhr V.1/210-212 (37) Amin, Zuhr V.1/212 (38) For more details see: al-'Imad, Kharida, Husam, Pi Adab Misr, Hasan, Tarikh al-Dawla al-Fatimiyya PART I

lUmara's Life 23.

CHAPTER I

His Biography

1. His origin, "birth and upbringing.

His full name was*- Najmuddin Abu Muhammad (or Abu

Hamaz) lUmara lbn Abu'l-Hasan VAli lbn Zaidan lbn Ahmad • • • al-Hakami, from al-Hakam lbn Sald al-lAshira al-Madhhiji, • . — — ^ from Madhhij al-Qahtani, al-Yarnani. He was proud of his origin, so he said "The origin of the ancestors is

Qahtan, then Al-Hakam lbn Sa*-d al-'Ashira al-Madhhiji".^2^ • • • ~™ • 4Umara was born of well-known parents into a famous family of one 01 the great Arab Tribes m Yaman. This tribe claimed to be pure Arabic blood, because they did not allow intermarriage. Therefore, *Ali lbn Zaidan,

'-Umara's father, married his cousin, *Umara's mother, the daughter of al-Muthib lbn Sulaiman. Both of his parents' fathers, Zaidan lbn Ahmad and al-Muthib lbn Sulaiman, were amongst the chiefs of the tribe.

(1) Qahtan b. *Abir b. Shalikh b. Arfakh shadh b.Nuh,^-^

tj-lUthe'origin of the Qahtanl Arabs The Arabs were 1LAII2U } called Arab from his'son Ya*rub. (al-Nuwairl- * Nihayat al-Arab. V.II. p. 292) (2) 'Umara, al-Nukat. p. 7 2k.

This tribe was one of the largest tribes m Yaman. It was noted for its generosity, courage and zeal. tUmara tells us many interesting stories about some of its members; for instance his uncle, *Ali lbn Zaidan.^^ There were also many scholarly writers m varying aspects of knowledge.

tUmara was born m Murtan, a town m Wasa1 Valley m Tihama of Yaman, most probably m about 515/1121, but we cannot be certain of this date, because he never ment• ions it. He merely mentions that he reached puberty m 529/1135* Since the age of puberty varies, this does not help us to fix his age, since there is no definite age when man reaches puberty ^ln^th^-V

Most of his biographers, (lbn al-Athir (al-Kamil), lbn Khallikan (Vafayat), al-Qalqashandi (Subh), Sibt lbn al= Jawzi (Mir*at), lbn Kathir (al-Bidaya), lbn al-*Imad (Shadharat), al-Isbahani al-(Kharida) and abu Shama (al- Rawdatain) ) avoided the matter. Some of them, like lbn Khallikan for example, were interested m the birth dates of the men whom they wrote about, but they could not be

3) Ibid: p. 10-20 k) Wasa*- may be changed from Wasic (wide)" said Yaqut m his Muljam V.1IIA20 (5) *Umara, al-Nukat. p.20 (6) Al-Razi, Tafsir. V.Vl/p.30U 25. certain of •umSra's. However, among those "biographers who mentioned his "birthdate were al-Jaaadi, al-Ansari, al- b _ Dhahabi, al-Suyuti, al-Amini, Kahala, Dernbourg and C.Huart. • * The earliest of them was al-Janadi, (died 732/1332), who said:

"He was horn a few years after 510 A.H.". (7)

c l i (bid a ashra&wa khamsmi'a) «• K^-> \s^**J> *ur~ ~E^»

"al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din Muhammad, (died (8) 746/1348), said the same m one of his "books. '

But he gave a definite date m another hook when

he said "He was born m 515"

Al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din, (died 911/1505), agreed with al-Dhahabi. (10) So tney both gave an exact date, although no one knows on v/hat basis. Others, it appears, took this date to be accurate, but Derenbourg says "He was born m either 515 or 514".And al-Amini, 4Abdu 'l-Husam (12) says. "He was born m 513"• (7) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk- MS. (Der. 542) (8) Duwal al-Islam- V.Il/p.6l (9) Tarikh al-Islam: MS. (Der. 491) (10) Bughyat al-Wu'at- P. 359 (11) *0umara du Yemen: V.11/24 (12) Al-Ghadir. V.IVA08 26.

That means he did not agree with them that "hid'a 'ashra is 15", as they thought, so he reduced it to 513> or he thought that the age to reach pubertals about 16 years. At all events, the exact date of 'Umara's birth remains m doubt.

'Umara's early life m a wealthy and honourable fam• ily, was serene and secure. He spent happy years in these environments acquiring strength of character, knowledge and the respect of his relatives. They were his first examples and teachers. He had the gift of eloquence and also learnt the 'best language' among people who were considered "Afsah

Al-Nas", as Abu tAmr lbn Al-'-Ala' saida^Hvt tljus^ aAva^Jto^ ^

v/hen he was about eight years old, he began to study m the 'Kuttab'; to recite the Koran and to learn it by heart, then to learn to read and to write. His first teach• er was lAtiyya lbn Muhammad lbn Haram. When lUmara was able

e o • to read 'Surat Sad', his uncle lAli lbn Zaidan gave the f 1^) teacher 100 cows and other gifts. v This story may be suspect, but "-Umara told it m addition to many other stor• ies, showing how dear he was to his family, although he was not the only son, he had, m fact, many brothers, probably more than five. v/e know little more about him at this stage, but at any rate, he continued his education there (13) vUmara, al-Nukat p.12 (Ik) Ibid: p.23 \<3 27. until 529/1135 when he reached puberty, then he began to study seriously. He wanted to study jurisprudence, because God says* "But v/hy should not a part of every section of them (the believers) go forth to become learned m relig• ion (jurisprudents), and to warn their people when they (15) return to them, so that they may beware". v Jl ^Umara also knew that huhammad had said: "From whom- soever God wants goodness, he makes him learned m r11 g-

>e*r» <16> So *-Umara decided to study the subject v/hich interest• ed him most. He could not begin straight away, however, because there was drought and famine m Yaman that year, and his father had become the chief of the tribe after his brother's death in 526 A.H., so it was his responsibility to look after his people. They suffered under these condit• ions for something like a year until most of their farms were destroyed and the majority of their animals were dead. Their troubles were not solved until, as 'Umara says, "They (17) became like the other people". v

(15) The Koran, IX(Repentance)l22 (16) Al-Bukhari, Fath al-Bari: V.I/133-I3U (17) *Umara, al-Nukat. p.21 28.

2. At Zabid.-

After this disaster had "been overcome, LUmara "began to realise his hopes, m 531/H37 his mother gave him

(i Pi) — — jewellery ^ ' valued at 1000 Dinars, and his father - - (19 ) gave him UlO Dinars, ' to go to ZabTd to study whatever he wished, Zabid having a great reputation as a place of learning at that time. "It is the city of knowledge and scholars, jurisprudence and jurisprudents, religion and

goodness". (20) There were many scholars of religion, particularly m Shafi^i jurisprudence, teaching m its

schools. tUmara referred to one of thorn Abu Muhammad *Abdullah ibn abi al-Qasim al-Abbar, who was his teacher

m "Madhhab al-Shafi1!". ^21^

When LUmara first arrived, he went directly to the house of the Vizier haslim lbn Sakht, a friend of his (22) father, where he lived as one of his sons. ' Everyone at Zabid, the teachers, the jurisprudents, the students and tne people, took an immediate liking to *Umara, because he v/as polite, gracious and interesting to listen to, but wnat astonished them most v/as his eloquence. (18) '•Umara says this m al-Nukat, p.21, but he says m Tarikh al-Yaman (MS p.8i(.) that he v/ent to Zabid m 530, It might be an accidental mistake and 531 is the right one. (19) lUmara, al-Nukat: p.21 (20) Al-Shaibani, Bughyat al-Mustafid MS. P. 9 (21) *Umara, Tarikh al-Yaman MS. p. Ik (22) tumara, al-Nukat p. 21 29.

He worked hard for four years, he did not absent himself from the school at any time m the day, except to pray m the mosque. When he had finished studying, he visited his parents at Murtan. They were very happy to see their son, now a treat jurisprudent and scholar, and they were surprised, v/hen they learnt that he had only spent the money and not made use of his mother's jewellery, which he return• ed to her. 'Umara went "back to ZabTd, not to study, but to teach. He taught Shall1! jurisprudence, especially (al- Ma»varith) - inheritance - and (al-Fara* id) -Cal £Ulatione>pjfia>-

He wrote a book called "al-Para'id", D' but it has since been lost. lUmara was an able lecturer, so everyone liked and respected him, especially the students. He had a fine reputation among the scholars, but he only taught there for (2liv Lhree years, ^ ^ 3. His Marriage

lUmara seemed settled at this time. He loved quietly and happily. No mention is made either by his biographers or by *Umara himself of the date of his marriage, but it can be said thst he married ejrly. As soon as he had finished his elementary study, and reached puberty, he felt that he was now able to support a iarnily. And, therefore, he felt

(23) Ibn Kathir, al-BiOaya wa al-Nihaya V. XII/276 (2/+) lUmara, al-Nukat p. 23 30. he should marry to fulfill the demands of his religion, or according to the "Hadith" of 'luhammad "Marriage is my 'sunna' "(^5)^ especially as he was wealthy. So he married early, m about 529 A.H. The proof of this is m h3s elegies to his son Muhammad "You were given to me a year alter I had reached puberty, therefore your age did (26) not seem far from mine". * ' As already mentioned, 'Umara saio that he reached (27) puberty m 529 A.H. v u so it seems that lUmara married in 529 and his son was born in the same year. There are no details of the marriage available. This lacl; of detail is typical of the Arabs, because they consicer marriage a personal matter or a family secret, and so they do not like to make it public. His wife was from Yaman, however, because MJmara said "Dirgham was present v/ith ine, burying my wife when she died, she was (28) from Yaman". ^ ' We do not know when that was, but it is certain that it occurred at the time of the Vizier Ruzzik lbn al-Malik al-Salih, because MJmara mentioned his name m this time as a Vizier. And there is no doubt that the reign of Ruzzik began on 19 Ramadan 556 A.H., and he was (25) Al-Vunili, ,/asa'il.V 8/3-U (26) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 186B (27) vUmara, al-Nukat p. 20. (28)

V/hen '•Umara's oafe died, he married an Egyptian yeoman, fustly "because he '/as settled m Egypt at that time, and secondly, Dirgham helped him to get married and afterwards he persuaded Ruzzik to pay the bride's marriage portion, "Mahr", lor him. It v/as l\-0 Dinars.

lUmara haa many cnildren Muhammad, Husam, lsma^il, Yahya, ""Atiyya and ''Abdullah. But, unfortunately, all those childien died during his lifetime, when they "/ere young, some of them as children. This obviously caused ^Umara much grief and he praised them m many of his odes. He vas a good father, compassionate and full of kindness.

He also had daughters, although he never mentioned them individually, probably the reason is the conservatism and

the conventions of Arabs as far as women were concerned. There were at least five, because he cited five in one of his elegies to his son Muhammad "Should destiny annihilate the spirit of my son who might comfort me m my misfortunes while () affliction is poured on me with five daughters9" ^ ' But it is odd that this pious jurisprudent should have

written this, since we read m the Koran "And when a daughter is announced to one of them, his face becomes black

(29) lbn al-Athir, al-Kamil- V1X/81 (30) *Umara, al-Nukat p. Ikl (31) lUraara, Diwan Pet. 28B. 32. Ml (32) and he is full of wrath: k» To Mecca.

lUmara vvent on pilgrimage to Mecca m 538/ll^3> "because he felt deeply that he should go to perform this duty, especially seeing that he had taught jurisprudence for atiout three years. "A pilgrimage to the House (of Allah) is a duty unto

Allah for mankind for all those who Cc.n find a way there". JJ

He prepared thoroughly for this great religious event m his life, but he did not know what lay ahead for him. He began the journey fty i Hnqmr After some days he became weary of living inside such a confined space, so he

transferred to a swift camel, (3k) and fln^ing this more comfortable, pressed on. He had been travelling through the night, when, just before dawn, he heard a faint sound coming from his right. He stopped his camel, listened care• fully, anxious to know what it was. After a few minutes he moved m its direction and was surprised to find a lonely camel grazing, v/ith a howdah on it. At first, he did not approach, then he called, saying "Oh, owners of the camel,

Oh, cameleer", ^J-J' but there was no reply. Then he went

(32) The Koran. XVI(the Bees)58 (33) The Koran: III(the family of VLmran),97 (3k) HJmara, al-Nukat p. 25 (35) Ibid: p. 25 33. right up to the camel and he found that there were two women inside the howdah, sound asleep and wearing golden anklets, and their legs were outside. He led the camel to the main roaa, after removing the anklets, "but the women did not awake. He shackled the camel and went away, "but not too far, so tnat he could watch the camel and keep guard over the two women.

After some hours had elapsed and nothing had happened,

a caravan came "by. When the people saw the camel, they

untied the shackles and drove it with their caravan. This

was the caravan of the Queen al-Sayyida al-Hurra, the moth-

er of Fatik lbn Mansur lbn Patik i"bn Jayyash lbn Najah the

King of ZabTd, (died 545/1150).^6^ She, too, was going to

Mecca on the pilgrimage. It was her custom to travel right

at the hack of the caravan. She would help those who need•

ed help, wake up those who slept and carry those whose

camels perished. She took with hex-about a hundred camels

(37) for this purpose.w'' She also undertook all the services

(36) Al-ZiA:ali, Al-'Alalam. V.Vl/k9 (37) lUmara, al-Nukat. p. 25 3k. for the Yaman pilgrims and arranged guards for the cara• vans. (38) ^ext day, a crier called out, asking for the anklets, promising to pay one hundred "Mithqal" to the person who returned them. The owners v/ere wives of two rich men of Zabid, and the anklets v/ere valued at one thousand "Mithqal".

HJmara did not return them immediately, "but waited until midnight. He delayed m order to "be at the rear of the caravan. When the men of the Queen al-Hurra arrived, they asked him if he needed any help. He thanked them and said: "I want to meet the Queen for an important purpose".

A meeting was at once arranged oetween lUmara and the Queen. She was m her howdah. She leaned her head out of the curtains and he gave her the anklets. So she asked him "What is your name, and who are you? You should be rewarded". He explained to her the circumstances m which he found the women, indicating that he did not need the reward. She liked him very much, appreciated his action, respect• ed him and admired his honesty. Prom that time he became one of her closest friends. \lfhen they went back to Zabid, after

(38) Al-Shajbani, Bughyat al-Mustafid MS. Pol. 17B. (39) 4Umara, al-Nukat. p.26 (kO) 1Umara, al-Nukat: p. 26 35. he had "been one of her courtiers, he "became famous among the jurisprudents, the scholars and people of note. He was welcomed "by the princes, nobles and the Viziers. After wards he became the most intimate friend of the leading figure m Zabld, the V/azir, al-Qa'id Abu Muhammad Surur al- Fatiki, who was next in importance to the Queen and

the King. They helped HJmara to become very rich at last, because they advised him to trade between Zabld and Aden.

5. To Aden'

It was really the most opportune time when the Queen al-Hurra and her Vizier al-Qa'id Surur asked tUmara to begin trading. At that time, the fleet of the Shaikh al-

Salid Bilal lbn Jarir al-Muhammadi, the Vizier of al-Da*-i • Muhammad lbn Saba* m Aden, attacked the shores of Zabld, the ormy killed many people, plundered and robbed

the people. -phis made them so frightened that for a long time they stopped travelling between ZabTd and Aden, as a result the goods of Aden became very cheap there, but very expensive m Zabld, and vice-versa. This caused a crisis m both ZabTd and Aden. 'Umara, as a jurisprudent,

(i+l) Al-Shaibani, Bughyat al-J/iustafid: Md. 19 (1+2) *Umara, Tarikh al-Yaman. MS. 95 (U3) lUmara, al-Nukat p.26-27 36. knew that: "Allah permitted trading ", hut he had insufficient capital. The Queen al-Hurra and her Vizier Surur knew very well how clever and honest he was, so they gave him several thousand Dinars and they made a list of the goods for him to "bring from Aden which they needed. lUmara was pleased. He "bought, with the money he was given, different kmas of goods from Zabld which were very cheap, to sell m Aden, then he went to Aden.

When he arrived there he was welcomed "by everybody. The people liked him, the merchants trusted him and the chiefs honoured him. He made many friends and a great deal of money. He carried on trade "between Aden, Zabid, Mecca, *• Aidhab, India and elsewhere, for ten yearly^He became famous as a merchant. Afterwards, the most important result at this stage of his life was that he became a friend of Shaikh Bilal lbn Jarlr and his secre•

tary, Abu Bakr lbn Muhammad al-lAbdi,^^ and it was in his entourage that *-Umara first gained fame as a poet.

6. The First Poem;

When 4Umara first arrived at Aden, he was able to

meet the famous writer Abu Bakr lbn Muhammad al-\Abdi, the

(kk) The Koran. II(the cow),275

(U5) tTJmara, al-Nukat p. 28 It is mentioned m Kharida and al-Suluk as al-^idhl, but it is evidently wrong, because it is al-lAbdi,m TarTkh al-Yaman, of vUmara: MS. p. 95 37. secretary of Shaikh Bilal lbn Jarir. Al-VAbdi was a good man. He was a great help to all the jurisprudents, merch• ants, poets and writers. When he heard that a caravan had come to Aden, he asked about the men who v/ere m the cara• van so that he could help them, "buy their goods and give them gifts.

*Umara was fortunate to meet this helpful, cultured man, who welcomed him warmly, bought his goods, gave him gifts and advised him to write a poem praising al-Da*i huhammad lbn SabaJ . Mjmara v/as pleased at this sugg- estion, bat he \/as troubled because he could not write a suitable poem, when he said to al-LAbdi. "I cannot write the poem, because I sm just a jurisprudent, not a poet"

Al-lAbdi saw that the poetry which lUmara had written was very poor. At last al-lAbdi wrote a poem and pretended that lUmara v/rote it. He praised al-Da'i Luhamraad lbn Saba', congratulating him on the celebration of his marri• age to Shaikh Bilal's daughter.

When al-Da'i fciuhammad lbn Saba' and Shaikh Bilal lbn Jarir heard the poem, they were delighted with it and gave al-lAbdi gilts and money for *Umara, which Mjmara used to

(47) Al-'-Imad, al-Katib (Kharida) (Der. V. 11/571) (48) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk (Der. V. I1/543 38. buy his merchandise.^-^ When HJmara decided to leave

Aden for Zabid, al-'Abdl advised him as follows "0, jurisprudent, you have been known as a poet among these people. Reed the great works of literature and do not be satisfied with jurisprudence because, J 1 'the beauty (51) of a man ns m his poetic language' ". ' This piece of advice and al-VAbdi's encouragement was the first urge that Hjmara had to become a poet. Prom this time cUmara devoted his studies to reading, so that he might become a famous poet. He obviously owed a debt of gratitude to al- *-Abdi, who first encouraged and inspired him.

At any rate, lUmara urote many poems to praise "uhamm- (52 )' ad lbn Saba', Shaikh Bilal lbn Janr and his sons, J ' haespecialls been ylost Yasi, rexcep lbnt Bilalsome, poembuts, againm prais, mose ot fo Yasif thir slb poetrn y - (53) w ble Bilal. -" The interesting thing is that the available "Diwan" of *Umara begins with his saying to Yasir. (5k) "You have taken revenge on your enemies, and you have ruled over all Aden and Sanla7 • And you have attained, v/ith bare-back horses and (55) spears, all you would want of honour and greatness".

(1+9) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk (Der. V.II/5U3) (50) Ibid (51) Al-'lmad al-Katib, Kharida (Der.V. 11/572 ) o"-^f u*'J-~»

(52) Ba-Makhrama, Thaghr Ac(en -&m*pT MS.553.

, x _ (Der. V.11/553) (53) HJmara, Diwan MS. Pol. IB, 62B, 63, 158B, etc. (5k) UJmara, Diwan Pet. IB. 39. Therefore, lUmara was not satisfied with jurisprudence only, and, as he had been odvised by his teacher al-*Abdi, he became a famous poet, a greet merchant and a rich man. Yet all this was not enough for him and he did not stop looking for something nev. He returned to study under a scholar who was not known to people at Zabld, Aden and elsewhere. He was al-Shaikh Ahmad lbn Muhammad, al-Hasib of Hadramawt, an expert m the .faaano 1 al— aspects-e-f "Para'id"

• • • He was more than 80 years old when *-Umara first met him m

539/ll^5-> *Umara helped him to go to Mecca on a pilgrim•

1 l age, because he was very poor. t'hen Umara had seen his cleverness and vast knowledge, he a^ked him about the inheri• tance (Parida) of ti.e family ot Ruzaiq al-Patiki, ^ one of o the Viziers of Patik lbn Lansur, the King of Zabld. This mneritance was very difficult to manage because great wealth was involved and the beneficiaries v/ere numerous.

He left about thirty sons and daughters. Some o± them had died and left children before they nad the inheritance, so it became very complicated. Al-Hasjb explained it to ''Umara as he understood it. Then he v/rote about it m detail to tUmara who studied it closely and learned it by neart, then

'Umara told al-Qa'id Surur al-Fatiki about it. when Surur

(56) *Umara, TarTkh al-Yaman MS. 121 (57) Ibid MS. 120, al-ShaibanT, Bughyat al-ivmstaf id Alb. 18B ko. was sure that this Wc'S the solution, he paid 'Umara a

(^8 1 ) — great deal of money. ^ Therefore, 'Umara studied "al- Fara'id" under lbn al-Has:h. He also studied the resdmg of the Koran accordmf to "Harf" Abi lAmr lbn al-eAlaJ, (one oi tre seven recornised Koranic readings). Al-Hasib lived with *"Umara m his house, (59) and was *Umara's private teacher until h: s death.

7. To Hi.iaz

l Umara vas distmBuiehed m many ways, and this may have "brought him some of his troubles. "He lnved m luxury",

and "a man of prosperity is enviea", ana as God says 'They

envy the people ioi what Allah has given them of his grace".

For these reasons al-^adi Abu lAbdullah, Muhammad lbn abi

^Aqama al-Kafa'i]i of Zabld, (uied 55U)} ^"^once said to (•icx^- **-a-ds. nr\an) him "You are the 'Khari jland the happy man of this time, because you have great wealth, and because you are one of the brilliant jurisprudents ftho give legal opinion and influence many people, and because you are one of tne best- (62) known literary men". ^ ' (58) lUmara, Tarikh al-Yaman MS. 12h. (59) *-Umara, Tarikh al-Yaman uS. 121+. (60) The Koran IV(the women)5^1- (61) Ibn Taghri Bardi, al-Fujum V.5/330 (62) lUmara. al-Nukat 28 41. 'Umira saw this as a had omen and said. "I felt that he announced the end of my happiness and the destruction of my wealth". From that time trouble and misfortune surround• ed him.

On one occasion, al-Dali Muhammad lbn baba* gave

lUmara 5,000 Mithq.il to "buy goods lor mm from Mecca and

Zabid. \/hen lUmara came to meet lbn Saba' m Dhu Jihla, he could not find him anywhere. The people told him that Ion Saba* had been m his palace on his ovn country estate,

which was called "al-Darbajan" ^ JJ spending his honeymoon a with his bride, the daughter ol the Sultan LAbdullah lbn

Astad lbn ,/a'il. He wanted to be alone and to see no-one whatever their business. After *Umara hed arrived, he had written on a piece of paper, the verse of al-\utanabbl "Wherever you are we c^n always reach you, since there is unly one earth and you are unnque".

Then tUmara v/rote asking for permission to meet him. Ibn Saba' wrote on the back of HJmara's paper, these two verses "You are welcome, your coming is, happily, welcome. The horizons were illuminated by you. If \/e spread our eyes for you to walk on, that could not be enough for you", (gcj)

(63) '•Umara, al-ivTukat p.26 (64) Al-V.utanabbi, Div/an. V.2/70

(65) LUmara, Diwin MS. Pet.27B h2. lUmara received the note and went to al-Dali lbn Saba' and spent four days v.ith him. But the man who carried the note was foolish enough to show it to many people before he gave it to lUmara. These people wrote to Zabld covet•

ously, inciting the people to kill tUmara, claiming that

he was the intercessor between eAli lbn Mahdi and Muhammad

lbn Saba', to join forces against Zabld; lAli lbn Mahdi, they said, wanted to attack Zabld, asking for the help of Muhammaa lbn Saba'. The ZabTd nobles agreed to kill

tUmara on Friday the second of Rabi1- I m 51+3/1153•

That night, they were attacked by the troops of Muhammad lbn *Ali al Agharr. While they were setting up

their defences, they forgot tUmara for about 17 days. Then, a man for whom *Umara had done favours, reminded them about hiuu They began to think of him again. It happened, how• ever, that al-Qa'id Isma^il lbn Muhammad, who was one of the King Fatik's friends, hurried past *Umara and said to hi in "Peace be upon you". Then he Degan to read "0, Jvioses, The Council are conspiring to slay thee. Depart, I am one of thy true friends".

'•Umara understood this warning, and at midnight, he

(66) 'Umara, al-Nukat p. 31 (67) The Koran XVIII(al-Qasas),20 U3. departed to Hijaz, paying a large sum of money to a man whose name vas al-^Anf KathTr , for his help and protect• ion. The reason which drove lUmara away from his country, Zabfd, helped him to reach Mecca and to "be happy again, to perform nis pilgrimage duties and to escape from the danger which surrounded him m Zahid, and, most of all, to meet the Prince of al-Karamam, Qasim ibn

69 7 Hashim fbn Falita/ ^ (died m 557/1102)/ °) who sent lUmara on an important mission to the Fatimid Caliph m

Egypt. (71)

8. his Mission to Egypt

The Prinoe Qasim ibn Hashim i"bn Falita had recently "become the Bnno-e of al-Haramam after his father's death a le. aays "be!ore the time of the pilgrimage m 5k9 A.H. When he met *Umara, he liked him very much, admired his poetry and respected him. The Prince thought to himself 'this is just the man I am looking for'. He was seeking a wise and respected man to send on a mission to Egypt, "because there had "been some trouble with the Egyptian pilgrims the previous year, so the Pmee of al-Haramam wanted to explain the matter to the Fatimid Caliph who was

(68) tUmara, al-NuKat p. 31 (69) It is written_'Fulaita' m al-Nukat, "but it is 'Falit a' m Taj al-lArus: V. 1/570 (70) Al-Zirikalt, al-Alalam V.6/22 (71) Ihn Khallikan, <^afayat. V.3/I07 Sibt i"bn al-Jawzi, al-Mir'at V. 8/302 kk. perhaps angry about it, since he had not sent the grant this year and this would be a great loss to the Prince. *Umara accepted this offer with pleasure and prepared to go to Egypt. He arrived m Cairo m Rabi1 1st m (72) 550/H5I4..v' 1 After he had rested, he went to the Caliph's palace. He was brought to the 'Gold Hall' (oji'at al-

Dhahab) to meet the Caliph al-Fa*iz, lIsa lbn Ismalil al-

Zafir (died 555/1160), ^) and his vizier, al-Malik al-

Salih Tala'i4- lbn Ruzzlk. The Caliph's aunt, the Princes • • • Sayyidat 3.1-Qusur, was there too, but she was seated behind a curtain. tUmara was welcomed by them. He recited his first poem m Egypt, praising the Caliph and his Vizier "Great praise to the camels, after praise to their determination and resolution, praise could serve to thank them for their bounties. Let me not deny the truth, I will always remember the favour of the mount, and that the bridle longed for the rank of the camel's halter. They brought nearer to my eye the remoteness o± the shrine of glory, so that I saw the

*Imam'of the epoch close by me". /7(.^ (72) lUmara, al-Nukat p. 32 (73) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V. 9/68

(75) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 159 U5. 'Umara was given a large sum of money, gifts and various allowances. The Princess Sayyidat ll-Qusur, the Caliph's aunt, met him after that to thank him and make him a gift and she asked him to "be the poet ol the Fatimid Caliphate. He promised her to do his "best.

t While Uinara was preparing this poem, heAthought of the people whom he would mention m it. He knew that the next most important person, aiter the Caliph, was the

Vizier al-Malik al-Salih Tala'i1 ihn Ruzzik. lUmara gave • • • him great importance m this poem. He praised him, after the Caliph, m eight lines, saying* "His Vizier, al-Salih, \/ho dispels griefs, has protected religion, the world and people. His presence found what the days suggested, and his generosity left no-one to complain of poverty. Spears made him a King m a kingdom which lent the glory of disdain to the 'nose' of the pleiads". (76) When *-Umara recited his poem, the Vizier was delighted.

He even asked 'Umara to repeat several lines, v/hen ''•Umara

(76) I £y *S/> l ^ J M, cr^

» 0/ OJJ k6. finished reciting his ode, the Vizier gave him 500 Dinars and also told mm that the doors of the palace were open to him always, particularly during literary gatherings. lUmara oecame, therefore, one of the regular attenders. He "became the shining star m this society, and al-Malik al-Salih's closest friend. Here *Umara was able to meet all kinds of important people and they, m turn, respect• ed him.

He mentioned some of them, such as: al-Shaikh al-Jalis Abu'l Ma*all lbn al-Habbab, al-Muwaffaq. it>n al-Khallal, Abu al-Fath Mahmud lbn Qadus and al-Muhadhdhab abu Muhammad al- • • • Hasan lbn al-Zu"bair. These were the people 'of the pen', • but the people 'of the sword' and 'of the flag' were Majd al-Islam, his son, his son-in-law, Saif al-Din Husam, his "brother, Paris al-Muslimin Badr lbn Ruzzik and 'izz al-Din Husam, one of his relatives. Others were Dirgham, who "became Vizier later, VA.1I lbn al-Zubd, Yahya lbn al-Khyyat,

Rudwan i"bn Jalab Rafthib, cAli Hav/shat and Muhammad lbn Shams al-Khilafa. (~?7) ^-Q -tfiese people "became *Umara's closest friends. He wrote several poems praising al-Malik al-Salih and his relatives. They gave him a great deal of money, gold, silver, horses, sheep, clothes and other gifts. When 'Umara began to prepare to leave Egypt, he wrote two odes, one m

(77) ^Umara, al-Nukat 3U-35 hi. praise of the Caliph, and the other of the Vizier. He thanked the Caliph m his ode for all his hospitality and what he had done for hi in. He mentioned al-Hijaz, hoping that these favourable omens and the news of his happy life would precede him. (78)

The Calipn gave him 300 Dinars, "but the Caliph's

aunt increased it to 500 Dinars. The Vizier also gave

him 200 Dinars, alter he had recited his ode, praising and

thanking him for everything

"I nave served him constantly, and he has inspired literature m me, so this eulogy is a part of his favour". (79)

The last "benefit v/as the greatest of all. He took a letter lrom al-I,lalik al-Salih to the Prince of Aden, al- Da*i '-Imran ibn Muhammad, who later succeeded to the throne

after his father's death, asking him to give lUmara respite until he could pay tne dehts of the Da'-i's father. Al- Da*-i", for al-Salih's sake, granted the whole amount to ^Umara. This v/as great generosity, "because the dehts amount•

ed to 3,000 Dinars. (80^

Hlmara immediately wrote a poem thanking al-Salih,

(78) cUmara, Diwan. Pet. 107.

(79) lUmara, al-llukat 38 ' , .

It is^a_piece of 5 lines of poetry which is not m the Diwan. (80) cUmara,* al-Nukat: 38-UO Tarikh al-Yaman MS 9h~95 which begins.

"0, my nights m Pustat on Egypt's coast, Your sojourn might have been irrigated by spring showers". (81) As soon as this fine poem had reached al-Malik al- Salih, he said* "We lost him when we let him leave us, we (82) should have made him stay with us". ^ '

lUmara left Cairo for Mecca m Shavrwal 550/1155, anxious to meet the -Prince of al-Haramam as soon as poss- lble, to inform him of the result oi the mission and to convey to him good tidings of his great success. 9. The Great Merchant: A H T±ua—BT>-i-nRe-<»f al-Haramam had already heard the nevs of HJmara's success. He was pleased indeed, and he welcom ed MJmara as soon as he arrived. His faith m Mjmara had been justified and he thanked him and rewarded him amply. '£heti .the Prince said—to himself •—"QJhio 10 tho—iftan of the &Q- A /T>V

(81) ^Umara, al-Nukat UO lUmara, JJiwan Pet. 105B (82j <-Umara, al-Nukat hi k9. lbn Ahmad. al-Mustazhir, (died 555/1160),^-^ had written from Baghdad to the J2£^=&&e of al-Haramam, asking him to put a new teak duor, coated with silver covered with gold, on the holy Ka*-"ba. He also asked him to keep the old silver for him (the Prince of al-Haramam) and to send the wood of the old door to the Caliph m order to make it in• to a coffin for him. The Prince of al-Haramam changed the door and managed everything properly, "but he kept the old silver, wondering how and where he would sell it, and who A'ould do it for him. He thought that tUmara was the man vho might do it very well, "because of his honesty and snrewdness m trading. Bo the Prince asked HJmara to do it, tUmara accepted this offer with ^reat pleasure. He took 1 the silver, which weighed 15,000 'Dirhams ^Q se]_]_ ^ m the Yaman, "because he was going "back home to see his family and relations there. That was, as tUmara himself says, m 3afar 551 A.H. He went again to Mecca on a pilgrimage m the same year, after he sold all the silver. It was then that he paid the Prince of al-Haramam the money. V/hen fUmara finished his pilgrimage duties, he decided to go "back to Yaman, "but he did not go, "because the gimr**ee of al-Haramam asked him to ^o, once again, to

(83) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/68 (8k) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/57 (85) rUmara, al-Nukat kl (86) lUmara, al-Nukat i+1 50. al-Malik al-Salih to apologize to him for a mistake which had "been made "by the Prince's s-orvantc to the Egyptian pilgrims. (^7) lUmara happily accepted this task. He was pleased to have the chance to see his friends m Cairo, to meet al-Malik al-3alih, ana to have the honour of praising the Fatimid Calipn.

The precise aate of Mjmara's second mission to Egypt is not certain, as he himself mentions two different dates. At any rate, he went "back to Egypt and settled there.

10. In Egypt

'Uinaia soon set off on his journey to Lgypt, eager

to reach tht city he IIKKU, to "begin a ne/. life there. Nevertheless, this jcnoa of his lme had "begun wilh

troubles and it 1 as to end with troubles vmch cost him his life, aespite ^Umara's saying "If your capital is (88) your life, preserve it from being spent unnecessarily . ' He had scarcely reached 'Cus', in Upper Egypt, when he -was forbidden to go either forward or backward. The 'Wall' of Qus ordered him to remain where he was. That

was the order of al-Malik al-Salih Tala'i1 lbn Ruzzik. So • • • 'Umara was not allowed to go even to the Sultan's door, vl A yoootA, if onti] the Prmoo- of- al-ilaramam returned the money which

hi(87s ) melUmaran haa, takeal Nukan frot m 1+th2 e Egyptian pilgrims. (88) HJmara, Dlwan Pet. 27B

(89) cUmara, ~al-ITukat Zj.2 51. This, it appears, was the reason and he was the messenger who came for this purpose. Afterwards, *Umars was to learn the real reason, which was altogether different: somebody told al-Kialik al-Salih that *Umara had spoken ill of 'Madhab al-Imamiyya', wmle al-Salih's sect was 'al- Imaraiyya'. (90) When *Umara realisca this, he wrote poetry praising al-Malik al-Salih. rfhen al-balih read the poetry

• • • •

t he allowed Umara to leave «6us, 'he ordered me to be honoured and to be brought to him', said tUmara. As soon as he had arrived m Cairo, he went to greet al-Salih and recited a new ode praising him. He described m it the battle of ^Arish with the Franks and he explained his release at yus, saying

• Please unuerstand, and I am sure you do under• stand, wnat I \ ant to say, better than me and better than anyone, that I was envied for the favours you did me which have brought me hon• our everywhere". ^l) This pleased al-Malik al-Salih who soon forgot what had been said and gave ^Umara 100 Dinars.

It will be appreciated that tUmara, at that time, was, still, a guest, he had not yet become onecf the 'Diwan poets', because he said. "He ordered the Prince *lzz al- Din Husam to pay me what v.as needed from his hospitality grant".

(90) Abu Sharna, al-Rawdatam V. 1/125

(91) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 177, Al-Nukat U3 52.

Al-Malik al-Salin often tried to persuade ^Umara to change his Madhhab as a sunni shafi*-!, to a shili, either imarai like him, or lsma^Ili like the Patimid Caliphate Madhhab. lie persuaded al-\alik al-Salih that keeping his Madhhab was better for the Caliphate than changing it, because the praise from him as a sunni would be more appreciated by people, because 'self-praise is no good recommendation'.

In addition to the criticism with which people would confront him if he were to change his Madhhab, his praise would then be worthless. Al-Malik al-Salih was satisfied v,ith these reasons ano he trusted HJmara and appreciated his ideas. tTJmara became one of his closest friends and one of his favourite courtiers, he also became the central figure of the literary society.

Al-Malik al-Salih once said. "*/e should keep him with us, m service and for company", (^2) anu after a short while, 'Umara became one of the 'Divan'Poets m the Fatimid Caliphate. He v/as present at the great public feasts and he immortalised them m his poetry. He wrote much poetry on different subjects. w-" He panegyrised the Caliph, the Vizier and the Princes. Although Lgypt, at that time, was full of poets from all parts of the world, *Umara was amongst the best, (^k)

(92) '-Umara, al-Nukat kl (93) Husam, Pi Adab Misr al-Patimiyya 128 (9k) Husam, Pi Adab iViisr al-Patimiyya. 127-129 Hasan Ibrahim, Tarikh al-Dawla al-Patimiyya. kk5-k55 53. lUmara praised those whom he wished to praise, "but many important people asked hirn to write poetry for them. Borne of them had initially sent him fine gifts and paid him a Breat deal of money for that purpose. MJmara ment• ioned some for Jhom he wrote poetry: Husam al-Din Hahmud

(96: lion al-Ma'mun- , (95)al-Awha d Suhh, the' "brothe r of Shauar-' , al-AmTr al-Zahir MurtafiS ^ Ward al-Salihi . . the • • • 'Diwan' is full of them. lUmara had all the necessary qualifications tor making friends and soon had many. His greatest friend, without doubt, was al-Kalik al-Salih whom he loved deeply. His loyalty to al-Salih and his family was so strong that it v/as clearly snown m ins poetry. Al-Salih was completely sare of ^Umara's loyalty and he took delight m his iriend's ahility. He adopted him as an advisor in his poetry ana used to show *Umara the poetry which he himself had written for HJmara's criticism, "before he read it to

the others. lUmara tells us a story aoout this "I saw him on 16th of 'Ramadan' m 556/1161, three nights "before he aied. He ordered that 1 should "be given gold. Then he said to me, "Don't leave". He v/ent into the palace and came to me with a piece of paper on which he had just written two lines of poetry

(95) 'Umara, al-Nukat 120 (96) 'Umara, al-imkat IkO (97) 'Umlra, al-Nukat 135 (98) <-Umara, al-Nukat • 151 3k.

"We live m negligence and sleep, and death has watchful eyes which never sleep. For years and years we are moving towards death, would that I knew v/hen death will "be".

Then the Vizier said. "Examine them carefully and correct

them x± there is anything wrong". I said* "They are

good".

Three days later, al-Salih was killed m the entrance

ot the palace, this was on the 19th of Ramadan, 556.

*Umara was grief stricken. He remained unhappy for a long

time and wrote many poems lamenting his great f riena. )

Perhaps the best example is*

"Is there anyone omniscient amongst the people of this area? bo that I can ask him, because 1 am distracted and have lost my mind at what has happened". (102) Al-Malik al-Salih was succeeded by his son, al-Malik « • al-Nasir al-^Adil Ruzzik as a Vizier m the Fatimid

Caliphate (l^--*) '•Jrnara was so happy that he wrote many poems

(99) *Lmara, al-Nukat kQ-kS iU >) ifep. O^o^N, ry, j ^

(100) Ibn Khallikan, ^afayat. V.2/210 Abu Shama, al-Rawdatam V. 1/125 (101) Vumara, Diwin- Pet. 65, 69B, 121, 129 etc. (102) tTJmara, Diwan Pet. 129, al Nukat: 50

(103) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil': V.Z+/75 ^ 55. to Ruzzik, tne new Vizier, not because he was Mjmara's friend as his father had been, but because tne authority remained with the Ruzzik family. He believed that they derserved it, because they were honest and interested m the needs of the people.

The Fatimid Caliph, al-lAdid Abdullah lbn Yusuf

mairied the daughter of al-Malik al-Salih, (^^) ^uri]1g her brother Ruzzik's rule. The marriage ceremony on this occasion was splendour itself. The people were delighted and lUmara vas one of the happiest of all. He wrote many odes for the marriage, one of them began -

"The mouth of conversion is coming, light and smiling. Ana the faces of time days are handsome." (106) '-Umara followea events m his poetry, aescribed the incidents of the Patimid Caliphate and praised the most important people. He was given excellent gifts and large sums of money, over and above his monthly salary from the state treasury, m addition to that, he was still engaged m trading. He became extremely rich. He settled down quietly, owned his own house and lived happily with his family. He had "JaTiyas"Xtoe-» He had achieved all he wanted,

(10U) HJmara, al-Nukat: 53 (105) Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya: V. 12/2U2 (106) 1Umara, Diwan Pet. 161 56. so his happiness, comfort and wealth were reflected m his poetry at this stage of his life

"If there is anyone v/hose foot stumbled, I found what is v/anted m Egypt. I settled down by its Nile, and, at any rate, found the great gifts which spared me tne need 01 small gifts. \/hen I found all com counterfeited and my criticism revealed the ostentation of the people, I turned my attentions to the Ruzzik family, and tney did me abund• ant favours. I dia my utmost with shining poetry, m return for their white poetry". In 'Safar' 556/1163, Ruzzik lbn al-Salih was killed by Abu Shuja1 Amir al-Juyush Shawar ibn hujir al-Din al-

Sacdi ana his troops. The Ruzzik family was forced out, their rule was ended and they were stripped of their authority, so bhawar became the Vizier. Most of the people showed their hatred of the last Vizier ana his family to gam the favour of the nev, one. But HJrnara remembered their time, mentioned them m his poetry and showed his loyalty to them to everybody, even to the new Vizier and his men

(107) *Umara, Diwan. Pet. 1+6 (108) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/81 57.

The following story shows this loyalty clearly. *ijmara saia.- "I entered the 'Secret Hall' m R- m^p^t.pry^rid Tayy lbn Shav/ar v/as there with Dirgham, *^Izz al-Zaman and kurtafi* al-Zahir amongst others. And the head of Ruzzik lbn al-Salah w&s m front of them m a "basin (Tast). AS soon as I caught sight of it, I covered my face \iith my sleeve and turned on my heel, "because I could, not "bear to look at the head', when Tayy ordered someone to come and call me, I said *Irefuse to enter until the head disappears'. Then t

away. And Dirgham asked me 'Why have you returneoc <' I said 'Yesteraey, he v/as oui sovereign, m vhose good• ness we "basked'. He replied 'If Ruz^ik had defeated Amir al-Juyush or us, he wonlo have left no one alive' . I said. 'Then there is no advantage in an a\ithority which leads its

1( Lord from tne Cabinet to the basin'. ( ^) j VGV^ Qv^ an(j

saio 0, Abu Shuja'I I cannot bear to look at that forehead stained with blood. These men whose hands turned it, turned their hands, before, m its bounties' (no)

6 ^ J> */

(110) «Umara, al-Nukat 66-67 58.

At that time lUmara was very saa, not only because the authority of the Ruzzik family was now with the Shawar family, "but also because he hed lost those of his friends Y/ho had been killed by other frienos of his. He grew troubled and confused. Because tUmara was a close fr3end of Shawar, he said. "There was a great friendship between Shawar and me". ^^^^ so his own position was not, m fact, changed. He still held the respect and appreciation of all people. But he did not forget al-Malik al-Salih and his family. He alluded Lo them m several poems. vVhen Shawar celebrated victory on his second day of office, a]1 the poets and orators blamed the Ruzzik family and spoke ill of their regime, ^Umara was angry about this and he recited his poem which was the only one m the celebrat• ion praising the Ruz.zik fernily. He began.

"The days have recovered, from sickness, by your autnonty. And tne pain of which the era complained, has diappeared. The nights of the Ruzzik family have come to an end ana disappeared, but the praise and the dispraise lives on", (a)

(.111) lumara, al-Nukat 69 59.

'Umara, then imagines al-balih and his son Ruzzik seated m the Cabinet, ana says

"It seems to me as if their Salih and their LAdil never sat, and never stood, on top of this 'u3stf". (b)

Then lUmara begins to blame the crowds who surrounded the

Ruzzik family

We thought, and any suspicion is a sun, that their company ould not run away", (c)

At last MJmara turns his lace to Shawar explaining why the

Ruzzik family has been defeated:

"Prom the time that you perched like an eagle, the vultures which were gathered betrayed them. They were not cowardly enemies, but they were overwhelmed, by your torrential flood1'. (d)

MJmara did not end his poem without reminding Shawar that he should not allow his old friends to be blamed: "I did not mean, by glorifying them, anything except to glorify you, so please forgive me. If I thanked their evenings for redeeming their pledges, the time spent was not long ago, and if i opened my mouth to dispraise them, your honour would only be satisfied v/ith closing my mouth". (13 2)

(HI) (b) ^(O^J>/>/W<{ ^l^^^^oV

(c) ^sr> y+tfdtirA s3\juWjuJ,Jk,\f

(112)

When lUmara finished reciting the poem, Shawar and his two sons thanked him for his loyalty to the Ruzzik family. After a short while, events followed each other m rapid succession. There was a violent war "between Shawar and

Dirgham lbn Sawwar al-lakhmi, Dirgham was the victor and "became the Vizier m Ramadan 558. (-L13) shawararr raran) away to

Nur al-DTn Zangri m al-Shem to ask for help.

\aien Dirgham became the Vizier, tUmara v/as uneasy because trie new Vizier was cruel. He killed many leaders who had done nothing Subh lbn Shahmshah, al-Zahir * - - * (H5) luurtafi , \Aam al-Zaman, Asad al-Ghawi ano their relatives.

C-Umara kept company with Nasn al-Muslimin, the brother of

Dirgham. as a safeguard. One night, the Vizier sent for * tUmara. This was two months after he had assumed control. ^Umara was frightened when he was taken to meet the Vizier, m "al-Bustan" Hall, thinking that the Vizier would harm

him. The Vizier welcomed him, however, and asked lUmara the reason for his absence. Then he ordered gold to be given to him and said "0, you irienas oi al-Salih, you are the symbol of beauty. Anyone you accompanied would be affected by your charm". ^^^^

(113) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/81 (111+) Abu al-Fida, Tarikh V. 3/1+3 (115) lUmara, al-Nukat 7k (116) lUmara, al-Nukat 7k 61 lUmard was now at peace and wrote a poem to praise

Dirgham

"Misfortune tried to "bring harm to the state, but since you supported it, time itself turned m your favour and "became greatly and consistently helpful". (117) Dir&nam was Vizier for less than 9 months, "because « Shawar had come "back from Damascus m the company of an army with which he haa been provided "by Nur al-Bin Zanki, under the leadership of Asad al-Dm shirkoh lbn Shadhi and his nephe^, Salah al-Din lbn Ayyub, ^ on Jumada

1st 559/H5U. ^1"L9) They killed Dirgham, and bhawar was reinstated. V/hen the soldiers of Shawar passed by 'Al-

Khalin1, (the Gulf) carrying Dirgham* s head, TUmara saw them, because it v/as near his house ana said "It seems to me that the chin of the government became a sword, the sharp edge of which cuts the noble necks. It looks like a warning of calamity or an ill-omen of death and misfortune". (120)

(117) 'Umara, al-Nukat 75. Diwan Pet. 156B. (118) Ibn al-Athir, al Kamil: V.9/85 (119) Abu al-Pida, Tarikh V.3A3 (120) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 26B. Al-Nukat 77 lUmara was happy to see ShaMvar m control again, m view of his fear ol Dirgham. But Shawar's days, this time, v/ere full of troubles, ana of ,ars. 'Umara wrote many odes to praise the Vizier, describing most of the events which happened during his time, (^l)

Tayy, the son of Shawar, wss killed on Friday 28th of Ramadan, but the killers were not killed until 28th of Jumada, 9 months later. lUmara said -

"You have stripped your authority from men who disputed it, but you had more merit, were more firm. They pulled youi robe forcibly, but you resisted until you covered them with robes of death. The date of 'deirt' you have renamed, which was m repayment, is a lesson to the one who came. The days carried the event for 9 months until they gave birth to it m Jumada." (122)

After Shavtar had come back from 'Bilbis', LUmara congrat ulated him, saying -

(121) tUmara, Diwan Pet. 13B, 95, 110, 115B, li+7, etc. (122) MJmSra, al-Nukat. 81. These verses are not m the Diwan. 63.

"How great and glorious a victory this was So confine the steps of happiness to it, and do no more. It is a victory which illuminated time as if it were the face of the harbingers of good news, and the "blaze of the optimist. It is a victory which reminds us, although we have not forgotten, of what happened at the victory of al-Wasiyy^'Ali^m Khaibar". (123)

Then he praised Sha>var m the "battle "If the horses advanced (m the "battle) he would he the first horseman, and he would

also "be tne first of the foot-soldiers m the army. He felt tnat ms soul had "become so worth• less to him, that he tried to sell his life (m the "battle) "but he did not find anyone to "buy it. Iron "became weary of iron, hut Shawar did not feel veary, (from the war), helping

the family of Luhammad". (12Z+)

(123) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 107. Al-Nukat 82 ^ s 1 \^^h c^,'

(I2i|) Cr U 1 £ L o_a^f^Ju^Lo 6k.

•"Urnara did not achieve what he was after, when he read this fine poem, "because Shawar was much occupied at this time, This made lUraira try to give up writing poetry. It seems that he tried to resign Irom the 'Diwan', "because he was one of "Shu^ara* al-Diwan" m the Fatimid Caliph• ate. Shawar did not agree with tUmara at first, "but *Umara did not despair and tried to resign again and again. He explained. "One day I saw him m high spirits, so I said to him. 'I have "been trying to talk to you for a long time about something which 1 am determined to tell you, and if you would assist me, I should "be very grate• ful , ana if you do not, I shall have my excuse'. He asked 'vVhet is it9' I said* 'I want you to allow me to put poetry "behind me and to change my salary irom service to hospitality'. Shawar said* 'V/hy did you not ask for this at the time of al-Salih and his sonv' 1 said. 'I had an example and a model m al-Shaikh al-Jalis i"bn al- Habbab, al.Rashid lbn al-Zubair and al-Muhadhdhab lbn al- Zubair, but, now, they have died and my equals have disappeared.' He said 'You have my permission', and commanded that an order be written for this. He signed it

and obtained the signature of the Caliph. (^5) gQ Vumi[ra became aust a guest, he was no longer an official poet. He was very happy about this and he wrote a poem thanking

(125) *Umara, al-Nukat 86 65.

Shawar•

"You removed from my face the signs of the craft and the life, with which the title was abusing me". (126)

*-Umara did not leave Shawar and his companionship. He saw him every day, attended meetings at his home and continued to sing his praises in his poetry. The follow• ing story illustrates this well and refers obviously to lUmara1s standing with Shawar.

"The chief of al-Diwan, Khassat al-Dawla lbn Dukhan, used to wrangle with me about my salary, but when he hears from me what makes him troubled, he returns to treat me well, then I change ny manner and speak to him. At last he said to Shawar '^ould you please save me from 'Umara'"' If you don't, I will resign', shawar said. 'Be ashamed of troubling a man who eats with me twice a day from the same plate1'' After that he used to treat me very well and do what I wanted without delay". (127)

V/hen the house of cUmara was burnt, he lost everything and was seriously m debt. Shawar did not forsake him, although his own position was not sound, and he paid for all *Umara's needs. HJmara had all he needed, although he was not an official poet, so he wrote a poem thanking

(126) *Umara. Diwan Pet. 27B. al-Nukat 86

(127) HJmara, al-Nukat. 90 66.

Shawar for his favours

it You "bore on my "behalf an oppressive de"bt which would have crusned me with• out your great generosity it (128) Everyone was familiar with *Umara's position, so they used to ask ^Umara for help m their problems, and to request him to intercede for them with Shawar because

they knew that Shawar would not refuse lUmara1s request.

When Shawar came back from the siege of Alexandria, he killed many people and shed much blood for no good reason. He used to order men to be beheaded m his presence at "al-Bustan Hall" in the government house, then the bodies were drawn outside the building. The people were terrified

and they asked tUmara to do something about it. He wrote a poem, saying.

"The sword's sharp edge did not leave people with any thought save confusion and hesitation. You have terrified the people until virtue was afraid for himself, several times more than vice. So put up the blades of the sabres, and return, for our sakes, to the custom of kindness which is the sheathing of the sharp swords. Their flashing and clashing is like thunder, from which the muscles below the shoulder-blades tremble.

(128) tUmara, al-Nukat• 89. These verses are not m the Diwan. 67

Cease this, and if you do not, the 'Muqattam' will melt from fear, and Lhe water of tne 'Kile' will certainly freeze". (129)

Shawar saia to lUmara after he had heard this poem: "Let there "be an end to killing and if these is to be more, it will not be with my sanction". Shawar did not live long after that, as he w?s killed by Salah al-Din lbn

Ayyub on 7th Rabi1 2, 56^/1169. Then Asad al-Din became the Vizier m the Fatimid Caliphate on V/ednesday 10th Rabit 2, of tnat year.

From this time onward, 1Umara's position was changed, he began to slide Irom the highest position, gradually, until he fell to a very low level. He was no longer the senior poet, nor on close terms with the authorities. He was now oust one poet among many in the new regime.

11. During the Time of the Ayyubids

tUmara began to suffer &t this sta^e and lived quietly under the new government. He was a man of importance m

(129) ^Umara, al-Nukat 87

a (130) Abu al-Fida>, Tcrikh V.3A8

(131) Ibn ,/asil, \ufarrij. V.2/172 68. the last government, a friend of the Viziers and a compan• ion of the nobles, and, although the Caliph al-*Adid him- self was stall Caliph m name, he was so weak that he had no authority and was lower than the Vizier. The first Vizier, Asad al-Dm, did no harm to lUmara. Indeed he treated lUmara veil and gave him money. Mjmara mentioned this m one of his poems which he wrote m the period of Salah al-Din, praising his father, Najm al-Din Ayyub, ana asking him ior help. "AlasI For the magnanimous Asad al- D~n, for whom the tears flowed too much as blood. li he had lived I would not be either m such a position or m aebt, my children and women humiliated me". (-^2)

t But Lhe Piisf oi tune of Umara soon became known as Asad al-Dm did not last, more than a few months. He died on 22 (or 23) Jumada 2, 56Z+ A.H. and nis nephew, Salah al- • e (133) Dm, became the Vizier after him. v ' Prom then on real troubles beset Hlmara, although he v/rote many odes praising Salah al-Dm, hib father, his brothers and his relatives, m addition to ais two elegy poems to Najm al-Din, Salah al-Din's father, but this ,/as all m vain. The most important odes are those which ^Qmara wrote to Salah al-Din himself. There were many, but only seven remain ana (132) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 176 at _ (133) Ibn al-flflhir, al-Kamil V.9/101 (13k) k of them in Pet. 35, 105, 117, 126B. 3 of them m Cop. 50, 50B, 87 69. the others are lost. One of the earliest poems is the one which begins*

"Your claims are great and will last forever, and the honours which rise above the eagle". (135) This ode may be the first one he had written to Salah, al-

Dm, because its title says "He said praising al-Malik al-Nasir Salah al-Din in hie lather's and uncle's lifetime".

He also described his victory after the siege of 'BilbiTs', after Snawar ana the Caliph asked Salah al-Din and his uncle for help. They uiu help them and expelled the

Franks, so tUmara said.

"Yoa have taken the Franks unawares at every bend (of the road) and you said to the horses' legs 'Pass on, Murri'. (136) If they set up a bridge on land, you could cross a sea of iron on the bridge". (137) *-Umara said tnat Shav/ar aid not last more than 13 days after this, and was killed by Salah al-Din, (138) on -, • 2, 56U, so this poem may be written m the middle of Rabi1 1st. He

(135) Wa, Dl^PeU.WJ^^ ^^^^

(-*--)6) Kiurri is the name of the Frank s* leader.

(137) (y/tj^vy&f'^JfiO ^-^y^dJfcA^'

(138) 'Umara, al-rTukat81 70. praised all the Ayyub family. Then he declared that this praise was important because it would be a relationsnip between him and Salah al-Din, although he had not written

any poetry for many yeors. (139) This ode aid not nave any effect on Salah al-Din, because he neglected *Umara from the beginning, even alter he became Vizier he did not look after him, did not make him any gifts or money,

nor dia he pay him the salary as a guest wh3ch tUmara

used to have after he resigned from "Diwan al-Shulara'". This was what 'Umara mentioned later many times m his poetry and he was still complaining about it until his death.

lUmara continued writing poetry to Salah al-Din, trying to explain his attitude to him. And, when he realised that Salah al-Din would not change his ways, he wrote a long, complaining oae, of 6k lines, he called it "Shikayat al-^utazallim wa Nikayat al-Muta'-allim", and its orelude was. "0, ear of days, if I say, listen to the choking of a consumptive and to the groan• ing of a man m agony". ^kO)

(139) (Ui(iara, Diwan B. 106B

u5 u )rc^MJl Jfw*) .CJ> ess 1 cW^^

(liiO) Hjmara, Diwan Pet. 117 71.

*Umara explained everything to Salah al-Dm m this ode. He began from the time he v

lUmara did not benefit from this ode, but he wrote many poems to his friends and literary colleagues, particu•

larly to al-Qadi al-Padil lAbd al-Rahim al-Eaisan~, al-

eAsqalani (died m 7 Rabi' 2, 596/1200), (lL^ asking him lor help, but m vain. So nis position worsened. ^Jmara was the first poet ol the Patimid Caliphate m his time and he was very loyal to the Caliphs, the Viziers and every• thing connected with them. He coula not forget the times they had spent together. He could not ignore tneir gifts, grants and presents. He talKed about them day and night, until finally he angered the new authorities and annoyed

(li+1) Ibn Khalilkan, Y/afayat. V. 2/236-237 72. the government officials. They knew, for sure that he could not like them as he had liked the Fatimids. The result was that his enemies and those who envied him, decided to do all they could to cast him out, and that was what ultimately took place.

Salah al-Din was able to end the Fatimid Caliphate

m Egypt on the second Friday of Muhurram 567/1171• ^^"^ « He ordered the people never to mention again the name of the Fatimid Caliph m the sermon on Fridays m the mosques, ana to use instead the name of the 'Abbasia Caliph al-Mustadi' al-Hasan lbn Yusuf al-Mustanjid (died 575/H79) who was m Baghdad. A few days later the Fatimid Caliph, al-

lAdid, died on Monday 10th iwuharram 567/1171 (lhh^

lUmara was extremely sad and he wrote one of his great• est odes, elegising the Fatimid Caliphate, describing what had happened to their position.

"0, misfortune, you did render the hand of glory paralysed, and you made the ornamented neck divest". (1U5) As if tUmara was predicting his own end m the last verse of this ode, he said.

(li+2) Abu Shama, al-Rawdatam V. 1/197-198 (LU3) Abu al-Fida, Tarikh V. 3/65 (ihk) Abu Shama, al-Rawdatam V.1/205 (11+5) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 15U ^ 73.

"Poor tUraara said that, while he was afraid, not of slipping, hut of being killed". (IMS) *Umara, however, did something even more daring. One day he was m the presence of Najm al-Din, the father of Salah al-Din, when he was living m "al-Lu'lu'a" Palace which was one of the Caliph's palaces, al-Ahdab lbn Abu Husama abused the Fatimid Caliphs m parts of his poetry. • o *Umara retaliated angrily, saying. "You have sinned, 0 you who satirized the nobles and the Caliphs, and what you have sand to defame them is nonsense". (^"7)

LUmara did not live long after this, because his enemies were watching him carefully, listening eagerly to everything he said, following all his movements. They wished to find some crime to accuse him of and soon they were able to do just what they had v/anted, and bring his life to a tragic end.

(IMS) ^A^p't/^y ^ywc^/yb-o,^

(lk7) Al-Maqrizi, al-Khitat V. 2/350 74

12. His Death-

••Umara was killed on Saturday, the second of Ramadan m 569 ^li+8^ 6th April, 1175. His death hardly came as a surprise m view of the gradual decline of his posit• ion, and his attitude to the Ayyubid regime.

When Salah al-Din enaed the Fatimid Caliphate, some of the "friends of Egypt" began to make trouble for him, m an attempt to cast him out and revive the Fatiraid Cali• phate. There were many attempts to do this at the beginning of his reign. Some revolted and fought here and there, others plotted. ^Umara, who was one of the most sincere "friends" and who was saddened at their plight, was suspected of being involved m one of these plots with others who had held high posts m the Fatimid Caliphate,

Most historians said that eight men were involved, and they were m addition to HJmara, al-Fadl ibn Kamil al-

Qadi, dya' al-Din abu al-Qasim Hibatullah lbn vAbdillah lbn

c Kamil Qad»i al-Qudat. , Da*-i al-Du at *Abd al-Jabbar lbn -'Isma'-il lbnc Abd al-Qawi, al-Sharif al-Jalis, Najah al- « Hamami, *Abd al-Samad al-Katib, al-Qadi al-'Alazz Salama

(148) Ibn K£allikan, v/afayat V. 3/HO (149) Huart, A Short History. 200 (150) Husam, Dirasat Fi al-Shi'r. 15-20 (151) Abu Shama, al-Rawdatam V. 1/235 Ibfi \tasil, Iiiufarrij" V.2/16 75. al-^Auiris and a Christian astrologer. ("^2)

They made careful plans, they chose the new Caliph, appointed his Vizier and agreed with some of the army to

kill Salah al-Din. Unfortunately, there was a traitor • • (15 3) v amon0 them, a spy of Salah al-Dm, and he informed • • Salah al-Din about the plot, they were captured on 26th

Sha*ban 569. (^k) i^ey Were sent for immediate trial k * - and were executed without delay. *Umara was brought to Salah al-Din m company with C^adi al-Padil. Salah al-Dm » • • • • • asked al-Fadil "What shall we do with *Umara9 Shall we put him m prison?" Al-Padil replied ''He still has a chance of reprieve". Then Salah al-Din said. "We shall kill him". Al-Fadil said. "If Kings want something done, they will have it done". He stood up m an attempt to leave, showing that this was the most agreeable course to him,^-^ because he had hated lUmara secretly from the

L time of the Caliph al- Adid. ^56) galgh al-Din ordered Mjmara to be hanged and the soldiers took him straight

(152) Al-Maqrizi, al-Sulujt- V. 1/53 (153) Some historians said his name was Zam al-Din ibn Naja and others said Na^m al-Din lbn Masai. (15U) Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat V. 3/HO (155) Al-Safadi, al-Ghaith. V.2/80 (156) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/123 76. away and. he was executed between "Babai al-Dhahab" and

'Bab al-Bahr (157) on the second of Ramadan, 569/1175, while he was fasting. (158) JJIS 2_ast poetry was about himself, giving us the real reason for his being executed at thebLSt moment

"I shall not be hanged, bowing my head, for a reason which demands my punishment as a human being. But, as I have whispered magic with my words, I am punished like (Harut) and (Marut)

(159)

(157) Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat V.3/110 (158) Sibt lbn al-Jawzi, al-Mir'at V.2/part I. p. 305 (159) Ibn al-*Imad, bhadharat V.k/235 For (Harut) and (Marut) see the Koran II (the cow)102.

^) 1 \->> ^j/ Lo c:^ ju*- (77) CHAPTER 2

His Personality

I. His outward Appearance

'Umira, >rno -as "born into a uribe vjhich as pi cud of its pure Dlood and which J id not rcrrnit intermarriage with foreigners, i»as naturally tyoically Arah m feature. He was also lirnoeccable in a spears ace. This was one of the reasons why the Prince of al-IIsraipaif- chose t-Umara to perform the mission to tne "^a timid Caliph m Egypt. Yet we have, m feet, few detajls ol hj s appearance Al-Jarim described hjm, saying

"Say-/idat al-Qusur (the Caliph's aunt), admired his fine appearance, upright stature and the nooility and manhood which snone fron nis eyes." but he does not disclose the source of his information.

It appears that 'Umara was extremely eleg?nt, for reasons ootn of his oosLtion as an ambassador and as a ealthy merchant. Xl-^odi Aha Ahdillah Munarnmad ibn abT lAoama al-Hafa* ill* ol ZahTd mentioned his orosnentv, his liking (2) of perfume ano nis fine clothes. ; 'Qmoro's dress 1 as

(1) Al-J^rim, Sayyid? t al-Qisar 6h-o5. (2) lUmara, al-^ukat 23 (78) particularly fine v»hen He settled in Egypt "because the

Caliphc , the Viziers and not>les gave mm many excellent

buits, some of them covered ,aih gold or v ith buttons of gold 'Umara makes reference to some of these suits af&er ne hcd recited his firs I ode in Egyut, the Caliph al-Fafiz ! -z ) gave him "clothe^ covered 'ith gold " KJ1 when he praised

%Izz al-Dm Husain, one of al-ITalik al-Salih's relatives, he ('0

ras given a sum 01 money end a suit covered witn gold. '

'/hen * Ulnar a married in Egyot, fAli ion al-Zahad al-oalihi

gave him clothec covered ith gold, and red silk cloth \ ith

golden "buttons. / They also ga^e him special suits for

different occasions sucn as the suit men had "been given

to him "by the Prinze al-Zahir JviurtaT: 1 ^luch ,as m^fe (6) snecially to "be uora after a ba tn '

'Unara folio" ed tnc ipshion of men OJ religion liJrce one

Q^adi D and the jurisprudents. Their distinguishing feotures

j^ere their turo^ns and tneir "Tubsens''. Thi0 vas the style

of txie Calirhs and the '-4adis, and the Princes and tne uohles

used to imitate them ^ ^ 'Umara Gel Is is a sforv \hich

GliOif , his mooe of dress

D3) lhilhld ;/h1 h)J 'UmacUma c a al-fuka1-Pule a t IlitI . Ihid ILQ O) II) lu IL'I H^san Tarikn al-lclam V. 2/230 (7?)

*Umaru visited ^l^z al-Din Husam at vJazi"rat al-Dhahab' m al-Jiza, afber sunset, before 'Umcrj arrived, some of Ihc men of Tjusem hastened to tell him that a guest was approaching. Husam a sited Lnem "Hov is he dressed9" They replied "i-fter the style of the Qadis u^8^ it is believed that * Umara used to near a turban His burban ics i»hile, tne emblem of the Tatimid Cslichate. He- alluded to this m a nece of ooetry hich ne wrote DO kunammad lbn Shams al-Kh] laf a jhen he \as in Dimyat, asking him to sexid lUmarc, as a gm u, a "shfrb" turb?n wo\rtn in Dimyat, describing if "cnus "Its whiteness gives it the look of a clean face, and its mark ('alama) looks like a mole on the cheek."

2. His Character

'Umaro was brought up m a good family jiiich conuamea many famous men noued ior their qualities of generosity, bravery, honesty and loyalty 'Um-ie- ha 3 all these characteristics. His poetry full of examples of them.

>oreo^er, his iu tobj ography describes several actions /hich

\«/ere iriuicotive of h: s good character So there is little ionder that peoule likeo hum wherever he rent, in Zabid, Aden and -Egyi t.

(8) 'Umaro, al-Hukat 117. (9) Yaqut, Muljam V. h/35. (TO) 'Umara, al-Hukat 139- D TV/an Pet. I7S3 - . . (BO)

^Jmura's greatest quality was fidelity. It ib otvious to everyone uho reads nis poetry or peruses his biography. He kept faith i'ith his iinends, the Viziers, the Calipns and everyone deserving ol his trust There ''ere wany incidents in hjs life v'hich nrove clearly his fidelity to the Ru^zlk family, especially to al-Malik al-^alih and his son al-

HaliK al-eAdil Ruzzil-:. //hen al-oalih died, *Umara repeatedly mentioned ham in -ooems addrto&ed to others lifter

FuzzTk had "been killed ana the Ruzzik iO'iiily' s autnority hC|d disappeared, ^Umara became unhappy, no fell that he had loot his greatest friencs, so he decided nevei to enter tiie

''Secret, hall' m tnc nimstry 3ailoj_ag until tne head of

Ruzzlk was removed. Ke had seen it m a oasjii there, iath the killers, the leaders of the nev government, around it.

They folio 'Cc ^Umara's suggestion to i emove the head.

About the time i hen 'Umara Sa i brem ha^oj' in cheur victory, he la Ler > rote

' I'nere is no-one in this company suivoundmg Ruzzik's head (II)

^ho has not been killed, and. his head cut off hj s oody.'

The reader of 'al-dnkat' could hardly forget the ooem which

'Umara rcciied m celebration of Shavar's victory and of

talcing the Ministry from RuzrTk, since all the poets strongly criticize(12d ) fn-zzik's regime except 'Umara 'ho gave it due "oraise.

(11) 1 Ulnar e al-^ukat 57• (12) 'Umarc al-pulwt 69 (81)

His fidelity to al-Zah~r Lmrtafi1 mode the Vizier Dirgham angry because once pirrham nad. asked *-Umira to go with him to 'Hadaf al-Barqiyy-w ' , and 'umara had. refused "because al-Zahir nvas in ici&on there . ^ ^J ^

Ultimately, his fidelity to die ratmad Caliph and his family caused, mm to lose his lije. He was killed beccuse of ms love for the Caliph al-'Adid, a martyr of hi s own fidelity. For tnis reason, al-Ammi stuuied him as one of

Virtue's mar tyrs . ^ juiuia^ lhn *A1I al-«iaq_rii?i (died m SL3/Hj,LI) , a reliable (15) mstorian " and trjstworlny niveotigauox", hci^ much uo boj in wraise of ^Jmara and his _idelity

"Hov excellent tTJmara as He, indeed, fulfilled tne promise of fidelity, and repaid in full tne goodness of jledges, as ne was accustomed 00. Undoubtedly he •/-s killed m the way o± his duty tov ards those /rhom he loved, in the tradiuion of lovers. May G-ou hove mercy apon mm and forgive him. „ (16) Al-Jiacrizi" vas not alone in hi= praise, many others gave him similar prmse Ion >^sil, ( 1 ^ ADJ i/iuhamnad 'Abculloh

13) Ioid _77. Ih) Al-Am:ui, Shahada' al^l adila . (15) Ibn al-^Imad, bhadherct V. 7/25U--53. (16) Al-T

"bravery from the time nen he had lived in the Yaman amongst ii3 s tribe He proudly related the courage of his relatives, his uncle *Ali for instance, and his tvo cousins al-'Al.if and IJamza. ^ "orsvery teaches a man honesty and so it "os iith 'Umara. He aohorred liars and sno red his ° oured a tion of truthful people hy praising them

"Know, (I redeem you) that troth is the great quality ^hich you have Tooth inwardly and out/ardly. '''ere it not for his tr'L Infulness "Abu al-*-Iss" culd not he safe from disaster " K~ J

The aartner of truth is honesty ,TJmai a /as honest and tnis explains some of nis success m life He vrs an able teechei , successful amD-ssador and prosperous merchant.

People had faith m him and entrusted large sums 01 money to him to "buy 1 n: t goods tney needed. Ihe Queen, al-^uria, and her Vizier, Burner, lorovided him ith a large sum of ( 2) - - money when h^ first hegan trading. 1 i^nen ol-Da'i

Muhammad lion Saba-' died, lUmara kept 5,000 Dinars for mm v'~w Before this al-Da*i had given * Umara. 5,000

(18) Al-Tayyib^ Tarikn l^ia^nr xj den US. (Dei v 2/557) (19) Hasain, Pi Ada D I"i?r al-P-tn iyjr 221-222. (20) *Umara, al-i_akat T~-20. (?l) *Uniajca, Dr-en Pet. MS .Pbl. 183 . , - „ . -r^A-i

(22) ,U> (23) Ihid 38. (83)

'%ithq_alsn. ^ 2^ The Prince of al-Haramain could not nave cnosen anyone "better than 'Umara to sell, for him, the large Quantity of silver from trie aH-Ka^ba door.''2-^ A.t last, vhen al-ZahTr i."urtaf i4" \

'Um^ia's biographers mention other oi his aualities.

shrewdness, ambition, nsdoiii, understanding, vision, modesty,

foigiveness and ^robity. But there is another characteristic

which warrants explanation. It is self-esteem He respected

all people as human beings and liked to be resoected oy

everyone. He could not tolerate oemg desoi^ed by anyone,

^hoe^er tnat person nignt be For this reason he did not

like to bow to the Vizier and the Galipn, as otners d_i d This

"Db Very difficult for him, ^s^ecially ar- ne 'as a

j irispruduut. So he aslcec Sai sl-Dr. Hu&nn, el-nslik

al-Salib's son-jn-liw, to have him excused, from having to bow

to botr tne Vizier and the Calinh Husam aromised to do hio

best.(27)

v'fnat of *Umare's railings9 IJndei s usndably, 'Umaro tried

to hide his and. to show us unit was good a.a him in "Ins

biography and even m his poetry. Therefore, some of his

2h) Ibid 25 ?Jj\ Ibid hi. 25) Ibid Ik2. 27) Tnum, sl-kuk - t 121. (SM oiographers are able to speak ill of him, even those "ho tried to abuse mm, except Ion Katnir and he criticized 'Umara's (23) faitn, not ms character v ; Nevertheless 'Umsra did some strange things which

The first »;as when he spoke bndly of the people of

Zaoid, accusing them of envy ana injustice, but he had forgotten that oeoole, naturally, judge by appearances The circumstaaces were ?c folio rs lUmar>a \no given oermission by the ZabTd oeople to go to Aden to meet al-Da*i huhammad lbn

Saba'. But he found ifunammad ibn Saba* m solitude for o fe\' days, not anting to m^et anyone, he did, hovcver, alio""

*TJmar9 to neet him and. DO spend four days -vith urn After Ihis tne people of ZabTd iccused tUmira of being the intercessor between rAli ion i\ahui and luaamnao ion Saba' to join forces to attack Z^bid. 'Jhe ZabiY aok/les, therefore, took it upon tnemselves to kill tUmai'c. So Hlmars fled from Zab~d to

Uecca Tnis reinforced tne belief that lUmara aad, for certain tried to intercede, because he ."3 3 a good friend of both t\li ibn hahdi :nd I unammad ibn Saba1, and the enmity of ibn i1 didi to ZabTd peoole was - e!l-kuo\ n. It /as discovered

later ^3®) •\^s\i Ybn i^ahdi's attemrt to join forces v ith lbn

Saba' certainly had taken ulace, because *Umara mentions a

[28} Ibn_Ka_chir, nl-Bioaya 7. 12/275 (29) »Urpa, al-iTukat 30. (30) *Umarc, al-'Tukat 30. (85)

meeting of the three of them m Dhu Jiola foi this ptupose, but al-Da*i (ihn Saba'), lUiiwra said, did not agree.KJ '

In fact, *Umara failed to realise that appearances

i'ere against him, and chat the people of Zabid had reasonable

grounds for sucoicior_. He A/as a friend 01 both the leaders

and ha-i been in contact >- 1 ch them at tne crucial time.

The second, matter concerned his teacher Ahm^c1 lbn

ivuhanmad ol-IIasib. 'Umara's dealings mtn him ^ere as a

merchant paying kno' ledge. Al-Hasib ,rote for him,

"Faridat Rusaiq" but *Umara pretended to al-]Pio Surur

that he hod written it. ; *Umora wis paid a large sum of

money for it iihich he kept for himself, and al-Hasib,

who had. earned it, received nothing ol trough tuTmare

certainly oifered mm some of it i hi ch os refused >>/heu

al-Hasib lived with tiTmaro, as his teacher, 'Umaro

accommodated him in nis noa.se but tried to Hide him

"I accommodated tne jurisprudent at the rear of the nouse,"

*-Umaro soys, "so that no ona could see him ez.ee'^t for me,"^'

It would seem that tUmara's reasons "or this "were so that he

' OLild hove al-Vasid's teaching all to himself. Such

selfishness is un\ orthy of tUmara. Did 'Umsre dislike

people knowing tnat he was still studying, because they knew

(31) * Uinar a, Tariifh o . 13U - (32) Ioid I2h. l T (35) Umar&, cl- uk8t (86)

InIP as a scholar and a jurisprudent9. If so, he \

Wu.h a ii lined

( ~1L.)

''nook for Kno -ledge irom tne cradle to the gravs.lK ; So thrrb tne real scnolar should study until the day he dies.

Even if one acceots these two incidents, it is hard to

"believe the thiro one Yet *-Umara himself tells the story

"One day »ve attended pi-Da1 1 Muhammad ibn S<_baJ m his palace vhich was in '•Al-Jannat'", some of the ooets ere with him SafI al-Da^la A.hmad ion xMi al-hailT, al-Qagi Ahu

3akr ibr Kihammad al-Yafi*! al-Jan^ai -nci. otners tbn Saba' suggested composing two lines of noetry in a soecial meter

( «azn) -hicn had suddenly occurred io mm and he promised to give the first ooet to complete the couplet money and the very clotn.es he himself ^as -earing .Al-Qadi al-Yafili '.'cu first, but beiore he could sa;v so, 'Umara vho as sitting he sine him, stole - as he '-aid - the pa oer from al-tefi1" and pretenned, m front of al-Da li ion Saba*, that tnese two lines ere nis o\ n noetry

"I 1/on the money and the clothes," *Umars saio nroudlj',

and continue: "so I stole lus thunder ana alnnderea his

Dpearhead (aiuh i-nitn he nat_ taken aim)."^^ It is UUJ te

(3L) Al-kin" 1, Sharh J ami1 al-Stpyuti 73. (35; *umara. T~r~kh 91 (8/) natural to wonder ho\i on earth 'Umara could do that, let alone admit it THIS as notning more than fcheiL because 'unidia himself said thai ne stole the; paper, and he added "I put it in my month " ^ ' oecause he did not \ ant anybody to see /hat he res doing. Ilean nile, bhe man "ho nad actually written the Doctry l:eoc sileiiL to avoid Ihe ti cable liim might arise if be said anything. Fo-one cen excuse 'Uniafa for tm s action dutever the reason IL vas probably the ode hich al-'^bdT wrote, nr3tending it to be '-Umara's poem, Inch made him do tni 3. Hiere 10 a iroverb \ nich says "He that steals once ill steal twice." At lecst 'Unon did no b resemble a 1-Fnalidi yyan (S_-ivid ib±i Ha shim) , (cjea 87I/981) and Muhamrnoc ion Eavnim, ''died 380/990), >ho,

nroughout their lives, stole bhe ioetiy of others

pi st ending bno t it vas Lbeir°.

I' anyone itie to consider chese actions seriously,

looiiinf, C3c-;i'> lly for bhe reasons behinc them, he oulo find

that the main influence ,ac Hhnar^'c profession, commerce.

If seems fcnat he loved the orld of commence so much that he

\ as uiucr its influcnca in all his actions and thoughts.

Iienever ne started anyoniig, be used to consider it ^s a tr

uca~i , eignmg it j cdivnrf ges 3 id ais ''vn bj ges. Lf he

tnoughb that it /oul^ oe a f avo11 ^ a 1 e transaction, nothing

(36) <*-,a, «ta 91. )t^.^^^'"H^^> (37) Al-^laa^libi "atim3 V. 1/307 (88)

Cul d prevent him id on seeing 1. through to its conclusion

He jinsu nave believed L/I tne _d ge 'the end justifies the means. ' rh i s is one effect of comrerce, an^ tnere is another indication of it in nis ooexry. He usee the dual too much

He > as obviously very taken >a th it, aaci he nentioncd t ,o

n iniin^s together many nines L aa persons, •Ju liuies, traits, , y action^, events, ex-moles, in fact t o an^nin^ This gonib ill not oc expanded ncre, hec use it sill be favclop^d fully vian examples in the enactor on Ins poetry Bui I 'oulo like to explain ho commerce affected

11

'"/hen Uimara first stilted to trade, he was ^ juri ^oruden

He no douh t "cuand mat th~re ere many differences between tr-de and ]u r is i n u ' er^e - Perhaps there as an inner conflict

n between ^tmcra the mercha.it "n i 'Uncr tne juri sorudsnt. nevertheless, trade is not forbidden m thev(Snarj *"a'.' nln s conflict lasted a long time and i ms 'Umara developed a ^ud personnli ty, one side of it was soxiitual, iteali^f,

L nm.. teriali stic an1 always rcudy help people, hilst the other i 3 D mundane and or Idly, struggling LO make >iioney ana having no naei ;Su in other0 So *bmer a -S dud person ility in his cneracter ana benaviour This vas reflect in his poetry. This extract from hi-, noetiy sno s the effect commerce had on his ihinxmg (89)

-Vhen my loss has been his gain, I ruined iUy .itaation for his good. He -cook from my life v/hat I nave / soeno in oraising him but I did not gam his money.'1^

3. His__H_a"bits and Hobbies

tUmara's habits and hobjies ore of considerable interest.

'VhaL did tUmara like doing most9 He i/ao ~ rich man, indeed iie orked hard and did not mo.cn care for diversions, because he >'as always busy studying, teaching, attending uhe literary meetings, visiting friends or trading As a jurisprudent, he never draiiK /me nor did he ame ' ane >oetry' . He ^rote only a little love poetry.

'Umera sometimes vert hunting with his friends, but it seems that he did not 1eclly care for it. II cannot have had much effect on him because he did not i»Tite any hunting poetry "Tard lyyat" , as Abu Huwas, ion ol-l\nu ' tsz - ana Safi^y al-Din al-hillT wrote.

Mjmsra loved horses PUG used to rise as most Arabs did in tnose days, so Tayj, lbn 3hawE 1 arranged for tne barley for their feed to be taken from tne 'Divan1' a t ten ''Aruabb" (3Q) monlhly, ' and 1 OOK care OL tnem. For tnat °oirio of the

(38) *Umara, T)J In Pet. 1503.

(39) vUmfr 0 , al-fulvat 127. (90)

Viziers and the Princes made him presents of several fine horses, Shav/ar, for exaumle, gave him a "black mai?e,^0'

Vlzz al-Din IJusam once sent mm a horse mth other (L<)

animilo, J/ and ?ari s al-buslimm Badr ihn Ruzzik, the brother of al-Rioltk al-3alih, seat him a h_Lgh-cpuali ty horse as well as many different presents rC~1 Another time he gave him a roan fo^l 1 hich *Umara described

"You have seat a steed whose normal Dace is faster than the

tv inkling of an eye, and the strong anos, exhausted, follow in hjs wake. He is as graceful as the rose and roan ^s the ruby, and he » ES nroud that he did not resemble

the agate or the fireorands You nave sent mm, the only one of such grace, ana wioh in : nelp I -ill seek revenge for calamities Before tne arrival of this horse, I vo™ed

to ride on lightning, a no no\/ he has an ived, I mil fulfil that pledge.

••Umar" was expei t m his hnoi ledge of horses, because he described them mth charity ^no "precision m ha s poetry,

their movement, their paces, tneir colouis, their

characteristics, and the different eypeo of horse 1 ere all

(hO) I Did ISO. (hi) Ibid I2CL (U-2) lDm|ri, Di> Fn Pet. 38. (h3) *• umara, al-Pukat 99. D et. I07E W. ) (91) familiar to him.

An interesting fact ahout lOnars is that ne had many

"Janyas". He mentioned these m has poetry ana told us m any stories ah o a t thern

The Prince al-Zjhlr kurtafi* once wanted to buy a certcin "Jariya" whale 'Umara was «ith him. He asked *-Umara to nave a look at her, he did so and told tne Prince that she i as beautiful indeed. Al-Zahir bought ner, but "she dtid not stay in hi house more than a month", said *Umara,

"and he 01 ought her to me saying th-" T he had wusrielled with

Ins wife about this "J°riya". Al-Zanir then gave ner to

One day 'Umoia visited qiayy lbn 8ha>/ar >,no had a large, golden apcle m his hand. Ac soon as 'Umara lock ms place,

Tayy handed the apple to lUmEra. V/lien^Umara comnlaineu that

: t was too heavy, Tasy re/licd "give it to your 'Jariyas'" lum3r i kept it ur> his sleeve. "wlien I left," lumara said,

"he told someone to folio1/ me ana tell me that it cost more than f o ° ty Dinars." lUinora added, "I gave it to my 'Tariyas' as he orJared, and this v>as on 25th of Ramagan "'-^J 'UiPara once boight a 'Jariya', but he co"ld not pc> the necessary imoont, so he rote a piece of poetry to one of the Vi^ier^,

(kk) lUmara, al-fuk~t lhli (U5) Ibid 128. (92)

asking linn xo pay whs L he owed

''0, King, »noce court i- served by kissing and touching (> ith faces) your servant has nought a

ooor, bit fine-looking ' l'amlLdaa' . She is valued / (-\ at sixty Dinars, but I need one third of the price.'1^"^

'Unura alco oesto'-ed some ^Jariyas' on the nooles and famous men, such as al-Eali 'Tohc mpu. 6 ibn SdDo* tc whom tUmara bestO'eo a 'aariya' who had a fine singing voice and vise sang some of his coetry. ^'"^

Perhaps tne only Dad nab it that 1 airier a had, as anyone

1'ho has read his oetry and biogr phy ill kno ^s tn-t he vac a scenatnrift, udltnough he xne very ell that 11, - as written in the Zoraa (''8)

'"mid be not prodigal Co" loves not tne prodigal. "w '

It i° orobeble that ^Um^ra i as lixe this J roi tne '~imc l_e v/as

1 a youag mcn living in a rich family of a tribe. dost of its memoers "ere free slenders, like his uncle *'li, wno once areaenicd the tec cher, , no taught *-TJmdrc the

Koran, v-itn 100 co^s ^Umara nad spent what money he had and v«as ooliged to one aerson after another for help, re wrps compelled to oraise Visiers, Prmcc-a or aa.yonc - ho v oald

(1|6) 'Umara, Di -an Pet. IGL\. „

a?) 'Um-p,, al-ITak-t dO. _ ~ >^ _\JS Tnejforan VII (cl-.n'aiu) /I-1-2. (kg) 'Umara, al-rua;ac 12 (93)

ci^e him ^nat he needed. Sonic Li me o he had so many debts that lie could not settle Lnem jviuhout help, especially at tne time

of tne Ayyucicis Ilejiljl lie [die 1 r& foi his troubles, criticism^ the ne f ove^niseai everywhere until, m tne end,

ihey hilled him. Tr.1s4.vas :ao t the only reason Lb at he w^s killed, out J t a -, one of tne nam reajous.

h. His Relic ion

lUmjra v>as a faithful end giou_> boslem He i ns rvoud of

his J?el L "ion5 end O'te."' oho- ed in: s "nnde m his ooetxy. This

is hex oly surprising becius^ 'Umsra hod rponn un m a

religious bribe, m_ny 01"1 diose member: \ ere juriscxadents,

lihe 'Uinar^'s unul e, ah_m ^hn 1 L

unci"-', 'AIT iDn Z~id~n, once send

"I car coant amongst my = ncestox's, elevea scholars m many hinds 01 knowledge •Umare's cnbe fulfilled all their

religious duties in orayor, fasting and pilgrimage. lUmera

says that his ancle, l.^li, rent on pilgrimages forty times.

*Umera himself vent on oilgrimages many times, 'lis devout

r family ^sed to "bring, up their children in tne ey 0f religion,

filling their minds Tith religious ideals. They took care

to teach ohe chilnen the Korea recitixig it, reading it,

(50) *Umora. a 1-5okat 8 (9k) learning it "by heart end interpreting, it. cUmara did all tms, end ne learned "Sara Sac'' when he vas about eight yca-s old/'1'1

The tribe was no L the only oasio for *UrnaraTs

religion, hi ^ country also helped considerably because

"el-Yeman" had been a religious country from the oegmning of Islam Thus 'Umars was broaghfc up m an atmosphere

'Inch helped to creaU-and foster the deep feelings of f3ith throughout his luie. Many incidents illustrate this m his oiography, ooetry end other books. For some time m his life, he T/SS in die company of *A1I iba *''ahdi in

ZabTd, when ^ li -as ? her nt and lUmcra emulated him, quitting his study and 3arlBorudance until his fauher came to Zabid and mane him rettrn to his study. His religiotu feelings moved him Lo scudy the Koran tharoagiily, even while he j'oo a 3ui 1r pi udent, teacmng nur 1 '-prudence in ZabTd, he chose for ins study "H^rf abJ*Amr fbn al-,Al7'". ^JJ^

Most of nis biographers mentioned his godliness and praised his frith, ezceot ibu Kathir iho unfairly criticized, him

'"The least of his ickedne&s is that he belonged to al-P°fd,

ana he nas been charged \ ith 'Zands^a', and absolute

.theism." ^k)

(51) Ibid 12._ '52) ^Jmara, Tarikh ^3.121±. 535 I"bid H3.I50 Ibn Kathtr, al-Eidaya V. 12/276. (95)

Bub ion EsDnir said this without any proof of 'Umsre's

atheism. Tne only cmng on mich i"bn Kaffir "based his

cpiticisir >cS an ode of 'Umara's ^hich oegins,

"Kno ledge, biiice it he.o existed needs the flog (strong bli) and the s«vord i_an always do >ithout tre oci." (55^

Ion Kg tha r said that this ode vas full of atheism and 'Zandaoa', especially this verse

''The o eg inning of thus religion >/ss made "by a man who has made great efforts antil (the pecole) called him "Sayyid al-umanu' (the master of peoples) '.

In fact, the post Thorough investigation cjixnot find

^ny ctheiom. Ho*' could 'Umara "be atheistic, iarticul-irly

-hen he rcte it to Sha^s al-Dm Ta^ansnah, the eldest hiObheL1 oa Salah d-Dia, encouraging hnn DO coii'iu&r Dhe

Yaman9 He "began Dne cde "by giving lse aavjee, and describing xiohle directors. tUrrara then i emmoed Tnranshan that he

should i ori: nard to achieve what he really wanted, and to gam

glory. Tor Dhis nuipose, MJnara mencio

orooheb, as an cacamole of enoeovoLr. ''lost historians maintain

that "this verse is not lUmar-'s ~nd tnst it ^as slipped

in bo the -noem oy some of nis enemies" then we should

(55) 'Umara, Di ran TJCD. I73E. (56) Al-'Inad, al-Xnaiida f^S . (Dei . 395) 1-Hama /I, Iham^ ra t 23. »-l-3afadi, -1-Ghcitn v. 2/180. Al-lIsamI, Cimfc V.j/Uh-7, etc (96)

not condemn lumara oecause of it. 3ome crioics discussed tin 3 sayin& blrt tne verse nves no indication of atheism,

"because endeavour, here, represents the diligence of

Vmhammad in announcing the apostle of God and in oerformmg the duties of his ± eligion, asking the peoole to accept him as the prophet aad oeing ready to suffer what injuries they die Co him.w,y And, croD-Lly, this is "hat 'Umara

"anted to say.

Accusations -ere once mooc against ^Umara, oomeone sooke ill of him to the Visicr. He did not like to say anything, hut turned to God foi he]TO

"God is the highest, he IIIIO^G the truth better than anyone, and he ID the most '/iss (m tne /'orld) ."

^-Umara'^ faith led mm to trust Goa in all his proQlems.

'hen the ceoale in flgypt (ere afraid o~ their enemies who had

"begun to attack, 'Uafaro tuined his face to God and 3aid

"0 Lord, I have seen tne enemies OJ Egyat a> ake aftei they nave been asleep. Let Islam live forever, and prevent the

57) Al-'Isami., Smt al-i'ujum V. j/hkl. 50) Mmara, Di^-an 'Pet. 177. (97) links ox conv^r Dion from b±caking ua. Grant LS your help, seek refuge from on - fuion, cue embers of - nich a± e aa,n,ng." ^

KTnnra al av- advises oeople, in. nis osliy, to he faiinful

"LOJ easy aa~th -ill he to pcoole if xnev c

and fruct m ana Day of Judgement

3o vuTmarc 1 ;s faitnful ana hen he a^olo_pze_~ co ons o_ las friends "because he had not "been ^ble uo VISIL mm for a long Giiir, he said tnat the fever \

£e i" sed the leader" aia 'le Visiere, dcscrio_ng uhem c s ueing of poo ^ f^ith, :ieus and godliness, colli, ir.ci i tna protectors or religior, Is3 snc tne Islamic

1- <, U3~5harits)/6-)

J adnna o

Tho^e is no doubt tn.-t Hjm, dhafn *-i He \oc

(a9) Ibnd Pet. : 23. ^ lj ^ ^ ' ^

l: t (CO) Unar„,Diia n

CI) ILid 55. laid 9, 5af ? oh' LC . (98)

born anJ grew _p in a Sh?fi*i fa/mly would naturally be of the same "I adhhao". He studied - eli IOUC matters, especially the Snail1! 3 ufi onrbih-ncc -net nis noct Jiiinortant belcher in ZaoTd, Abu Muli-romac1 *AbJullah 3"un ahi al-o~sim al-Aooar, the only one wrom ^umar..- menrioned, was tine chj ef jurisprudent of tne Shafi^T I'^ahhah mere. Then "«hcri *(Jmara

"became a scnolir, he oaugnt thLs l^adhn b and also u'rote a hook 3n ''al-Fsi a * l'j" according to Snaj ivM jurisprudence.

So he ''as Shsfi^T by birtn, education and in his "ay of thinkinc. He e: id so oroucilj many tines. Ibn Xnal] lk^n, oxio 0 r nis biograjners, said ''He belonged to fne Shafi4-!

'cdiinab ana >»?c a f"uialic of al-sunna "y~JJ1 Anobner, al-^aluasjiandi, said "Mmara aid not follow one shi*"! cect, he belonged to the Snafi*-! sect."1"0'^ OLners said likewise, Iba -asnl/65^ a 1-ITakami / 06^ Ion al-^Im'd/67^ and al-Yaf 1 ti/08'1 If 3 al-Din ^ och-l 'ahhab a]-3ubki

(died 771/1370)^^' mentioned tUmara in his oook, r70) - "Tabaoat al-Cha C:t iyya". ww ril-'j'nal al-KaaiD said tnat

(63) Ion Hhallikan_j_ "^icje-h V.l/109. (6k ) Al-Qalqash.ndi, Subh (op) > nfariIJ V.I/2UQ '66) 1 urshic al-Zu^ar >r3 T 273 67) oihadh^ral t V. h/2^4-235. 68) U-'hr'au MS.P.305B, (y.3/390). 69) AI-ZJMI: .ly al-^'\ llam V.L1/335 70) Al-^IsamMjSimt V.5/LLL8 (99) he was "sunnl" and he was surprised that 1Umara did not change his Madhhah when al-Malik al-S,alih tried to persuade him to do so, hut lUmara was killed "because of his love for "al-Shl^a"/71)

Several modern scholars have mentioned 'Umara as a

Shaf 1 *r and one of the earliest was Kamil Husam, who

specialised m Fatimid studies. He said that HJmara was

involved zn the plot against §alah al-Din m spite of his

"Tasannun."^2^ On the other hand, there are a few of his

"biographers who said otherwise, some of them, such as

Shaikh Agha "buzurg al-Tihrani/73^ 1Abdul, Husam

al-Amiri!"/7^ and Yusuf al-San* ani S75 ^ Hadi al-Amini said

that he was sh1KI Imami.^70^ They did not "blame him or

criticize his faith. But there are some writers who

criticised him "because they maintained that he changed his

Madhhah, for example, al-Janadi who insisted that Abu

Muhammad al-Hasan ibn al-Mukhtar told him that tUmara

changed his Madhhah and joined the Fatimids, adopting their

Madhhah.^77^ Abu al-Hasan al-Khazraji said much the same

(71) Al-^Imad, JO$rida (Der. p.399). (72) Dirasat Pi al-Adah al-Ayyuhi: 15. (73) Al-Dhri'-a. S. 3, V. 9/769. {7k) Al-Ghadir* V. k/W; Shuhada' al-FadTla. 59. (75) Fasmat al-Sahar: NS. V. 2/F. 230. (76) Diwan Talari1 ibn Ruzzik. 28-58. (77) Al-Suluk. MS. (Der. 5^6). (100)

"the idea which I prefer is that he joined their Madhhab."(78)

His proof was m the poetry of LUmara. The poetry, m fact, has no evidence m support of this idea, "but it contains some "Isma*-ili" ideas about the Caliph, his dynasty, his parents, Fi-fcima and VA.li, and their first g»aB4£a£her, Muhammad. This is quite true, "but cannot be a proof "because there were many "sunril" poets who mentioned

Ismia^ill ideas m their praises of the Patimid Caliph and the Viziers, "but they did not change their Ovvn "sunni".^^)

Kamil Husain "believes that tUmara was the "best example of this, he says. "Does this not prove that *-Umara has "been affected "by the Patimid ideas in spite of his retaining the

ShafMadhhab9'1 For this reason, no one can associate lUmara with the Fatimid Caliphate poets, those who are called the Fatimid "tAq.a-,id" poets, such as al-MuJ ayyad FT al-Din

Hibat allah lbn Musa al-ShTrazT, (died ^70/1078)S81^

^Umara was oust one of the'^iadlh" poets, m the same way as al-Muhadhdhab lbn al-Zulair, abu al-Raq.atmaq., al-Muhadhdhab (82) al-MausilI and many others.^ '

J8) Al-Tayyib, Tarikh Thaghr Aden* (Der. 553) 79) Husam, FI Adah Misr al-Fatimiyya 356. '80) Ibid 159. 81) Husam, Sirat al-Mu-Jayyad (The Preface. 17). 82) Arnln, Zuhr al-Islam V. I/2I0. (IOI)

MJmara himself explained this clearly when he told us what happened to him with al-Malik al-§alih who was always

trying to persuade him to join shi'at, MJmara said:

"One day I suddenly received three hags of gold,^-^ with a piece of paper on which al-Salih had written some verses of poetry:

'Say to the jurisprudent 'Umara. 0, you who are the

"best of those who can compose a speech and a letter, accept

the advice of one who is guiding you along the right path.

Say "Hi^a", and enter the door (of the Madhhab) with us.

You will find the "Imams" mediating for you, and you will not

find (anything) m our Madhhab save the "sunna" and the hook, (81+) (the Koran). »it

'Umara refused this offer, returned the gold and m reply

to the poetry, said that he could not enter, asking al-Salih

to close the "door", and keep 'Umara's pure love. But the most important point here is that 'Umara called changing his Madhhah corrupting (Ifsad), "because he said m his

answer to al-Salih

"If your scholars corrupt my living beliefs, they will

(83) Al-tImad al-Katib says that it was 3,000 Dinars Kharida MS. (Der. p.399). (81+) •-Ulnara, al-Nukat 1+5.

I (102) ruin them."(85)

He also tried to avoid argument at literary gatherings, when he did not agree atiout the subjects under discussion.

One night, some of those present at the literary meeting spoke ill of some of the "sunna" thinkers. vUmara did not like to listen to this, according to what is written in the

Koran

"And when thou seest those who engage m vain discourse concerning our signs, then turn thou away from them until (86) -

l they engage m a different discourse."^ ' So Umara could not stay with them, and left the meeting. Nor did he attend any more meetings for some time. \'/hen "-Ulnara met al-Malik al-§alih, m his private orchard, al-§alih welcomed him and asked him about this matter and his absence. lUmara spoke frankly.

"Certainly I have not been ill, but I was not m agreement with what was being said against the "sunna" ancestors. If the Sultan orders an end to this, all will be well, otherwise, I will find another place m the wide land, and another King, of which there are many." ^ ' Al-Malik

al-§alih was surprised and he listened attentively to lUmara.

He asked him. (85) lUmara, Diwan* Pet. 26B. 86) The Koran IV (The Wemen) IhO. 87) MJmara, al-Nukat. hk* (103)

"What do you think about abu Bakr and lUmar9" "I think", _ ii said MJmara, without them, there would be no Islam for either you (Shila) or us (sunna)." Then *Umara added

"Certainly, to love them is the duty of every Muslim."

4Umara finished by saying

"And who will turn away from the religion of Abraham, but he that is foolish?" ^88^ Al-§alih smiled and treated

*Umara kindly because he used to meet the jurisprudents of

"al-sunna" and listen to their discussions.^8"^ Until then, al-Salih had not despaired of *-Umara and kept trying to persuade him, asking his relatives to do the same, until the following happened:

One day, tUmara was alone with Saif al-Din Husam lbn

Abi al-Haija'. Al-Husam said*

"lUmara, do you know that al-§alih has wanted you to be faithful (Shici) since al-Ashtar lbn Dhl al-Riyasatam joined our Madhhab9 And unless al-S^alih persuades you to join his Madhhab, he will not give al-Ashtar one more Dinar."

'Umara replied

"What occurs at the assemblies of pleasure should be kept secret. "(^O) Al-Husam said "Say what you like, and nobody

(88) The Koran. IT (The Cow) 130. (89) *Uinara, al-Nukat k5. (90) •Umara, al-Nukat 120. (IOU) will "blame you for it." lUmara said "Unless I am certain of my Madhhab, virtue would prevent me from changing it."

Therefore al-Husam said to al-$alih:

"Don't try any longer with lUmara, because there is no hope for him."

This answer was decisive and it shows clearly how faithful ^Umara was to his Madhhab, about vvhich he was thoroughly convinced. Then what could possibly happen to

^Umara which would cause him to change his mind and join another kadhhab9 Nothing did happen to cause this, although there is not such a great difference between these Madhhabs because they all take their rules from the Koran, and the

"sunna" of Muhammad.

*Umara also said, m a poem to §alah al-Din, that he would be Shafi'T until the end of his life*

"Did you not know that I belong to al-ShaficI and you are the (91) greatest mediator of the sect." ^ 1

It can be argued that proof comes at the end of "Umara's life, because he was accused m a shi*i plot and was executed for this. The answer is clear. Even if one accepted that lUmara really joined the conspirators, he was accused and killed for his love of the Patimid Caliphs and their people. (91) *Umara, Diwan Pet. II7B. (105) It was not a matter of religion or Madhhab, it was, m fact, a matter of humanity and justice.

Some people, (relatives of the Caliph) who had "been living happily m peace, had troubles which made them ask for help.

But §alah al-Din, who came to help them, wronged them. At first, he appeared to be helping them, but when he had defeated the enemy, he turned on them. He took away their authority and their wealth and hsd them removed from their palaces.

'Umara saw all this as a man and a representative of justice.

He coula not restrain himself, he became angry at the wrongs he saw. Firstly because their great ancestor, Muhammad, said.

"Be merciful to a mighty man who is despised and to a rich man who becomes poor," and also because they had given him presents and done him favours. So tUm~ra addressed the members of the new government, while he was being taken to be executed. (92)

"Their favours and your abuses killed me."V7 ' He said in praise of the Fatimid Caliphs and Viziers

"Their generous ways are the same as the sunna, even though they are different from me m being Shi'a."v ' He reminded

Salah al-Din about his Madhhab:

"Did you know that I belonged to al-Shafl*-!9" And lUmara was stating a fact.

92) Ibn Duqmaq,, al-Intesar V. h/^h» 93)

6. His Culture

'Umara was one of the most learned people of his time

He had a wide knowledge and a command of a variety of sciences, such as jurisprudence, 'reading the Koran', history, the Arabic language, literature and the chronicles which dealt with ancient times. Al-Suyuti also mentions grammar (al-Nahw) and philology {al-lugha) amongst his studies.^But he did not become an authority m them as he did m the matter of jurisprudence, history and literature. He acquired his specialist knowledge by studying, travelling and attending literary meetings, added to this, of course, he had considerable intellectual powers.

He was also ambitious, which was a driving force and helped him to continue his studies until he became famous. His abilities were well-known at an early stage m his life when he began to study m the "Kuttab" at the age of eight.

He studied the usual subjects the Koran, the 'Hadith', ( 95) 'al-cArabiyya', poetry and calligraphy. ^'

These were his elementary studies and his more advanced studies began when he reached puberty. At that time, he enjoyed the study of jurisprudence at ZabTd. He chose Zabid for this purpose because there were several scholars there, who together with many lecturers, were teaching subjects which were much m demand of the time, for example Koran,

{9k) Al-SuygtT, Bughya. 359. v 95) IbnKhal'dun, al-Muqaddima. 1010. (107)

Hadith, Jurisprudence - especially "Fara'id~Hisab, Jabr and

Muqabala", grammar (Nahw), philology (Lugha) and "lIlm

al-Kalam." The government respected these scholars and paid

them good salaries and gave them gifts.(^6) tumara realised

his hopes m studying what he liked m Zabid when he went

there m 531/1137.^'^ He studied under many scholars whom

he met there in the different "Madhhahs". hut the only one

who was mentioned by *Umara himself and his biographers,

was Abu fouhammad> ^Abdullah lbn abi al-Qasim lbn al-Hasan lbn al-Abbar, the chief of the Shafi4! jurisprudents, who was m

charge of jurisprudence and responsible for legal decisions m

ZabTd. Very many of the scholars there graduated under

tUmara's intelligence helped him to graduate quickly.

He was so outstanding that the scholsrs m ZabTd invited him

to take a master's seat with them and lecture m Shafi(I

jurisprudence. He did so and not only was he a successful

lecturer, who was accounted amongst the greatest jurisprudents

m Zabid during the life of his great teacher, Ibn al-Abbar, (99) but he also wrote a book called "al-Fara*id".

96) *Umara, Tarikh MS. IkS. 97) •HUmara, al-Nukat 21. 98) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk Mb. (Der. 638). 99) Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya V. 12/275. (108)

It is the "book which *Umara himself taught and it "became

famous m ZabTd later on.

During the time when iUmara was lecturing, there occurred a.legal problem m ZabTd which the greatest authorities m

jurisprudence there could not solve. It was highly

complicated, toany scholars tried to solve it, such as

lUthman fbn al-Saffar and Muhammad lbn *Ali al-Sihami, with

the encouragement of the Viziers and their magnificent gifts

and invitations. But all attempts were m vam/^^

At last they gave up and tried no more. It seems that this i _

problem greatly occupied tUmara's mmd. He tried to find

a solution many times to earn money, name and fame; "but

his efforts "bore no fruit. In 539/1145, ^Umara met a

little-known jurisprudent from Hadramawt. His name was

Ahmad lbn Muhammad al-Hasib, who was able to solve this

"Farida" easily, and put an end to the business.

vho knew well enough that "there is one who is omniscient,

above all those who are endued with knowledge, )

wanted to resume his studies m "al-FaciaJ id" under this

great scholar, so he accommodated him m his own house in

Aden, and studied under him m "al-Para*id." Another subject *Umara had studied under al-Hasib

(100) who was one of the seven recognized 'readers' of the Koran. He was the most learned of all m the Koran, Arabic literature and language, (died m I^k/Tfl) 'Umara wished to learn this reading (Harf), and when he knew that al-Basib was accomplished m it, he began to learn it under him every day until he completed his studies.

*-Umara had another great interest. This was history. He wrote a book on the history of the Yaman which is, probably, the second book after "al-Mufid of Jayyash", who was one of the Kings of the Yaman. *Umara's book is very important and most of it is quoted by Arabic historians as we shall see later. Jur^i Zaidan who did not study tUmsj>a with the Patimid poets, studied him with the historians.^^®^)

It seems that tUmara was interested m collecting books, not just because he was a jurisprudent, a teacher and an author, but because he loved books for their own sake. This he mentioned in some of his works, and he asked some of his friends to give him books instead of other presents. One day Mu^ayyad al-Din, one of al-Malik al-Salih's relatives, sent him 100 Dhira1 of cloth, but *-Umara returned them,

(102) Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat V. 3/136. (103) Zaida*n, Tarikh Adab al-lugha- V. 3/74. (no) asking al-tou'ayyad to give him the hook "al-Kamil Fi al-Lugha" of al-Mubarrad (IOi+) On one occasion he told one of his friends that he had so little money that he had "been forced to sell two of his "books, al-Muwatta' and al-Bukhari.^105^

The various aspects of 'Umara's culture are reflected m his poetry and prose. They appear clearly to the reader m "Iqtibas" (quotations) from the Koran and "Hadith, Tadmin" from the old Arabic poets and m his use of Arabic proverbs. He used the ideas, phrases and idioms of jurisprudence, grammar (Naljw), philology (Lugha) and prosody m his poetry. It is not necessary to develop this further here, since it will he explained m more detail and with examples, m chapter 3, part 2.

7. His Works.

lUmara has left "behind him valuable works, some of which have unfortunately been lost. These v/orks are A. The Diwan.

Most of tUmara,s biographers wrote about his Diwan * (106) and were impressed by its size and the quality of its poetry.

(101+) tumara, al-Nukat- 151. Ciwan Pet. 32. (105) tUmara, Diwan. Pet. 81. (106) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil V.9/I21+. Al-JanadT, Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya. V.I /276. A1-t-Isami,Simt:V.3/i+i+2. (Ill)

Some of them, such as Sihfc itm al-Jawzi, had seen the Diwan and often quoted from lt.^"^"^ This Diwan is arranged in alphabetical order. *Umara often mentioned his Diwan m his hook, al-ilukat, saying. "This line is one from a poem which is written in the Diwan," (I08) or "there is much which resembles it m the Diwan," (-^9) and he said "I wrote.... poetry which is written m the Diwan and there is no need to repeat it here. ^ All this means that *-Umara himself collected his Diwan, or tried to do so, daring his lifetime, "but the Diwan which is available, is not the one which isr" was "burnt m 563 A.H. during the time of Shawar MJmara himself tells us that some of his poetry was lost, m his poems to Saif al-Din Husam, Tayy lbn Shawar (II2) and al-Zahir Murtafi*. (II5) it can also "be seen that many of the poems m this Diwan are not complete, and there are some notes indicating this, such as "He (t Umara) said part of a poem (Qagida)." Thus it

(107) Sibt, Mirat al-Zaman S.I.V. 8/302. (108)

executed ,,. _ <,. - , , n ,. , "lAbdul Rahim has disappeared, so if I am saved now, it would "be a miracle." (116)

At any rate, there is some poetry which is not found m this

Diwan, "but occurs m al-Nuket, ^ ai_RaW(^atain^and elsewhere. There are three MSS. of fUmara's Diwan at the present time.

The first one is m the Asiatic Museum Library m Leningrad, (Petershourg), 298, No.66. It contains 196 Folios. There are 19 lines to every page. This copy is, perhaps, the "best m clarity, thoroughness and arrangement.

The second one is m the Det Koneglige Bibliotek, Copenhagen; No. 266. This copy contains 216 Folios and there

(115) Al-Ziijk li, al-'Allam. V.10/159- (116) *Umera, Diwan Pet. 28. (117) lUmara, al-Nukat: 38, 81, 85... etc. (.118) Abu Shama. al-Rawdatsm V.I/I8I, 183, etc. (113) are 13 lines to every page. It is not arranged m any particular order.

The third copy is m "Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya" m

Cairo; No. 5303 "Adah". It is incomplete and some of the writers called it "Mukhtarat", selections from tUmara's poetry.

Derenbourg published a selection of 1Umara's Diwin, which v/as printed m Chalon m (I897-I904)• It is very good, hut not complete; so this selection is not sufficient, "by itself, for a thorough study of 'Qmara's poetry and art.

B. Al-Nukat al-eAsnyya:

The full name of this hook is "al-Nukst al-'Asriyya Pi Akhbar al-wuzuraJ al-Misriyya." It is autobiographical and gives accounts of the coniemporary Egyptian Viziers and their relatives, the Princes, the leaders and the chiefs. The importance of this hook is that *Umara has written about them frankly, relating at the same time their good qualities and their faults. He has written m considerable detail, because he lived close to these people as a friend, an official poet and an admirer. So he was able to give us a vivid description of Egyptian society. Most of the historians after *Umara quoted from it and believed it to be authentic, for example Ibn Khallikan, abu al-Pida', Abu Shams, lbn Khaldun and others. The other important point is that (Ilk)

*-U mara wrote about himself m detail at the "beginning of this "book.

Unfortunately, it is hard to say when UJmara began writmg the "book because he made no mention of this. It was probably written about the end of the second government of Shawar, or a short time after that, because lUmara has written about this, describing Shawar1s last days and the critical events that took place. Then he mentioned the siege of Bilb XG by the Pranks, and the help given by Nur al-Din Mahmud, who sent an army to Egypt under the leadership

of Asad al=Din ShTrkuh, m 561+ A.H/119^ A1-"GUZZ" came to Egypt as soldiers m this army. 'Umara said. "The coming of al-Guzz to Egypt helped to drive out the Franks, A but Shawar did not live more than 18 days after their coming, when he was killed.I20^ This v/as m 56k A.H. It may be assumed that *Umara did not finish this book, so it is still incomplete, because he promised to explain m the same book the events and the calamities which happened at that time,^12*^ but he was not able to fulfil this promise (122) There are three manuscripts of al-Nukat.

119) 'Umara, al-Nukat 80. 120) Ibid. 81. 121) Ibid: 81. 122) Derenbourg, 1Oumsra V. 2/1. (115)

1. The copy of Oxford- 835 (March, 72, Uri Catalogue, p.181). 2. The copy of Paris 810. No. 211+7 in the Catalogue of Baron of Slane, p.380.

3. The copy of Gotha. 2256, m the Catalogue of Dr.Wilhelm Pertsch, k p. 268. H. Derenbourg published it in Chalon m 1897, together with the selection of HTmara's poetry.

C. Tarikh al-Yaman This hook has been mentioned by many authors under different titles, such as "Akhbar al-Yaman", "al-Mufld Fi Akhbar Zabid,"Mufid tUmara,,^][25^ and "Ard al-Yaman Wa Tarikhuha.I26^ a - lUmara wrote this book m 563 to al-Qadi al-Fadil lAbdul Rahlm al-Baisanl, because he was asked to do so. iUmara tells us at the beginning of this book how al-Fadil realised that ^mara was an expert m the history of the Yaman and the chronicles of its people. '-Umara began writing m the same year. Presumably it did not take long, but certain statements m it indicate that it was written at the end of

(123) Ihn Khallikan, Wafayat. V. 3/HO. (l2k) Hajoi Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunun V. 6/1+3.

(125) Al-Janadiz al-SuluT. (Der. 5Uh)• (126) Al-ZlrrHli, al-A^lam V. 5/193- (116) lUmaral3 life. aUmara tells us about the end of al-Zuray1 it's government, saying that: "Sultan al-Mu^-azzam Shams al-Dawla Turan Shah lbn Ayyub deposed them m 'Phi al-Qil da'"/hut there Is no doubt that Turin Shah did this m 569 A.H. and this is the same year -fefee^ *Umara was killdd ; - It might be argued that lUmara added this information a few days before he was killed, this is possible, but more likely the "rawis" and the copyists did it without saying what they had done, particularly since 'Umara has told us about*Abd al-Wabi when he ruled over all Yaman, at the time when 'Umara was writing tne book/I28>

This book is one of the most important of all '•Umara1 s works, and of all tne books which have been written about the Yaman, for its wide range of interest. So most of the - - - (129) historians quoted from it Yaqut al-^amawi, Ibn al- Daiba*/130^ al-Shaibani and abu al-Fida' Z132) These writers quoted from the book, and there are others who praised it m their prefaces• al-Janadi, who considered *Umara,s book one of his three most important works of (^33)

(128) 'Umara, Tarikh: I56. '129) Mu

The real significance of this hook is that 'Umara filled it with facts. He attempted to tell nothing hut the truth, so he wrote what he had seen or heard from reliable sources. He made use of trustworthy "rawis" and he tried to mention more than one "rawi" for every fact. Most of his "rawTs"

were jurisprudents.^*35) ^j^g was in addition to the fact that he quoted "al-Mufid", the hook of Abu al-^aml Jayyash, lbn Najah, one of the Kings in the Yaman,

(died 493/1099). ^I36)

The influence of jurisprudence m this book can be clearl seen, m narration, the manner of writing and the quotations from the Koran, the Hadith and the other references. Mr. H. Cassels Kay published the book m London m 1892 with an English translation, an abridged history of its (the Yaman) dynasties and an account of the Karmathians of Yaman. Kay says m his introduction. "Of the not inconsiderable number of native writers by whom the history of Muhammdan Yaman has been treated, the earliest m date, and m certain respects, the most important, is

134) Quprat al-'Uyun: MS. IB. 135) '•Umara, Tarikh* MS. 2, 38, 52, 58, 60, 68. 136) Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunun: V. 6/43. (118) *Omarah, the "Yamanite"".^137^

There are two MSS. of this "book as it is known now. One of them is m the library of the British Museum. It is the second part, of three parts, of the volume

(Or. 3265). It consists of 81+ folios or 166 pages; there are 17 lines to every page. It is riddled v/ith errors "but it is the only copy on which Kay relied to publish this book. The other MS. is m "Dar al-Kutub al-Misnyya" m Cairo, volume number 801+8 H. It contains 231+ pages or 117 folios and it is entitled. "al-Mukhtasar al-Wufid". It seems from looking at the contents that this MS. contains the same as m the MS. of the British Museum Library, from the beginning until page 121 of the Cairo MS,, which is the end of the last chapter m both MSS. "The Persons Who have held m Yaman the Office of DalT for the Fatimids." This is the end of the B.M.L. MS., because there is written m it: "The end of an auspicious history. Praise be to God, by whose

grace all good works are brought to completion. "(-^8) ^s for the Cairo copy, it goes further than this, because it has in it a chapter about the poets of Yaman. It begins on page 122 and goes as far as page 23k* It is difficult to say

(137) Kay, Yaman (introduction p.l+). (138) Kay, Yaman 137. 'Umara, Tarikh: MS. 167. (119) much about this chapter except that it is another book of ••Umara's and it was added to his 'Tarikh' by the copyist.

D. Shu^ara'' al-Yaman.

Not much is known about this book except that it is mentioned by al-tImad al-Katib m "al-Kharida", al-JanadT m "al-Suluk" and al-KhazrajT m "Tarikh al-Yaman". ^ Hajji Khalifa wrote about this book:

"There is a book which is written by tUmara lbn Abu al-Hasan *A.li lbn Zaidan al-Yamani about the poets of his period. "^"^^ It seems that Hajji Khalifa was not at all sure about its title, with the result that he makes no mention of it. Confusion arises because it is referred to under different titles. "Shu^a* al-Yaman", "^ajmu1 lUmara" and others. But it is indeed difficult to judge if it is an independent book of MJmara's or part of the whole book, "Tarikh al-Yaman", which was detached from the MS. of the B.M.L.

E. Al-Fara'id

Not much is known about this book either, because it

(139) Kay, Yaman 275 • * ^L^J' p ^h --j/Ul £.Ul f» (illO Khalifa, Kashf V. k/lkS. (120) has been lost. 1Umara wrote it m Zabfd v;hen he was lecturing m Shaf i1I jurisprudence. *Umsra mentioned it himself "I have a hook m al-Fara'id, it is studied m al-Yaman. ^ Some writers Ihn Kathir/1*4'2) Siht lhn al-JawaT, al-'-Isaml, and al-Amini^I^^) mentioned it, hut, unfortunately, none of them gave us any details. Nothing more can he said until a copy of the hook appears, except that it is about the religious duties which God ordered the Muslims to perform according to the Shafiti sect.

P. Sirat al-Sayyida Nafisa

The name of this book denotes that tUmara wrote the biography of al-Sayyida Nafisa, the daughter of Abu Muhammad al-Hasan lbn Zaid lbn al-Hasan lbn *Ali lbn abi Talib, (died 208/821+). ^Ii+6^ The book has been lost, but it is mentioned by some writers, for example Ibn KathTr,^1^"^ a-L_tjs~m- (148) and al-AminT. Not much is known about this book, but it is thought that fUmara wrote it after he settled

(141) ^Umarai al-Nukat 23. '142J Al-Bidaya V. 12/276. J 143) Al-Mir at S.I.V. 8/302. 144) Sim$ V. 3/447. (145) Al-Ghadir V. 4/409. (146) Al-Suyuti, Husn al-Muhadara V.I/2I8. (147) Al-Bidaya V.12/276. (148) Simf V.3/447. (121) in Egypt; firstly because Nafisa's grave is there and most of the Egyptians believe m the blessings she pours on them; and, secondly, because she, like the Fatimid Caliphs, was a descendant of Fatima, the daughter of Muhammad. Another reason for writing this book can be given, thet al-Imam al-Shaf 111, the founder of the sect which '-Umara followed, trusted and respected her. He used to visit her at home to learn Hadith and he asked that she would pray over his body after his death, and she did so.^^""^

G. Rasa-* ll lUmara

Another work may be added to the previous works of ••Umara. It may be called "Rasa-'ll "-Umara", (the letters of Mjmara). Derenbourg has collected nine letters from different sources and published them m his book about *Umara. These letters might be the beginning of a fine collection, if anyone were to continue Derenbourg's work because tUmara wrote many letters m Yaman, ZabTd, Egypt and elsev/here. It is knoTOfithat whilst m Egypt, he wrote some official letters, but the letters which Derenbourg has published are personal. lUmara wrote them to some of his friends.

(Ik9) Al-Husami, al-Taj al-Mukallal (122)

8, His Social Position.

Such a man as 'Umara was, possessing these qualities: fine appearance, good character, religious faith, culture and great talent, should hold a high position in society. He was "born m a well-respected family of a famous tribe and many of his close relatives were the chiefs of the tribe, for instance: his uncles, cAli and Muhammad, his grandfather and later, his father. Thus *Umara held a high rank m society from the time of his birth and he bettered himself during his lifetime by means of his intellect, his artistic qualities and his breeding. This can be seen at all stages of his life. When 'Umara went to ZabTd to study, he lived m the Vizier's house, the Vizier being a friend of "-Umara's father. lUmara's great talents and eloquence found favour with the people of ZabTd. So he soon achieved high status from the time he was a student, as a lecturer, a jurisprudent and as a poet. Before this sta-^e of ^Umara's life ended, tUmara had become one of the Queen al-Hurra's courtiers and the closest friend of the most important figure m ZabTd, al-j/azir Surur al-Patiki. Then he was chosen to buy merchandise from Aden for them and they gave him capital which established him as a famous merchant. Therefore he gained greater fame on a wider horizon, because he became well-known m (123)

ZabTd, Aden, ^Aidhab and in other places. The most important factor was that he "became a close friend of al-Da^I Muhammad lbn Saba-*, his Vizier, Bilal lbn Jarir, and his secretary Abu Bakr al-'AbdT. So he was climbing even higher up the social ladder. Later the Prince of al~Haramam heard about *Umara and saw that he would be the most suitable person to send on a mission to Egypt. This was very significant m the development of ^Umara's social position.

^Umara arrived m Cairo as an ambassador. He was not only successful m his mission, but he also gained the affection of all the people m Egypt, especially the Caliph, the Viziers, the leaders and all their associates and friends, when he became one of al-§alih's companions. In al-§alih's circle, KUmara met all the important men and became their friend. What he said was of importance and his ideas were really appreciated by the government. Some historians said that ^Umara looked like a Vizier m the Fatimid Caliphate.^-^O) t-Umara said something similar m his poetry "I was one of the ministers of the 'dast', when the head of the horse raises with his rider on the croup." (151)

lUmara explained this new-found importance in one of

(150) Sibt lbn al-Jawzr, Mir'at S.I, V. 8/302.

(151) *-Umara, Diwan: Petv I51+B. _

( y^tjs- a, j U->^ yjpji< _r~\J, u—- -vf -^-V J y/ 9 tJ' —•> (124) his letters: "I did not praise anyone except the lord of the palace, and the ministers of the time, I sat only with Kings, and I praised no-one hut them and no-one precedes me except them." (I52) This can easily he appreciated when one considers many of the incidents which happened to *Umara during this period of his life, in ministry buildings, m the 'Secret Hall' and the private palaces. He attended most of the great receptions and ceremonies, for instance the one when *-Izz al-Din asked him to improvise poetry praising al-Malik al-Salih and his family. ^Umara did compose eight lines

* 9 praising thera.^-^ '-Umara used to talk to these important (15 men as one of them, and he advised them on many occasions, and they listened to him, respected his ideas and took notice of his advice. He was able to meet the Caliph frequently, to see him without a curtain (Hijab) and to talk to him as a friend. He explained this m his poetry, for example, his eulogy to the Caliph al-FaJiz and his Vizier al-Salih • • "He added many favours to honouring me, for which thanks cannot be adequately expressed. The most excellent of (152) Derenbourg, 'Oumara. V. I./1+80. (153) *Umara, al-Nukat 98. Diwan Pet. 157. (154) ^Umara, al-Nukat 92, 109, 118 etc. Diwan Pet. 20, I4.IB, 73 etc. (125) these is my position, now that I can see trhp ligVl+ ^r conversion (the Caliph) without a curtain covering his face." (I55>

Ordinary people, of course, were not allowed to meet the Caliph often or to see him without a curtain; and even those who were able to meet him without a curtain had to defer to him *Umara could not accept this and asked Saif al-Din yusam to exempt him from "bowing, and

Husam promised to do his test. ^^6)

tUmara's keeping company with the leaders and the

Viziers made them feel that he was one of them, even a necessary person at one of their meetings; so if he did not attend at any time, they missed him, questioned his absence and tried to find out what had happened to him. Sometimes they admonished him for his non-appearance, and he apologized for this m his poetry

"0, my Lord, whose right is certain duty to all people, nothing prevented your servant from proceeding towards your door save sickness."(157)

(155) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 16. , >

(156)

tUmara often stayed with them the whole day, so he took some of his meals with them, especially with Shawar, with whom he spent much of his time. Shawar himself pointed to the significance of this honour when he said to

Ibn Dukhan, "blaming him for teasing ^Umara. "Be ashamed of troubling the man who eats with me twice daily from the same plate.*" ^I58^

^Umara previously did the same with al-Malik al-$alih. He announced this sorrowfully m one of his elegies to al-Salih

"Will fortune give me, after him, a generous one, with whom I may sit and eat9" (159)

Some of these important people took ^Umara with them on their travels and when they went out hunting; and others used to visit him m his house. They often spent a long time with him as did al-Kamil lhn Shsvar, ahout ,^hom

*Umara said

"He visited my house many times a week and, sometimes, he stayed all day long; he comes at dawn and leaves at sunset. "^ Most of them were aware of tUmara's position

(158) «Umara, al-Nukat 90. (159) *Umara, Diwan: Pet. 130. ^^W'<^J^ (160) *Umara, al-Nukat. 130. Jlv^>^ (127) in society and amongst the rulers, so they used to ask him for help m important matters or when m difficulty. When Fans al-Muslimin, the "brother of al-§alih wanted to give his son m marriage to a daughter of Dirgham' s "brother (either Mulham or Hammam), he could not think of anyone more appropriate to do that than eUmara, therefore, he sent him for this purpose.

Most of the ordinary people also knew very well

*Umara's position and frequently asked him for help. tUmara says that even the 'flock' of Fans al-Fuslimin came to *Uinara asking him to mediate for them with Fans al-Muslimin.^-^2) When Shawar killed many people, *Umdra was the only one v,ho could discuss this with him and advise him to put a stop to it. The people were very aware of this and asked tUmara to do it m any way he could. He could not find any means "better than poetry. He wrote what he thought was likely to achieve the purpose. ("^^)

Shawar also went further than this; one day he ordered that Abu Muhammad ibn Shutaib and fAli ibn Muflih should he killed as soon as they had arrived from Aden "because Shawar found some letters of theirs to the people of Aden, speaking out against the ruler whom Shawar had sent there. ^Umara

(161) 'Umara, al-Nukat 103. (162) Ihid 99- (163) Ihid. 87. (128)

went to Shawar and told him that the two men were at his own (^Umara's) house so that no-one could touch them.

Shawar kept silent for a while, then he stood up without speaking. HJmara began to converse with him about the Kings of the Yaman, ZabTd and Aden until he had lessened Shawar's anger. Then *Umara took a written pardon from Shawar forgiving these two men, he also took 100 Dinars for them,

Shawar said to them when they were leaving

"Before God, had it not "been for *Umara, I would have severed your necks and cut the relationship between the

Caliphate and Aden people.-^U)

HJmara knew oust where he stood, thought highly of himself, and was proud of his influence. He filled his poetry with pride

"I am but the hilt of a sword which has not been guided by a hand, and I am pearls which did not find the true valuer; a ruby which was put through the thread of a necklace, surrounded by heads with veined agate."(-^5)

*Umara1s status and influence caused many troubles for him during his life. It increased the number of people who

(I6U) ^Umara, al-Nukat: 91. (165) *Umara, Diwan* Pet. 118.

cM--— b ^y (129) envied and decried him and those who tried to do him harm, until at last, they were able to kill him. *Umara knew this and mentioned those who were envious of him. "His (al-§alih) bounties have increased my enemies, because

nothing increases enemies like bounties."

"He rewarded me for my praise with gifts which grieved the hearts of those who envied me." (-^7) lUmara sometimes thought that even his friends felt jealous of him: "He granted me the favours, for which every friend is envious of me."

^Umara, was, perhaps, right because most of his friends were jealous of his position and good fortune, even his colleagues, the poets tried sometimes to put him m a critical position, as al-Rashid and al-ShaizarT tried to do to him with Fans

n lT , - (168) al-Muslimm. '

(166) lUmara, al-Nukat: 101. Diwan Pet. I68B.

(167) *Umara, al-Nukat 95. Diwan- Pet. 58.

(168) 4Umara, al-Nukst: 96 - 97. PART II

Umara's Poetry (131)

CHAPTER I

The Stages in tUmara's Poetical Development

I • The Beginning

The way m which lUm5ra "became interested in poetry is unusual, "because he was originally a jurisprudent and a merchant Evidently he had no thoughts of "being a poet until he went to Aden on "business. By the time he left, however, the people there were convinced he was a "poet and from this time on, lUmara had to work hard to write poetry worthy of himself.

It was not long before he "became one of the "best-known poets m the Arab world, especially m the Yaman Even more odd is the fact that the poem which was taken to be lUmara's best poem was not written by him, but by al-lAbdi, who pretended that lUmara had written it. '•Umara relunctantly accented this and listened to tne poem as if it were his own work

The story began then, m A_den, when lUmsra first went there. 1 Umara did not mention exact dates, but when nutting a date to his trading between Aden, Zabid and other cities, he said "This period was from 538 A.H. to 5^8 A.H." ^

When lUmara first arrived he was fortunate enough to meet

(I)

The poem was admired and enjoyed, and al-lAbdi took money, presents and perfume to lUmara from lbn Saba' and his

Vizier, Bilal lbn Jarir, \/ho appreciated the poem,

(2) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk MS. (Der. 543). (3) Al-lImad, Kharida MS. (Der 572). (4) Al-Janadi, al-3uluk (Der 542) (5) Ibid 543. (6) Ibid 543. (133) unfortunately thie. poem also has "been lost and little is Known of IL, except that it i»ss full of rhetorical figures (Bad!1), especially "Kinsya". He "began tie poem T,ith a description of the journey from Zabid to Aden, mentioning ell the places "hanazil", as the pre-lslamic poets did, describing "Atlal".

Tt would be interesting to knot more about tnis -poem

and if it had any influence on tUmara,s art or not. Tt is probable that *Umara misplaced it intentionally, oecause

it vas not h: s own poem, and e man of hn s integrity would not "snx to claim the poetry of others as his own. At any r^te, tnis event /as very important in *Um?ra's ooet:c development. It aroused the poetical spirit in him, and

inspired him to work hard to be a ooet of a similar calibre.

Al-'AbdT also ga^e him effective adv]cc. He said to him

"Jurisprudent, yoa have been Known as a poet by these people.

Read literary works, and do not be satisfied ith (8)

iu.rispruu.ence.

Finally al'Aodi said something to lUmara which was to be a

source of inspiration

"The adornment ofoman is in his (-poetic) language."

"Fadilatu'1-lisan hilyatu 1-Tnsan."

So it was that '-Umara returned to Zabid with a strong

desire to become a poet. He took tne right steos, he read

(7) Ibid ;k3. (8) Al-'Imad, al-Kharida MS. (Der. 572). (I3U) a great deal of poetry, studied what he liked of it and memorized what he admired, until he was able to write poetry of which he was sufficiently proud to show hib friends.

When 'Umara'5 father, with some of 'Umara's brothers, vis: ted him m Zabid in 539 A.H., 'Umara recited some of his poetry to his father. His father appreciated it, and said

"Study literature, it is one of God's bounties to you, and do not deny it by satirising people. "^"^

'Umara promised his father that he vvould fo]]ow his advice and he fulfilled his oromise, at least m this period of his life.

Before the end of the year, lUmara made preparations to go to Aden for a second time, and he wrote a suitable ode.

This time he did not need the help of al-lAbdi. On this occasion al-'Abdi was quite satisfied with 'Umara's poem and m fact, he helped another aspiring poet - a camel- driver - instead.^This poem has also been lost and nothing is known about it.

'Umara did not forget the great help that al-'Abdi had given him. He showed his appreciation by writing poetry in praise of his teacher but, unfortunately, all this has been

lost, save these four lines which *Umara wrote m Egypt and

sent to al-'Abdi in Aden

(9) 'Umara, al-Nukat 23.

(10) Al-lImad, al-Kharida MS. (Der. 572). (135)

"Greetings to Aden, from those of us who are settled m Egypt, and I do not mean (anyone m Aden), "but only Abu Bakr. It is a greeting from an anxious, honest and humble man without malice. He is greeting you with the prose and poetry, vith which you have rewarded him, and you are the Lord of poetry and prose. No wonder! because the sea causes the clouds, (J_T) they change sometimes and it rams on the sea."^ '

This is the truth indeed, because without al-lAbdi, lUmara might never have become the poet he was.

Not much is known about vUmara's poetry m the early stages, its theme, its quality and quantity At any rate, when 'Umara had faith m his own ability, he began to write poetry at every opDortunaty, praising the Kings, the Viziers the leaders and other important people.

2. The Merchant Poet

This stage of lUmara's poetic life lasted about ten years. It began after the success of his poem, about which he said (12)

"It was better than the first one."v 1

This poem, which he recited m Aden m 539 A.H., began his life as a poet. He praised, in Lhis poetry, the important men he had met m his travels on business. It seems that

lUmara found praise a trade m itself, because he made a considerable amount of money from it. This period continued

(11) lUmara, Diwan MS. Pet. 112.

(12) Al-lImad, al-Kharida MS. (Der. 572) (136) in this way until 548 A.H. *Umara himself said so.

'Umara was now able to write worthwhile poetry after a year of directing his talents, and developing h:s ability, he had read poetry, studied the work of the poets whom he liked and composed noetry himself. Presumably he showed his first attempts to his friends, colleagues and relatives, not for reasons of pride, but to hear what they thought, especially those who knew something about poetry He listened to their ideas, valued their comments and took advantage of their criticisms. There is no doubt that this reading, learning and criticising poetry was invaluable to lUmara m improving his poetry, and in developing his technique.

^-Umara benefitted from his travels, they increased his knowledge and made his horizons wider and hir feelings more deep Also the poetical movement in the Yaman during this time helped lUmara, and his poetry began to take shape.

The literary climate in the Yaman at thDs time was beneficial. There were many poets and men of literature.

The Da

(13) 'Urnara, al-Nukat 27. (137) and poets, to profit from their works "by making propaganda for them. They welcomed the praise of the many poets and so they gave the poets magnificent gLfts and vast sums of money, m addition to respect and appreciation. These circumstances helped Arabic literature to make great progress. The situation bore close resemblance to what happened m the period of "Muluk al-Tawa'if" in "Andalus", when the scholars and poets rose to the highest class in society and many of them became "Wazirs", or secretaries to the ministers and the Kings, because of their talents. There is no doubt that al-*Abdi became the secretary of lbn Saba's minister, Bilal lbn Jarir, because of his ability to write. Some of the rulers themselves wrote, they held regular literary gatherings at tneir palaces, discussed literary topics and took interest m cultural affairs. Not only did they listen to the poets reciting their poetry, but tney also suggested that poetry should be written m a special meter or on a special subject, and they gave presents to the one who did best. The most noteworthy example was al-Dali Muhammad lbn Saba-*

"He was a man of generous disposition, universally praised, fond of eulogy, liberal in his rewards to those \/ho eulogized him, and himself a ski_lful improviser. He treated men of culture and learning with generosity and often introduced one or more verses in his conversation "

(Ik) Kay, Yaman 7h (138)

lUmara was a close friend of lbn Saba'. He used to praise him, to stay vith him for many days and to attend his meetings, winning presents m his competitions, receiving magnificent gifts, and money ^Umara tells us a good story to illustrate this

"I arrived from Tihamah at a time wnen I was indebted to the Prince for a sum he had allotted to me for a certain purpose of his own. I received a letter at Zabid from Dhu Jiblah, m which he invited me to join him, which I did. When I met him, he asked me what I had brought for him. I answered, telling mm what I had brought for him, to which he reolied that he wanted nothing but verses. 'By Allah!' I said to him, 'I have not composed one work of noetry, nor can I do so for fear of the people of Zabid, who make my verses a subject of reproach to me ' However he pressed me still more, until he put me to shame and I improvised lines m the same meter as_that m which the Kadi Yanya lbn Ahmad lbn Abi Yahya composed his verses. When I recited them to him, he said 'I rewarded the Kadi with five hundred dinars and a dress of honour. I reward you with a like sum from the amount m your hands, but m bestowing upon you a dress of honour, I will distinguish you from him, by giving you the robes I have on at this moment.'" (15)

The poets knew the value of the help of lbn Saba' and how fond he vas of eulogy, and they went to him at every opportunity to recite their poems to be rewarded by him.

One day, about thirty poets had gathered around him m the

"Musalla" outside the City. 'Umara says that lbn Saba'

sat m the heat of the sun while 'Umara himself vied with the

others for a chance to recite their verses. "Tell them" he said to me, "and raise your voice so that they may hear,

that they need not crowd around me, for I will not leave

(15) Kay, Yaman 77-78 (139) this place until they have finished."

All this literary activity moved 'Umara to write poetry, to develop his talents. There is no doubt that 'Umara profited from listening to the poems which were read to praise lbn Saba', and he also had the benefit of hearing the criticisms of some of the poets. 'Umara kept the company of the Zurai'it family every time he went to Aden, m particular their chiefs, Muhammad lbn Saba', his son

*Imran and their "vizirs", Bilal lbn Jarir and his son,

Yasir. He praised them in many poems, but unfortunately, most of them are lost, as is much of lUmara's poetry of this period, for example, the poems which lUmara wrote m praise of his friends 'The lAqama O^adis Family', especially

- - - l - (17) al-Qadi abu Abdillah Munammad.

There are only five fragments of poetry and one complete poem of this period available m the Diwan This makes a total of 55 lines. Pour pieces (tii^as), together vith the poem, vcere written m praise of Yasir lbn Bilal. ^ '

The other one is just two lines, those which he had taught to the "Jariya" whom he presented to al-Da*i Muhammad lbn Sabai, and she sang them to lbn Saba* (I9) These t¥/o lines brought

(16) Ibid 75.

(17) Al-Janadii al-Suluk MS. (Der. 5^4-). (18) lUma.ra, Diwan Pet. I, 62B, I58B. (19) lUmara, al-Wukat 29-3). trouble to lUmara, because when he had asked lbn Saba' to

visit him, lbn Saba' welcomed *Umara by writing these two

lines. The people could read the lines before the letter

reached *Umara, and they spoke ill of his visit to lbn

Saba'. Then they decided to kill 'Umara and so he fled to

Mecca.

It seems that most of 'Umara's poetry of this period,

if not all, was eulogy. He did not write any satire at this

time, as he had promised his father not to do so. He

probably did not write anything but eulogy, because there

is not even one "Qit/a", on any other theme among those

extant, bat one cannot be absolutely certain of this without

knowing all the other poetry. lUmara used to begin some of

his eulogies with love poetry (Ghazal), following the

traditional way of earlier Arabic poets, because he has

preluded one of his eulogies to Yasir lbn Bilal with

"Ghazal" It was really chaste, fine and musical *'2^)

He continued the "Ghazal" for six lines, then he changed

the subject beginning the panegyric of Yasir.

It is interesting to note that '-UnKra seemed at this

stage in his poetry to be a lively youth, full of energy

and enthusiasm. He was fond of his country, the Yaman,

admired its people and was proud of its leader0. He

compared them 'Vith the leaders of other countries, but he

(20) lUmara, DTwSn Pet. 62B. (IUI) preferred his own to the others. Ke said, for example, that the Yaman "become, because of Yasir, greater than Iraq, ( 21)

Sham and Egypt, / while Iraq was the centre of the of the Abbasid Calipnate, and "Egypt was the residence of

the Fatimid Caliphate. Moreover, 'Umaro appeared in this poetry, m spite of his youth, as an adviser, a teacher to

the one whom he praised

"Prudence should "be "before intention", "Use kindness" or "Be generous, courteous and vise."^"^

The use of rhetorical figures and of the dual,

' al-Mu_lhanna' aopeared early at this period of his poetical life. Kay says

"Amors' s verses m praise of the Dacy I\fu]jommad ion Sana' probably contained, like those he afterwards wrote at Cairo,

eulogistic allusions to the Ismailites and to their pretensions."(^3) ^his is probable, but it is difficult to

confirm because 'Umara's poetry m the praise of the Da*-~s

is lost, and there is nothing like this m the available

poetry which *Umara vrote to the Vizier of the Dalis, Yasir

lbn Bilal.

At any rate, 'Umara had now oecome wel]-knov/n. He was

much m the demand of the Kings, BjPinc-e.&T- rulers and Viziers

(21) ^Umara, Diwan ret. 62B.

(22) *-UnTa"ra, DTv/an Pet.159. (23) Kay, Yamam 27U. (IU2) in the Arabic countries, and soon he was to "become even more famous.

3. The Ambassador Poet

This phase did not last long, it "began when 'Umara left Zabid to go to Mecca. The P-rincc of al-Haramam sent him on a mission to the Fatimid Caliph m Cairo. This was at the "beginning of 5U9 A.H., and it ended, presumably, at the end of the year 552 A.H., when lUmara settled in Egypt. *Umara was very active m this period. He visited nev' citie travelled from Afc&biato £gyg>fe" and was able to undertake new work. He became an ambassador between the Caliphs, the Kings, the Princes and the Viziers, he met the important: people m Mecca, Cairo and elsewhere he associated vath the writers, poets and scholars. He acquired more knowledge ne\v experience and h] s horizons widened. All this was reflected m bis poetry, which grew m quantity and quality. *Umora had new ideas in this "oeriod of his poetry, he began to use I&mailite expressions in his poetry, because he wrote some poems to the Ismailites, the Potimid Caliph and his Vizier^."^ He increased his use of ^Badi*', (rhetorical figures)^ and he began to take pride m his poetry, he described his poems as necklaces, and likened his v/ords to pearls, saying

(2k) 'Umara, Diwsn Pet. 159. (25) Ibid 25, 81B, 106B, 107...etc. (143)

"Phrases, the most valuable pearls will "be pebbles beside them. My rords look like pearls or rather even purer than the purest pearls" A.nd he said

"I am one of those by whose poetry Gemini is ornamented."^ '

There are about 150 lines of poetry available, which nere written at this time. They are four poems gxid ten fragments, most of these fragments are parts of longer noeins, as is mentioned m tne "Divan". ; These four poems are

I. ^Draara' s first ode which was written m 550 />.H. m praise of the Caliph al-Pa'iz together with his Vizier al-Salih, the one v/hich he read 111 "la*at ol-Dhahab,"

(the Gold Hall)

"Great praise be to the camels, after praise to determination and resolution, that praise could serve to thank them for their bounties." (28)

This poem was very important in 'Umara's poetical life.

It /as the beginning of his glory, because all those who heard it admired it, and some of the poets appreciated it, but some of them were jealous of him also Tins event was a test for tUmara, vhich he pc-ssed with ease. Therefore he became one of the best poets in Egypt m a short time

After this success, he wrote many poems praising the Caliph and his Viziers, unfortunately, most of then have been lost.

26) Ibid k, 121+, 7B. 27) Ibid 26, I06B, 107, 177. (28) Ibid 159. See the thesis, p (IU4)

It seems that this first ode is not complete because it is only 23 lines, and the poet with such opportunities should look for "both the quality and quantity of his poem, so one would expect it to "be longer. It is probable that some of it is lost.

2. A poem he wrote m praise of al-Malik al-§alih m

550 A.H. which consisted of 28 lines, beginning*

"Do you (either of you) know a different way, never oefore used, of saying thanks9 So

that I can return the generosity, which (Pq\ surpassed my desires, by a new thcnks."

3. The nexl poem rfhich *Umara Mrote was to the poet

al-Qadi al-Jalis, 'Abdul 'Aziz lbn al-Husain lbn al-Habbab

al-Sa'di (died 56I/II66). It 1S 25 lines long, begins Nxth "Ghazal". Then he praised his friend, al-Sa'di,

to whom he dedicated it. iStev expressing his pride 111 the poem, he saia ( 31) "His acceptance of the poem will be my greatest reward.;

LL. The lost poem was to another friend, the poet

Yahya lbn Hasan lbn Jobr (died 551 A.H.) (^2) 1S j-j lines

long tUmara preluded it vith love-poelry, and ended it by

telling his friend, lbn Jobr that his purpose was friendship

29) Ibid- I23B. 30) Ibn_Shakir, Fawat V. I/77. (31) 'Umara, DTwan Pet. k~5. (32) Al-lIm?d, al-Kharlda V. 2/211. (145) only. These two poets were friends and members of al-Malik al-Salih's circle.

The Len nieces of ooetry were as follows one of them was to the Caliph al-Fa'iz, seven ivere to al-Malik al-Salih one was to Husam al-Din Mahmud, a relative of al-Salih, End the other one was to the "ooet, al-Oadi al-Muhadhdhsb abu Muhammad al-Hasan lbn lAli lbn al-Zubair (died 561/1166)^^

*-Umara "(as askjng lbn al-Zubair to send some of his poetry, telling him that he was preparing to leave quickly, hoping that al-Zubair would not delay the travellers. lUmara says

"You who have forgotten the golden friendship of whicn I have been reminded, even in my sleep."(34)

^Umara vrote all this poetry m different circumstances, some of it was written during his first visit to Egyot ±n

550 A.H., some of it ,/as written ^hile lUmara vas m the Yaman. He sent it from there to Cairo. Again some of it was written 3n Egypt at the beginning of lUmara's second visit after 551 A.H.

Most of '•Umara's poetry m this period can be said to have been written in praise of someone, because all the available pieces and "ooems are eulogies, except the one which 'Umara wrote to al-Huhadhdhab which was friendship- poetry "Ikhwcniyyat" An important thing to note is that

(35) Al-Adfav

Umara tried, m this period, to find someone to hack him and a family to give him patronage Just as he had found lbn Saba', and the Zurai'ite family in Aden, he found al-Malik al-Salih and the RuzzTk family in Egypt, who liked lUmara and his poetry, and respected his vie^va, they were the mam reason ^hy lUmara settled m Egypt, and became one of the "Divan Poets."

^. The "Diwan" Poet

ITo one cm say definitely when this stage began, because even lUmara himself did not menoion the date at which he joined "Diwan al-Shu1ara1" m the Fatimid Caliphate, and none of his biographers mentioned it either. It is probable that *Umara agreed to belong to this'Diwan"because of the persuasions of al-Malik al-Salih, and his relatives, however it was only wnen lUmara was ^ure that they would not ask him to change his "Madhhab" thst he felt confident that there ,vould be no harm in his joining the "Diwan". *Umara was pleased to join, because he thought of settling in Egypt \hcn he visited it for the second time, not just to live amongst his friends, but also to be far from his enemies m Zabid. So, as he left the Yaman he v/as obliged to leave his friends, the Zurailites, there. *Umara found that leaving the Yaman was absolutely necessary. He explained tms in one of his eulogies to al-Malik al-Salih "I emigrated (Hajartu) to al-Malik al-Salih, and this "Hijra" became the reason of my security (for me) and he was the originator (of this security). Home has been sho^n many times to be unsuitable for its people and they have found a better life by expatriation, and, in the same way, the

messenger of God (Muhammad) left Mecca when r^r\ "Yathrib" did not accept his »ttifrbde there.

At any rate *Umara became one of tne official poets in the Fatimid Caliphate at the end of 552 A.H., or the beginning of 553 A.H. So the pattern of his life and. his

]0 o s try was changed.

He wrote abundantly, this is a fact, even if little of his work remains. The poetry of this -oenod still available consists of about 100 fragments (t^) and more than 110 poems, these figures are accurate and there may be other poens which belong to thio period. Most of this noe try was in praise of the Caliph al-l-^.did and his Vizier al-Salih, although *Umara did ante poetry to them and others on many different occasions feasts, visits, weddings, celebrations, wars, battles, revolts and assassinations, lUmara described many of these events m his noetry which ( 36) reflected life in his time. ; He tried, as an official poet, to write about most of the official ceremonies, the prayers of the Caliph m the (37) mosques "al-Salst al-Jami* a,"v ; the speeches of the Caliph,

(35) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 20B. (36) Ibid 71B, IIL>, 136, L/+5B, IU7 etc. Husain, FI Adab Mior 219 (37) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 39B, I3L. (11+8) at feasts or Ramadan, ^J ' at the celebrations in "Kasr al-KhaDij" for the flood of the Nile "Wafa' al-Fll". (39) lUmara used to wait for these opportunities to write poetry in praise of the Caliph, the Vizier and their relntives. He composed some odes congratulating them m Ramadan, lTd al-Fitr, *Id al-Adha, the middle of Sha*ban, and others.

,f/hen any imoortant new appointment had been made m a new city, 1 Umara would v\rite a tooem praising the man /ho was leaving. Therefore the themes of lUmara's poetry became more varied. He did not write in praise only, as he used to do previously, but he began to irrite in many other forms elegy, satire, description, love-ooetry, religious poetry, poetry of complaint and poetry of reproach.

'\n important point is that the Isrncali' ideas and expressions anpeared clearly m this cart of hio poetry

He used to make them clear m his ooems to the Caliphs and

their Viziers, (^3) for ex?r(1p]e saying to the Caliph ol-lAdid

"0 'Hujjat allah', by whose light the mind's eye of those who have lost the way has been guided." (i-Ui)

(j8) Ibid 42, I3k, I38B. (39) Ibid Gl±, 74, 143, etc. (40) Ibid Pet. IoB, 41, 57, Ih, TOO etc. 41) Ibid Pet. 109, H4B, 145, 167 etc. 42) Husam, Fi ^dab Mi sr 219. (43) *Umara, Divran Pet! 9, 15, 39B, 42B, 4'4-B, etc. (44) Ibid Pe*. 44B. (149)

Or saying in praise of al-Malik al-Salih

"He is a protector, v/ho is "the "Eab" without whj ch no one can reach you (the Caliph)." (45)

The influence of Egypt was very pronounced in lUmara's poetry at this time, he described the pyramids m three excellent stanzas which have "been translated m Germany, by o. Von Hammer, m 'The fanes of the East'. If

lUrnara wanted to sho\ a difficulty, he >>ould say that the Pyramids, the Fugattam and the lb le were affected by

it. (^-7) >umgj?a mentioned the nemes of ihe old Kings,

Governors and rulers of Egypt, the Pharaohs, "Haman" and

"al-lAziz", for instance

"It ic the palace, but Haman did not bui]d it, and the Pharaohs did not ose it for his disbelief." (48)

When VTJmara liked to sho i his respect for al-Halik al-Salih he called mm "^Aciz Tviisr", the nome of the ruler of Egypt at the time of Joseph the pronhet (^) 'Umara says

"0 Viziz Visr, thic is a >

lUmara seemed like an old man at this stage, because he mentioned his old age many times, he made reference to

(l±5) Husam, Pi Adab Misr al-Fatimiyya 158. (46) Huart, A Short History 201. (47; 1Umara, Diwan Pet. 179. al-Nukat 87. (48) Ibid Pet. 74B. 49) 3ee_the Koran J0L(Joseph), 78. 50) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 124. (150) how long he had been living, he wrote about his white hair ( 511 "Shaib" w or about his age saying, once, that he was (52) (51) about 1+0 years old, ' or nearly 50, at another time '

For this reasons 1Umara used to be like an advisor to those for uhorn he wrote poetry, whoever they were. He advised them, recounted his experiences for them, and filled his poetry with maxims /(Hikair) \. (5U')

At last there came a new development in 'Umara's poetry which was that ne wrote "Raja?" and "Muwasjishahat" which are considered distinct forms. It is probable that 'Umara realised his importance and he was oroud of it, thus his reason for writing about his importance as the most valuable je^el. He compared himself favourably *,ith other poets, whoever they were, because he felt that he had lcached the zenith of poetic importance. It is interesting to note that 'Umara, who was ( 55) so proud of his country, Yaman, its people and its leaders, changed his allegiance to Egypt at this time, for example "Leave Iraq and Sham to a man who prefers wrong to right, and come to the Nile shore, the riches known only to its explorers"^^ And he said m praise of al-'Adil Ruzzik

"The Ruzzik family was proud of him (al-lAdil) to the fr'o

51) Ibid Pet. 90, 92B, 97 etc. 52) Ibid Pet. 8. 53) Ibid Pet. 12. 5U) Ibid Pet. 10, 12, Il+B, 20, etc. (55) See this thesis, p, 141. (56) 1 Umara, Diwan Pet. 1+7 • (I5D

(157) courts, Yaman and Sham. He apparently believed that Egvpt was better than all the cities save the holy city, T/iecca "It (Eypt) surpassed, completely, all the cities and became - ( Rfi) the greatest except "Untm al-3,ura".

5. The Neglected Poet

This period of neglect lasted about five years, it began at the start of the Ayyubids regime m 56I1 A.H. and

ended with lUmara's death m 569 A.H. lUraara's poetry at this time reflected his unhappmess. It is probable that

lTJmara wrote plenty of noetry at this time, poetry full of events and change, but, unfortunately, most of it has been lost. The poetry still available is about 950 lines. There axe more than 20 poems, 17 eulogies and 3 elegies. Six poems were written to Salah al-Dm and most of the other poems were to his relatives, especially Shams al-Dawla Turan Shah (died 576/1180), because he was a very close friend of 'Umara, up to the time when Turan »vent to the Yaman m 569 A.H. *Umara wrote more than 6 poems in praise of Turan Shah. There are three important odes m this part of "Umara's poetry. The first is the one ^Umara wrote to Salah al-Din. It was called "Shikayat al-Futazallim wa Nikayat al-Muta'allim, " the nrelude of which \ias

(57) Ibid I65B. (58) Ibid 77. (152)

"0, ear of days, if I tell you to listen to the choking of a consumptive and the moaning of a man m agony." (59)

It is one of 'Umara's longest odes - 6k lines. lUmara clearly explained to §alah al-Din what he intended m this ode. He told of the had position he was jn, and how unhappy he was. Finally, he asked Salah al-Dm to pay his salary again, admitting that his debts were a great burden to him, from which no one else could save him But, unfortunately, lUmara gained nothing from this, so he wrote again to

Salah al-Din and his relatives, asking for mediation He also took every opportunity to write poetry bemoaning his fate. So when §alan al-Din's father died, 'Umara wrote two elegies, expressing his sympathy, and comparing Ayyub with the great men of old like the Orthodox Caliphs.

But none of this lud the slightest affect on Salah al-Dir, who did not treat 'Umara any differently. Therefore MJmara began to change the ideas m his noetry 'Umara did not recite the poem mentioned above but he sent it, after it had been written, to Salah al-Din. Some of the <-r iters mentioned it as an mdeperdeni work.

The second important ode is the elegy of the Fatimids, whi ch began

59) Ihid 117. 60) Ibid 10k. (61) Kahala, Mu'jam V. 7/269, thurt, A Short History 201 (153)

"0, misfortune, you paralysed the hand of the glory, and made the ornamented necK divest." (62)

* Umara composed this ode after Salah al-Din had ended the

Fatimid Caliphate. One day 1Umara passed by the Caliphal palaces jhich their ueople had left. They were dark and silent. Most of 'Umara's biographers mentioned this poem, giving it great importance. Some of them said that they would examine lt in detail because of its excellence,^03 and some of them said it was one of the reasons for 'Umara's execution. ^ ) Others said that 'Umgrs made critical reference to Salah. al-Dm m this ode,^°^ but this is only in two lines, which may or may not refer to §alah al-Dm.

The first line is

"'/hat wil] the Franks do >'ith the children of 'Commander of the Faithful' ^lP?" (66)

And the other one is

"And this one who_broke a promise with al-Imam al-Vdid ibn lAli, v ill never see Paradise, v/nich was creaueu oy Goa. (67)

62) 1 Umara, Diwan Pet. I5L|. _ 63) Ibn Khallikan, nl-"/afayat V. 3/IIO. Al-Safadi, al-Ghaith_ V. 2/180. Al-Hama a, ThemarFt 22. Al-^aqrizi, al-Khitat V. 2/392. (6L|.) Al-^alqashandi, Subli V. 3/531. Al-Aminl, al-Ghddlr V. V^I6.' (65) Sibt it>n al-Jawzi, al-Wir'at V. 8 S. I/303. 66) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. I5U3, line 13. 67) Ibid Pet. 155, line 35. (I5U) This ode is about 1+3 lines long so it is not as long as these VT?iters maintained. It is full of high feeling, because lUmara composed it to fulfil his word a_nd sho,r his loyalty to the Fatimid Caliphate at a time when nobody would say any good word about them for fear of Salan a]-Din and his authority lUnara \vas brave enough not oust to speak, but to /rite noems to praise the Fatimids and also to satirize their enemies, the new governors. This ode is one of them. vUmara expressed m it his unliaopiness for what had happened to his friends, the Fatimids, and he sho\ed his o -n sorrow and the sorrow of the people. He began by blaming fortune, "al-Dahr'', for his misf ortunes.

Then he explained his circumstances /rhen he left his country, the Yaman, and came to Fgyp I to live unaer the wing of these great CaliphS, 1 horn he loved not just because tney favoured him, but because they vere the children of Fatima,

(68) l - the daughter of Muhammad. When Umara passed by the palaces he could not bear to look at them and tears ran doim his cheeks. He said "I weep for the memory of your (69 noble deeds, over which time has passed but not altered.' Thus 'Umara observed their festivals and celebrations on different occasions, "Fitrat al-Sawm", "KiSsVat al-I!as", "Yavvm al-Khali n", the beginning of the year, the t^o feasts and "lId al-Ghadir" rphis description is full of (68) Ibid 15^1, lme 10. (69) Ibid I5UB, line 19. (70) Ibid 1543-155, lmes.2-30. (155)

sentiment and affection. ^Umara knew that this ode ,oul& bring him trouble, for he ended it in this way "Poor 'Umara baid this, m fe^r of being killed, not of slipning "

lb may be said that this poem resembled Lhose elegies of the Arabic Andalusiaa poets at the end of "J'ojluk al-Ta\ a ' if' s" time, lamenting their cities, states and palaces. Ibn 3a ld 3? id about this poem "i^ever has a better poem been written m honour of a state which has f 71) oensned " w ; lUmara, after this, wrote many poems m

the same vein, some of them '/'ere more critical than this, but it still remained the most famous and little ,vas said about the others, for instance the ooem which is not in his

"Dl'an", m which he says "iNobilit^ have their dead, but their noole deeds do not die, and some people are (72) living, but they look, amongst others, like the dead."w ; The third important ode in this period is tnat one

\ h 1 ch 'Umera wrote in -oraise of Sham& ol-Dawla Turan Shah,

the eldest brother of Salah al-Din, inciting him to conquer

the Yaman It begins

(71) Al-Iiacrizi, Khi-tat V. 2/392.

(72) Ibn Duqmaq, al-Intisar V. L\/9h.. r (156)

"Knowledge, since it has existed, needs the flag (strength) and the sword can always do irithoat the uen." (73) Throughout the poem 'Umara goes on urging Sh^ms al-Dawla

to go Lo the Yaman He cdvjses him to go forward, after he had conquered11 al-§a ' id'* in Egypt, sho ang him that

resolution is his greatest ally

"The heights are a bride whom you cannot attain unless you stain her rooes rith blood, oe decisive, do not-,, \ hesitate and puL the fire of war on the mountain."^ '

lUmara filled this poem i ith principles, and advice. He did not forget his own plight, describing himself as wronged at

that time because he was not receiving any payment, although

he was the best ooet of that era, and his rnouith was the

source of pearls and rubies. He ends this ode appealing (7 5) for a long life for Shams al-Dawla ^ x it seems that there

is nothing wrong in this poem, but moot of 1 Umara's

biograohers said that it was another reason for his

kxecution,mainly because of a line m lt which the

jurisprudents in Egypt said was disbelieving, and they

ordered lUmara to be killed. The line is

(73) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. I73B. 17k) rbid 17^4 - (75) iDid Pel. 175._ (76) Al-Dhahabi, Tarikh al-Islam wS. (Der. U92) Al-Ansari, Murshid al-Zuwwar MS. TT1 . 276. /l-^Iroad, al-Kharida MS (Der. 396). (157)

"The "beginning of this religion has "been mode "by a man who has made great efforts until 'the neople) called him "Sayyid a]-lUmomi" (the master of oeoples).

Al-'Imad, &1-Ansari and others said that 1Umbra's enemies added

thic line to his poem to recuse him while al-HamawiP ; - C 78) — and al-lIsami^' ' discussed tms idea and decided that tUmaro

was unjustly executed "because there was nothing wrong m the (79)

line. ' Some writers thought that this ode was the reason

rfhy Shams al-Daula went down to the Yam^n All this gave

the noem great importance, although it is no I the only one

thou 'Umara wrote in praise of Shams al-Da^la.

As for^pieces'of poetry, there ai e moie tnan 20.

Tnere are eulogies, elegies, satires and some on other subjects,

Satirical poetry increased at th:s period, and most of it, if

not all, was aimed at the new government. host of this poetry

has "been lost, people could not recite it or even listen to

it, because they were afraid of §alah al-Dm, and his family.

This satire was really one of the principal causes of lUmara's

death, especially trie two lines which *Umara wrote to the

Prince al-flnseffar Taniyy al-DTn vUmar ion Shahmshah, the

nephew of Salah al-Dm

(77) Thamarat al-Awraq_ 23. (78) Sim I al-ATunum V. 3/hU7 (79) See this thesis, p.$5-96.

(80) Siht fbn al-Jawzi al=Mir'at V.8, 3.1/303. Al-Macirizi, al Suluk V, I.s.1/52. (158)

"You (botn) have magnified the matter and made it great. The son of Shahinshah is bul the son of a sheep, whose mother is the sheep, 3ns father "ill he none other tnan the ram." (8l)

Another theme increased m the poetry of this period, it

is the comnlaining poetry "Shakwa". vUmara wrote many poems

to Salah al-Dui's friends, especially to al-CJadi al-F~dil, explaining m it his circumstances at this time. Jjelah

al-Dm took no core of him, as previous Viziers had, for that

'Umarci hated the nevr regime, and he longed for the old one.

It seems that this life m-de vUmara comolain, not to peonle

about his o

He '-rote much on the subject of religion.

Another change can he observed m this port of '•Umara's poetry, the "Ismoilit " ideos almost disanpearcd from his poetry But 'Umara continued to ^nte exaggerated pr

the only great poet, the most eloquent of all drafts,

and that his mouoh >as the source of the most valuable

jewels (83) y[e convoked himself favourably \ ith the

greatest Arabic poets, for example

(81) Ibn Dunmaq, al-Intic,ar V.h/Sk..

(82) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 21+. (83) Ibid 55, 106, I7^B. etc. (159)

"If you want friendship (I am) Salman and_lAmmar, or if you vsnt praise (l will "be) Bashshar and Mihyar." (8k)

He was still asking the Ayyubids to appreciate his talent

and reward him, "but it ^as all in vain, because they

rejected his poetry, and, fmclly, killed him because of

his poetry.

(8k) Ibid 103. (160)

CHAPTER 2.

The Themes of his Poetry.

I'ftien MJmara first began to vvrite poetry, he employed only a few themes (aghrod), hut these themes i.rere gradually increased until he used nearly all the themes common to

.Arabic poetry eulogy, elegy, episto] ary_ poetry, satire, love-poetry, poetry of complaint, ascetic-poetry, descriptive-poetry, accusatory-poetry and others. It is not necessary to discuss all these, hut the important ones should he examined

I. Eulogy (Madih), Panegyric

Eulogy is the art of extolling a man's vii taes. It is hotn common and important in Arahic poetry, so it has its own conditions and characteristics. The "Madih" provides more than half of the poetry of vUmara which is still accessiole to us, and consists of 100 long poems (Qasida)

and ahout 63 short poems (Qi^'a), while the rest of his poetry, dealing with other subjects, is ah out 23 long poems and 100

short poems. However, if >

eulogies are much longer than his other "ooetry.

Some of these poems are forty, fLfty or sixty lines (161) long, some are even more than 70 lines long. ' It is

interesting to note tnat when *Umar8 wrote short poems, he

tried to make reasonaole excuses, for instance, the end of his snort poem (of 26 verses) which he wrote in praise of

Paris al-Muslimm

"were it not for uhe fact that I v/snted the narrators to learn his praises by heart, I would have lengthened the poem " (2)

Tnese long hjasidas (odes) include many themes 'Hamass'

(chivalry) 'Hikam' (Maxims), 'Fakhr' (Bos sting) or 'Wasf

(Description, besides 'Ghazal' prelude (love poetrv).

' Uiriara begins 33 of his eulogies with love noetry preludes^-", as is usual in the DOBLIC style of the Arabic

"Qasida", but he sometimes attacks thi° method as being unnecessary, as the "ma^ali" poets like abu Nuwas did.

'Umara said m one of his eulogies

Jjjl ~o CZUcf^P j j?s U^> ij> "Directing love poetry (Naslb) to "al-liwa." and "Zarud" is of no use to poets. The gentlest preluoe of them (the poets) is the one of which the 'Ghazal' (love poetry) entices the love of the beautiful girl " (k)

(I) 'Umara, Divan Pet 9B, 12, 7oB, 77, 87B, 92, etc. 2) Ibid 51- 3) Ibid 3, UB, 12, I3B, 15, I6B, 18, 20, 2IB 23, etc. (h) Ihid 55. (162)

Sometimes 'Uwara says that the glory of the man he is praising does not allov him to begin the poem with love poetry

"0 abu Hasan, poetry and speech have 'dam' (obligation) to you, which ,ill last for ever. Your greatness did not leave me with any reason Tor (composing) love poetry, eulogies are sufficient to recount your great deeds." (5)

"'Umara began most of has eulogies -/lthout this prelude, love poetry, he began his praises immediately There are about

60 eulogies available which he began without prelude^0^, while on the otner hand, there are 33 eulogies which have love preludes.^He also began 5 eulogies > it,hh 'Hi'Hikamk '

(Maxims)^ , and 2 eulogies \ ith ''Itab' (^.cuis?.to^y poetry)^

lUmara was skilful m changing his subject, m s\ itching from one theme to another >ithout causing surprise. He passes smoothly into the new theme, using the technique ^hich is called in Arabic literature 'Husnual-Iitiqal'

He began his eulogy to Fane al-Muslimm v/ith love poetry, at the end of ^ Inch he criticised the era, from

5) Ibid IS. 6) Ibid 3,_UB, 12, I3B, 13, 163, IS, 20, 2IB, 23, 9LL, 105, etc. (7) Ibid k, 33, 35, 36B, 37, U7, 50B, 58B, 62B, etc. (8) Ibid 93, I8B, hj, 92, I37B. (9) Ibid 27, 3^B. (163) this he skilfully changed the suonect to praise

(10) r b— JJU 'Urnara does the same in the poem m praise of al-Malik a]-Saljh, after he had described the patience in his own love, he passed smoothly into the praise of al-Salih, saying that ol-Salih's favour did not allow the poet Lo praise anyone else,

3

(ID./

There are many exarmolss of this m the Diwan.

As for the ends of hi 3 odes, lUmara mostlv ends hn s eulogies

l (13) \ith "Du a' as this was usual at this time. He used to ask God's "blessings for those

(10) IhJd 33B. (IT) I hid 3*6B. (12) Ihid 59, 75B, 79, 83B, 86B, 88, I00B, 123, 126, etc. (13) iO-Tehnr, al-Shixr al-Saljuni" V. 2/103. (164)

Shu j a *• lbn Shawar

He ends one of his eulogies to al-d^lih „vith best ishes for his happiness in the future as it has been in the past

- (16) His Divan i& full of similar examples. ^ °

'Uraara \»as expert in this art of poetry (Madia), and nis praise is mostly excellent He began his poetical career on this theme, and ended in the same way. He praised about

UO important persons Caliphs, Visiers, Princes, Kings, rulers, leaders and their reloti/es, besides his friends poets, writers, schol-rs, jurists and judges (Qadis). He composed eulogies throughout his life, m the Yaman, Hijas and Egypt. It is \ orth noting that about a quarter of his panegyric is m praise of his greatest friend, al-Malik al-§alih Tala*!1 lbn Ruzzik, and his rel:tives.

It is interesting, too, that he did not praise his own tribe, family or any of his relatives, hile Arabic poets

(11+) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. !j. 15) Ibid IIB. 16) Ibid I3B, loB, 22B, 39, 1+IB, 513, 71+, 78, etc. (165)

such as nl-Vutanabbi", i*bu F:ros al-Hamdaai and al-Sharif

al-Radi did so frequently, and proudly. However, lUmara

praised many people from "^ahtin" who ]& Lhe origin — (TP ^ — OF

of 'Uinara's tribe, or from "Ya'rub", 'lah^en's son, &^

from "G-hassar" ^^) ^hich is a branch of Uahtan,

mentioning their noble deeds, tneir character and the pride he had m these ancestors. It seems that 1Um&ra was

satisfied vi th this pride m his ancestors, though he might

well have written in praise of his contemporary relatives.

His eulogies ./ere of good quality m the opinion of

most writers, so he was always proud of his ooetry, describing

it as the best of The Arab poets, likening it to jewels, but he often ascribes the excellence of his poetry to the people he praisefor their uustoading characters, the

inspiration they gave him, their gifts and presents He

saia to Badr lbn Ruzzik

Ibid 52. (18) Ibid I9B, 159. (19) Ibid hi, 79, 93, 123, 130 (166)

"0 a"bu al-Najm, listen to the panegyric of a servant /hose poetry becomes higher toan the Dogstar by your grace. It is panegyric, the "Bahr" of vhich is overflowing from my concention, as I am taking it from your favour. It is panegyric m the composition of ',hich my mind was helped by your invention and contriving generosity. If it (panegyric) gained honour, it woald be from you, and if it was afraid of losing breath, it woald gain victory because of your help." (20)

He said, praising al-Zahir

"You did best (in your generosity) and taught me wh^t to say (poetry), so ^oetry should not be thanked if it"was the best " (21)

lUmara repeated this idea m many ooems, but it was not his originally, and he orobably folio ^ed the example of al-VutaraDDi «fno used the same idea

"Yours is the praise m regard to the pearl which I spit out, you v

l All the men v horn Umara nraiseci liked his poetry, and. aopreciated its sentiments. They gave 'Unara much money and valuable presents. Some of tnem rewarded *Umar a even before he praised them, it vas then that they asked him to write poetry for them because they valued his importance

(20) Ibid 80. (21) Ibid 1+9B. (22) Arbtrry, uvabic_Poeiry 90, al-Mutanaboi, Diwan V.1J/I39. (167) and appreciated the fame v/hich ould he theirs ^hen he praised

v, - (23^ tnem the Prince J-I1I ion al-Zuod, ' Subh, the brother of

Shavar ^2L^ Muhammad lbn Saba'/25) Badr lbn Ruzzik('26'> and - " (27)

RuKn al-Islam Dajm, ' all of these and other friends tx led to persuade tUmaro to keep vrituig nodtrj for them. The exception i as Salah al-Dm, "ho hated lUmara, did not appreciate his poetry and did not enjoy ms praise. For this reason he did not pay lUrnara any money and did not make him any presents,

that he 'ould treat mm differently.

Tnere is c.'other important cha racter is ii c of HJmara' s panegyric. He employed the names of the men Miom he praised to form derivations he changed the fn st names or the surnames, mide refeience GO the ^ntonyms and synonyms, omitted letters or dots from fhtm He played on words in this

«\oy to surr ci ,e people, ',ho heai'd him or listened co his poetry

'hen he ^raised the Caliph al-L~did, he said

23) ' Jmara, Diwan let. 18. 2h) Ibid II?al-fukat 13^. (25) lUmaro, Tarikh MS. 93. 125) lUm~ra, al-Jukat IOk. (27) lb 3 d 135. (168)

( 28) —<"'l\f^}(J& ^Vf^ cJj^^^j^^ 'ju^Ul and he said to al-Vdil

( 29) ^s^hl^'l? ^'J^-*". •> 6 ^ j<>»-iJ

And he saia to hin, justice "being derived from his name

_As for Shams ?1-Da\vla, he said, comoarmg light \atli darkness

(31) JL*^^^j^~ * ^» ^//H £)j>'^

When he praised fiajm al-Bin, he said I - > > (32) ^JJ/^O-^^U ^J^'oi^i>A5

To Shihab al-Dm Iahmad, he so id

Yasir of ^-dien was called al-T all/, al-Salid, so he said ah out him

:8) *Umara, Diwon Pet. I6B. 29) Toid 37- 30) I Did I47B. 31) Ihid 5r^B. 32) Ibnd 57. J5) Ibid 60B. jL) Ibid 63. (169)

In tins way 1 Umara ^as able to make use of Lliese names and he (35^ composed poetry full of these figures. ' But it must be admitted that 'Umard was not the firot noet to do this, because previous /rah poets had done the same. The most farnou of these i;as al-^utanabbl. He said in praise of Badr ibn

'Anmor al--.sadi

(36) cJ^s JjUC^^'^'H^c-^

'Umciv used names in his noetry more than the otners,

especially 'hen ne lound that this appealed to oeoole's vanity. That often helps one to kno1 < for whom 'Umara wrote the no em It seems that ' Umar^ gre" fend of imes, and ne compared tne names of great men and those ^hom he praised, making examples of the deeds of the great men to his

coni.eiTnorarie". lie mace reference 10 some of the prophets

Ibrahim, Ivioses, he-siah, luhammad, Jose oh, Muh, Shu'aib,

Solomon, Yuehn * , jnd al-IIhadir As for other famous people, he mentioned al-Wa^i ('^li), Alexander, Banram, Sclman,

'Ammer, Ja^far, Ya],iya, H~tjm, Ka1 D , l_'mr, 'Anter, Tais,

Ibn T'unla and others He did not like his noetry to oe without some typical YcMTianT names, so he used "Dhu Ru'ain

and Dhu Kwla1 On the oiner hand he also wrote of misdeeds

Q,udar (who killed the pi opine t Salin's camel), Muhsni (who killed Ilamza, Muhammad's uncle), ibn Muljam ( "ho killed.

(35) Ibid 80, 32B, 88, 893, 90, 95, 105B... etc. (36) al -/u tanabbi, Diwgm V. 3/^-13 (170)

All) and so on.

Ano tner artistic feature can "be seen in lUmara,s praise, it ]& Lne use of the exaggeration m his description of these people and theii actions. He used hyperbole m hic images to make them aprear larger than life to the reader or listener.

This was not an invention of lUmar:'s, or his time. It had he en used Toy mosc of the poets in arahic literature, "before

*Umara, the most prominent of them was al-i,TutaaacToi vho was very > ell-kno n for this, he invented new meanings and ( 37)

surpassed all other ncets. All the literary men can- learn from hn s verse, in which he said to S3if rl-"Da.vla

al-Harndam (died 356/967) (38)

"You surpassed the hounds of courage and reason, so that oeople saia you h^a knowledge of the unseen." (39)

Even poets before al-Mu tanahDi nad used exaggeration m their poetry Ahu ITuwas (died I99/8lin) said m praise of

Harunal-?ashTd (died TQ3/809)

(37) Daif, al-Fann. '/a ^adhahnouhu f1i al-Shilr 2b 0. (38) al-T'iU tana DDI , Di wan V.I4/I33. (39; -Arnerry, Arahic Poetry 86. (171)

"You have Lerr ifled the oolytheists until the seeds Inch have yet to he created, indeed fear you." (1+0)

Some investigators say that abu Tammem al-Ta'I (died 231/81+6) v/as the first poet to use excessive exaggeration m his noetry+ . (hi)'

Arabs, then, in "Jahiliyyc-" loved exaggeration, and no one can deny tnis an the"Qasida" of lAmr lbn Kulthum

(died 581+ A.D«) such as this verse

"Not a weakling of ours but shall vm to manhood, find the \ orld at his knees, its great ones kneeling " (1+3)

So Arabs were fond of exaggeration m their poetry, since

"Jahjliyya", showed their predilection fox it, not nusi, so

that they ^ould receive gifts and rewards, but also because

they felt that Lt was one method of embellisnmg their

images and clarifying their ideas and their feelings. One

of the earliest ivrab critics, ^udama :bn Ja'iar (died

337/91+8) preferred exag£eration, as did the noets, "because

iho axicDent authorities.. who understood poetry and the noets held the same omnion .. one of them said, 'the best

UiO) Abu ITuvos, Divan 1^52. (tjl) Ibn RashTq., al-'Umda V.2/5I. (1+2) oL-Lhinqi £1, Sharh al-Mu lal aqat 121. (1+3) Blunt , The Seven Golden Odes I13. (172)

poetry is that vfhich lies most' (ahsanu s-sitri skdabuhu), and this is also tne -"-lew of poetiy held hy the Greek philosophers in keeping \ith the structure of their 11 (iiii) language '

It is worthy of note that hyperbole ^as widely used pnd assumed greater status in arable literature in the

Fatimid Caliphate, because of the use of Iama'ili expressions and ideao, which may he seen in the theory of

Dr. Muhammad Kamil Husain, called "al-I* a thai "/a al-Mamthul" ^''5) because some of the orevious \ riters said that this showed dnsbelief, because tney did not understand, vhat the poets meant. The first poet "no could be held to be a good example of this «-as aou'l-^aEim

Muhammad xbn Hani' al-.^ida la si (died 362/973). He was pcobably the originator of this method m arable literature.^0'' He said m praise of the Caliph al-nulizz

(died 360/975) ,

"He is the Cause/^of the world, for him it was created. - Some ki_id of cause there is for all tnings - From the pure water oi divine mspii ation, Much is the ^roth of the sojree of his veil - and he is the cure! "(/-t-7)

(L|k) BonebakAer, The introduction of

(Hand al-Shi*r) ox_0Judama 36 (115) Husgin, Shorn Di 'an al-Mu'ayyed I06-I0* (116) Amm, Zuhr al-Islam V. 1/207. (k7) Hykl, Hispano- jrabic Poetry 29- (173)

Most of the Fatimicl poe"c _> followed hmi, especially al-MuJayyad 3l-3hTrazi, Dsli al-Dulat.

At any rate 'Umsra took the side of these poets "ho preferred exaggeration, and used it His ealogies are full of ex?r]gera ion andhyperbole vhether he vas influenced hy the Fatimid poets or not. ''lien he oraised al-'^dil lhn

t-l-^olih, he once described him as an expert doctor in dilemmas, >'ho directed Time and lis peoole.

He depicted him (al-vAdil) on another occasion, so great that even Deotinnes yielded to him, and nign positions seemed lo\rly heside him.

I US)

This is exactly i-vhat uJm?ra said aoout al^Adil's father, al-Silih^

cs foi al-Kamil, son of Shower, lUm&rJ said that he fought

the stars until he terrified the very soirits of the meteors,

(51)

It lb not necessary to give more examoles of exaggeration - - '52) whicn can clearly be seen in his Di\[sn.v ; (1+8) lUmara, Dii/7n Fet.I3. (1+q) it)id 72 B. (50) Ihid 120

(51) Ibid 23B. r n )iA Thnrl 77.Tr^B.T76.I7q.l8l.lB^. . etc (17*0

'Ulnars's panegyric can be divided into many types, but the tvo main types \hich should he noted are personal panegyric, and official panegyric. The first kind is the "ooetry >rote to his rnendg, Wio neld different social positions Kings, Viziera, rul-f-'s, poets or jurists. He greeted them, described their goodness and virtues. He did this to explain his feelings for them,

\ ithout any obligation and not expecting any payment from them. lUmara gave this opinion in some of his odes, saying m his poem to ol-Qadi al-Sa'di

"It (tae noem) doeo not v'anl jny regard, except acceptance, and it, considers this its area Lest recompense." (53)

lUmira wrote this sort of panegyric throughout nis poelLc life. As for the other kind of panegyric, it is "ooetry

/Inch ' Umara .'-rote to official persons, either to explain to them some official matter, to moke some enquiry, to describe celebrations, festivals, wars or battles, or shea he wos on official missions. This kind of poetry clearly became official, when 'Umara jecame one of

"Shu'ara' al-Di\,an" m the Fatimid Galxoh?to. Then he i/gs obliged officially, to ;rnte these poems to praise the Caliphs and Viziers, and most of Mlmara's available

(53) Ibid hB (175) panegyric is of this kind.

A few features can he seen m this panegyric that ^Umara had great artistic freedom, a readily created atmosphere and the necessary experience of life to say v/ha L he wanted to say in his poetry, to exhibit his talent, transferring from one ^rtistic "garden" into another, jJiihout having to oh serve technical, moral or social rules 'Inch might restrict him. The old ^rah

' ould not c°re hov- freely he used exaggeration or hyoerhole. '

Another chcrscteristnc can he noted m this part of

'Umara's panegyric, ta?t vhen he praised the Fatimid

Caliphs, he praised their Viziers et the same time. For instance, 'hen ' Umara toraised the Calmh al-Fa'iz, he praised, his Vizier, al-§alih, m the same poem, and >rhen he praised al'^did, he nraised al-$ali"h, sl-Adil or 3hn 'or as 1 ell Tins sho^s that the Viziers had gr^ut no er at this time, and they jere the real governors, although the

Caliphs were still the nominal rulers of the Caliphate.

The poets knew this well enough, took care of the Viziers m their eulogies and sometimes they wrote more verses to the Viziers than to the Caliphs. JJ' On the other hand,

{5k) I"bn Rachia, al-vUmda V. 2/103. (55) Husam, FT Adao Hisr al-Paiimiyj a 137- (176) if the ooets nraisecl one of ilie Viziers tney might not praise, or sometimes not even mention, the Csliphs. One can see this in 'bmara's eulogies to the Viziers, (^o) (57) and to the Caliphs, ' in his Dm/an

Mien 'Um^ra praised the Viziers, he described, them as

the protectors of ishe Calinns, \ ho are the descendants of

Kuhammad (tne prophet). To snovr their import-..ICQ their holiness and their "blessings, HJmara repeatedly said in his

ooetry that the Caliohs ere the children of tne prophet, the sons of "al-'/asiyy" (*A1I), the sons of Fat.ima, the inheritors of Islam, religion and Knowledge, the people of the "Bait al-V/ah^". So the Viziers \ ere orotecting

Islam \. hen they r>rotec Led the Gallons. 'Umara said in praise of al-Salih

(50)1

He praisea his son m the same way

(59) — U^>

'Umara really extolled the Viziers for the reason that he

56) Mjmara, DT™an Pet. 8,9B,12,18B,20,35, LfiB • etc 57) Ihid I3B,I5,l63,U0,^IB,kh3.. etc. 58) Ibid 9. 59) Ibid 15 i (177)

loved the Caliphs, and he v/as genuinely loyal! to them, so he

">as influenced "by the Ism^ilit ideas, affected "by their

"beliefs and learned from this atmosphere, and it all

reflected in his poetry ^° ' He used the Isma'ilit

expressions and idioms in the panegyric ivhich he 1 rote to

them. He uanegyrised aI-lAdid

(61) fi>) j^ho,^^ * ^y*1 UJ/O- 1~<

ana he said 311 another poem

(62) J >^ 'u^J^~" ^-r^ >> fa ^t^^^

The Isma^lit fjgures are easily recognisable m these

instances. As 'Tor the folio ing, 'Umara rnnounced ia it,

that the Goran nraised the Caliphs, calling them 'f/njjat

allah', believing that they inherited the "Imama" from

I'lunammad and '4.1±

3 -> ^^l" ds-f / 0 , U oo> p/o (V —^

/ /- - \ £-— N—r"^ - *

(60) Husain Fi Adah Arisr ol-Fatimiyya T56 61*) HTmoVa, Diwin Pet 39B. 62) Ibid n23 63) Ibid n^B. (178)

Several examples of this may be seen by the reader It is imoortant to note that MjrTra, m all his panegyric, followed the system hich Qudsma lun Ja'far mentioned, attaching great impol I ance to virtue and noble deecs.'"0"^ He described these virtues, displayed all the good qua]1 Lies of hLs friends and praised patience, »isdom, resolution, decision, forgiveness, courage, justice and so OE^'^ But he took core Lo describe generosity more than the others, ° ' as was usual in _< raoic literature, since the poets imagined all those laey praised to be generous. lJmara himeeli

admired genero^ny and /as e3ger to refer to iL in his

panegyric He said to Shams a]-Da* la

(59) ^j?-^1 <> Uij? l> Jii^^jy/^JD ^ , Sometimes 'Umara oegan a poem describing generosity

c.

'DiP-ra might exaggerate to give a different mcamrg

61+) Ibid h5B, 6j3, 7h, 100, I3U, 137, etc 65) Ibid 9B, 21, hi, h5, jh, 59B, etc 66; Qudama, hand al-Shivr 28. 67) *Um~ra. Duvo.i I-tt. ah, 1_|7, 5I.1 56, 59, 60, 82, 90, etc. 68) ^l-Tahir,_A.l-3hilr. . .al-Saljuai V. 2/T03. 69) ^Um^ra, Diwan _'et. 56. 70) vUmaia, al-J^an Pet. T06b (179)

(71) ^ L~ Ip^^^/ .^Ju,

He sometimes used his oanegyrnc as a means to a certain end. He praised Viziers, rulers -uid frierds, hoping for their assistance, Lhat they

, v^l^ 7 1 ~>^J^J^- "u^f <-A~ ^"7 ^-"J-^ \ 1 — i and he said at another Lime

It can he conclided inat 'Umara's panegyric is as good as t"Oot » nters suggest he Himself was very nroud of it, he praised it many times, comparing it vith tne poetry of the greatest Aral poets

"It was composed (the poem) for you with delicacy (yh) and vigour, by the Farazda^ and Jarir of your time "^'^^

It may he said that jt 'as an expression of nis feelings, because ne praised only those peoole 1 horn he liked and vanted to praise he felt that this poetry was ^ means of friendship between him and. them It v as like a mirror reflecting his

71) Ibid 123. 72) Ibid 1335 (73) Toid TI3. {7k) Ibid III. (180) character, experience and culture, hj s loyalty, love arid truth.

2. Mep,y (Riiha' )

Elegy is the art of extolling, praising and lamenting a dead person, or a group of people, enumerating tneir virtues and behaviour, and describing their goodness ana humanity.

There is no great difference between elegy and eulogy, as mos

>\rab writers h=ve Sdid,^^ except that the poet expi esses sadness and grief in ins elegy, sho1 ing tnst he is praising a dead one. Elegy is then the secono art, after eulogy, in the traditional arrangement of themes in the --rabtc literature So it was in 'Umara's themes. He i rote many elegies and dirges. Those available in 'Uniara's Diwan consist of 20 long elegies and 17 short poems. Some of these long poems are very long indeed, and two of them which «ere written at the death of al-IUlik al-^alin, consisted of 83 (2) and 97 verses. .All these elegies ere written in Fgypt, nore else'here, because the earliest of them res bitten in

556 A.rf , and the others ere comnosed after this date until the time of lUmcra'a death The date /hen tney were written was given m the titles of most of the ooems so it

(1) Ibn Raihiq., al-'Umda V. 2/117, al-'jiskari al-Sina1 atain 131, Qudama, haqd al-Shi'r U9. (2)

Most of ^Umera's elegies are eflective :n their sadness, because lUmcra /rote these odes to show his real feelings, explaining his true grief and portraying nis aeep affection.

There is no exaggeration in this, and one can well believe it, knowing that Ulmare ,nrrote most of his elegies to those whose death really hurt him and touched his heart, he unvote to relieve his sorrow and alleviate his sadness. lTJmara wrote dirges only to hie six sons (l uhammod , Husam,

Abdullah, lAtiyya, Ismalil and Yahva), his great f lord

(al-Kalik al-Salih, jAbuYdsuf 'All hawshat, Nsjm al-Din) (the father of Solan al-Din) and two women (the grandmother ot tae

Caliph lAdid, and the mother of Saif al-Miilk) .

Therefore one can divide HJmara's elegies into two kinds tne elegies to his sons which ore nine long poems and 11 \. short ones, and tne elegies to others which are ten long poems and three short ones Besides these, there is the elegy which he wrote to the Fatimid Caliphate. Some elegies to the

Fatimids are lost, because the people -ere not allowed to write, recite or even listen to them during the reign of

Salah el- Din.

(3) See this thesis, p. /2.—T3 (182)

The first hind it very effective, full of regrets and sadness* It expresses the feelings of a father wno lost his sons one after another in the course of a few years, until he nod no sons left. He \vas disappointed \vi th life, he was utterly dejected and -eary of living. afterwards, lie looked through saddened eyes, and asliea to folio « his sons, to he dead so that one ol them might live, a ad to meet tnem ('0 again soon. He wrote long odes to lament each one of his sons after tney had died, weeding for them, remembering the brothers who had died before, asking the recently dead, in ins poetry, to take his remembrances to them. He also expressed his °Tdness and grief by composing and reciting

poetry, from time to time during the various rituals of the dead, cleaning, carrying and burying them. He said wnile he was walking uehmd the coffin ot hi; son 'Afiyy-. (5) and when *Ati.yy_ >as buried and *Uinara returned fl oin the graveside he said

Perhaps the best elegy to his sons is the poem of kl

\k) lUmara, Dusn Fet. 26, 28B,_29, 3IB,_50B, 153- '5) It is in three verses in lUmara's Di^an Bet. 194. 6) It is m three verses in ^Umara's Biwaa Pet. 52B. (183) verses jhich xas it ten at the death of his son Husain in 563 A.II., /hich b-^xos

He begins hy describing nis son's illness because the doctor could not help his son to recover, he lo-t hope, after having expected so much. He continued to show his grief by use of ^ofllMTooQeis and nrecise language, 1 hich revealed his inmost thoughts. He was the kind of unselfish father who wished to redeem his son and to be buried instead

of mm, but he coulo not fulfil his dopes

He gained no comfort in sleeo, or rather did not sleep

at all, ;hile the fire was still burring in his heart

lUmara -oortrayed nis son in tne cof'in, as the bearers

Curried him to his gravo, by u^e of images, and strength of

language , *

(7) Mjmara, Divan i'et. 5« (184)

Husain, so recently dead, reminded 'Umara of his son Isma'il, who died a long time Deforc Husam. He lamented him and described his sadness for his son

J1 ^ / v^Jv- y>* i^/cAui

^Umara ends this ode Jith maxims (llikam) , explaining that

'all men must die, passing through nature to eternity'.

The sincerity of ^Umara can he gauged from listening to his poetry his >varm breath, the te^rs courting do on his cheeks, and his confusion, anxiety and resentment of life. Tms part of 'Jmara's elegy is admirable, despite the fact uhat the most difficult elegy is the elegy to children, because the i a ) poet finds it hard to kno 1 hat to >ritc about bhe dead. '

In the whole history of Arabic literature fe / poets wrote elegies to cnildren The mosu famous aos Abu al-IIasan v_-ll al-Tihami (dieo L|l6/I025) , who lamented his son ^ith (9)

three poems, out uhe "Ro'iyya" is the best ode, and in

the forefront of elegies in Arabic "ooetry. 'Umara no doubt

orofited from it, as can be seen from his o n elegies. It

should be notea that diere are no elegies among the available

(8) Ion Rashiq., il-'Umdo V. 2/l2k. (9) Al-Tih3mi-, Di ,an 27,^3,52. (185) poetry on the death of 'Umar^'s father, or of hie uncles, or of his brothers It may he that none rere written, it mignf equally he tnat they are lost

'Umaro's other elegies are also of the best, because he

vrote them at the death of people wnom he liked. He explained his feelings of loyalty to his friends in one of his odes

In elegy, lUmara largely followed the traditional method. He began most of his elegies vith maxims (Hikam), about life, destiny, calamity, deatn, the era, ueople, pleasure and sadness, sometime- he described thu event itself, tne death of his friend

irone of 'Jmara's elegies begin 1 th the ''G-hazal"

(love poetry) prelude, becaube tms is not usual in rlegy

There are two exceptions to this rule the first elegy which oegan < ltn love poetry was Ine ^oen written b;y Duraid lbn ol-Simma al-Bakri (died 8/630"), and the second one was the ode of ^tsjia Bahila, (v Amir lbn al-Harith ibn P:ah). Critics, ho ever, are not sure -hethei the prelude of the latter is

(10) vUmara, Di;an Pet. 30B. (11) Ibid I2J. (186)

(12) authentic or not. There is another exception vihich snould he mentioned here, it is tne attempts of al-Kumait ibn

Zaid al-Asadl (died 126/7Ldi) . He tried to "begin his elegi.es vath 'Ghazal' , hut he v

There is another traditional featui e in. arable poetry which 'Umara used. This ivs that he used to mention examples from ancient Kings, great men aid people of bygone genera Lions, comparing them >-itn the recently dead,

"'hen * Umara wrote his elegy at the death of llajm al-Din ivyyub, lie mentioned the Ortaodox Caliphs, al-"Khulafa' al-Pa Dlndun," saying th^t they had all died, and had set a good example to the people, as the Messenger of God,

Muhammad, nau lied before oliem, and he saould be an example to those people in distress

(15) ^s^-> <^)il Jr'/ \3<~r/j& (3i/> cr-J>

'j,fnen he lamented his friend, al-ioalix al-$alin, he mentioned some of the gient men who ^rere hilled m Islamic history al-'/rasiyy (lAli), IlAmza (Muhammad's uncle), Ja'iar ('JII'C brother) and al-I.Iusain lbn lAli

(12) Ibn Rashiq, al-vUmda V. 2/I2I-I22 (13) Ibid v. 2/122 (Ih) Ibid V. 2/120 (15) lUmara, Diwan P^t. IOii. (187)

Just os the arab poets praised the dead''"1""'7'', so too did

^IJmara in his elegies He praised his friend Ml! lla\ shat m the elegy which he composed at Ins deatn

LJ^U^^2P-^ i^YZ^ ji.C— (0

(18) r'1 ^^>^Jl^1 ^ » *^r- L/v_J Jjy

(19)

lUmara praised Najm al-DTn, al-S&lih and others m elegies. From praising trie dead, it I- an easy stew -°or

*Uraara to praise his ovn son or other relatives, saying tha

cnese vill fill the emptiness of his life. All tm& ill help to give the poet neace of mind. He praised al-'Awiil

son of al-ijslih, in the elegies of his father, as //ell he praised Salah al-Dm TLW his orothers at the death of their ( °0)

father He al-o pi ^ised others wno ^ere not ie"latives

of the deceased, for example his oraise of Shawar in tne

elegy which he wrote at the deatn of the Calim nl-'Adia's

grand! atner. ^ lor no other reason than that Sha\ar as

the Viz,ier at that time

(16) 'Urn-re, ad-Di fea Pet. 71. (17; w,uaama, raqd al-Shi *-r 51. (18) vUmara, Divan Pet 30. (19) Ihid 99E, I0ip3, I2IB, I29B. (20) Ibid 23, 67, 71, 122, 130 (21) iDid 2. (188)

Another- artidic lecture m orotic dirge-poetry, a lon^

time "before 'Ulnar?, /as "Al-Tol:ror" (Tautology). The poets

^oula repeat certain core's, phra&ea and lines in the same poem. They reolised that tautology could add strength - firstly, becao.se the repetition ol comforting vords could relieve feelings of mteiise grief - secondly, because repetition can be used to stress important phraoes and

sentences. Many uoets used 1t in their elegies Muhalhil (22)

ion Raoi'a, si-Khan'a' and others. 'Umara used repetition m lu^ dirge-poetry. He repeated «ords

( 23) C>f^ <^^J f V. ^ 0 ^ >J r_V Vr- /J,

ana he cic,o repeated phrases

vUmars erds most of his elegies aioeoling to G-od (Du*a')

to Dless the deceased, to forgive tnem and to h^ve mercy on (25) tnem.

'± most interesting fact is that ' Jniora used to create

(22) Hammuda, al-Tajdid III. (23) vUmar? Di .an Pet. I9I- (2h) Ibid 29B. (25^ Ibid 29B. (189) new lines of thought, "based on the time of the death of the subject of hie poem .daijm al-Din died in "Ramadan", so *Umara saDd

r

/hen al-Malik al-yalih vas Killed in 'Ramadan', 'Umara

^ras appalled ~b;v this evil m tne holy month, and said

(27) ^ ^\^f^

It /as almost, as if some si^th sense of 'Umara uas foretelling that he nimself

The hest elegj in Lhi° "cart of 'umara's dirge ooetry is the ode \/hich 'Umara v/rote at the deatn of ?1-Kdik al-Salih m 536 A.H., which oegan

(28) 4?^wJij*^iru u w-^'i^^^1^1^

It vas so effective that tne i^oet, Pa^ih lun lsmalil al-isadi rl-Hil]l (died 627/1230), emulated it, composing an elegy ±n the same metre at the death of al-?\Lalik al-^ahn Ghazi ibn S-'lah al-Diri (died 5Tj ^ H.) v "'

Another point to note is, that m spite of Ine fact that

(26) Ibid* 100 (27) Ihid 66. (26) Ihid 12?. (29) Ihn Khalilkan '/afayat V.3/T78-I83. (190) elegy was supposed to deal only with one subject - and some critics regarded this as very important and m spite of the difficulty of combining dirge poetry with congratulation (30) poetry, MJmara did this m three poems. The first one was composed to congratulate the Caliph al-Sdid on the occasion of his "being made Caliph m 555 A.H. Its opening is.

1 (31)

It is a fine ode of medium length (37 verses), and 'Umara interwove m it lementations for the previous Caliph, al-Fa-*iz, together with the praise of al-'A^id and al-Walik al-Salih.

The second one was one of his odes m praise of al-§alih which he "began with "Ghazal' prelude

{ (32) cjLHa^i c^Jo 9 r He included m it lamentation for Muhammad's children, especially al-Husam lbn lAlT and he "blamed the Umayyads, who killed the latter, for their evil deeds. It was a long poem (of 51 verses), and it was noteworthy for its language and high sentiments.

(30) I"bn RashTa., al-MJmda V. 2/12U. (31) UJmara, Diwan Pet. 170. (32) Ibid I8IB. (191)

The third, one i«as vrrittcn Lo congratulate Prince

V"ird gl-dalibi on the 11 rival of I110 three "brothers from

al-Sham, "beginning

(J3) ^-Ji?

He included m it some verses lamenting ^nrgham, the son

of "ard. These poems nay he deemed successful and tUmara

did well to merge these different themes, for thus he o/as

ahle to recite ihem so that the "oeople concerned could

aopreciate them ana revaro hum.

3. Euisuoljry Poetry (al-Muraslat al-Iknwsmyya)

Epistolary poetry is ihe art of riting poetical lecters

to friends to explain certain matters to tnem, or to mature

after their affairs. Some J-rao critics called it

Munsjat sl-AsdiCiS^ (tak] ng friends into confidence). Some

writers maintained that mis dri v/as estaoli°hed m the

early part of the nistory of Arahic literature, some

said that it appeared at the second period of the -Aouaside (1^ Caliohate, ' -while others said tnat it »/a& before tnis time, and tnat it increased at the end of tne Fatimid 1 2) Caliphate and the beginning of the ^yyubid rule.^ '

(33) Ihid 86

(1) Hammuda, al-Tajdid 27. (2) Hu&am, al-Sh:m al-Ayyuhi 172. (19-2)

At pay rate, this art was very well-known in Arabic literature, "both in poetry end prose, during the fifth century. 'Ahd al-Kalik ihr iVuhammad al-Tha* all bl (died 1+29, (3) 10^3) ? devoted many chapters to this theme. The most

famous poet m this art at this time was Abu al-Fadl ftiuhammad ihn al-husaip ihn al-^Anud (died li-39/lOi+3) •

Hlmara ,roie a considerable amount of poetry on this theme. Five long "ooems and about 38 short poems (Qifl3s) are availaole. It 'ould he usual lor such a man as 'Jmara,

vi'io ased to travel widely and ] ive omon<~ v&noib peoples,

to vnte iTiucn of this sort of poetry to m s numerous friends

It is safe to assume tha c some or * ilmara ' s episoolary poetry

is lost, just poeiry on other tnemes has also oeen lost.

This idea ill seem more acce:tahle, when one ledi^es

that lUmera wrote some of his epistolary poetry on the hacks of his friend 3* letters and papers, and he osked tnem to do

likewise He declared that blue i*r>s his f avoui ite meihod^^^

end oreferred it to keeping secrets

—-AJ W i ^ b

11 If you want me to tell you ^hax I have "been doing recently, write it on the hack (of my lefuer), and do not apologise, "because this is a safei ftay to keep secrets." (5)

(3) Al-Thalalibi al-YetTma V.3/17,97- V. a/262

(5) 5 Timer a, Dnvsn Pet. I03B. (193)

So tUmara's poetry vould sometimes not be known "because his irseries fioulo hove kepi it to themselves, or they might even have destroyed the letters, so that nothing would he knoi n about the ooetry

VTJmara's preoccupation vith keeping secrets was not always successful, because in soite of using letter hicks for thLs purpose, his cecieti ere often discovered, as for instance, hen I/Uhnmmsd lbn Saba* used the back of *Umara's

Idler to welcome him in one of his visits to lbn Soba'.^^

tUmora closely followed the Arab poets in his epistolary poetry. His style is not exceptional, because he

.'33 nut concerued \/ith it, as ne vac in eulogy and elegy. In thi s type of poetry, he explained ordinary matters to his close friends and he was so frank th.->t often his language wcs obscene ono impolite. Sometimes, however, he did use rhetorical figures, "Badi*", for examnle

6) See_this thesis, p 41 .^4-2- 7) vUmara, Tn.ua o Pet. 53, 16k, 195. 0) Ibid 25. (19*0

This could hove oeeri u/ntben to one of his poet friends vdio aooreciated this art. Oft^n he set Duzzles in his eoistles. 'hen he v/rote to ask hic friend Muhammad lhn

Shams al-Khilafa 1o send him a turhan, he did not say this m so many ords, hut he put it m a language puzzle, using

"Tashlf"

As he lyrote to al-Iuusharif

£2 _i- (_r- i j?

(10)

Tn some of these enistles, 'Umara asked his friends for money, presents or whatever he nted^d sugar, curbans, clothes, animals and some things ^hicli he just hinted at

"0 Ahu Tshaq, a need occurred to me, uln cn the vicissitude of time hopes for and desires fiom you. I kepg it from the hearing of all others hut you, "turning" the hearings of people, like the turning of a hook." (II)

(9) Ihid 1733 (10) lD3d 101. (11) It 35 six verses m the DL en, Pet. 32B. (195)

Whenever Hlmiira's friends did him a favour, he \/ould

"frite to thank them He wrote to one of his friends,

"0 Abu ^-Imran, every day you send me something -/hich cannot hut he of ser\rice to me. I came to Alexandria, ana the favojr^ of the ?1a'mun family did not stop, as the rain did. Granting me favours is like giving me youi company, as it youi hands are ^lth me always," (12)

Visiting is one of the moso lmpoitant aspects of this tyoe of

* Ulnar a'& noetry. He apologised in some of j.t_ to his friends,

Decaase he >,/a& unable to visit them, giving his reasons <-sj\ ^W ^JM ^\j>y

''Say to Jamal al-^ulk 0 son of one whose fame is immortal ho thing delayed me from (visiting) you except opthalmia, its flame is "burning in my eye " (13)

On the other hard, when some of 'Umara's friends did not visit him, he "rrote poetry "blaming (lItab) them for this

^ Xki I ^J^lhJ LI-—" ij ty *U u'r

"0 you who are absent from me, my heart has longed for you If you ^ere far away, you would be close to my heart. The moon m the middle of month, hen it is full, does not disappear, and your failure to visit someone wno likes you, is surprising." (Ik)

12) 'Um-ra, Di^n Pet. I03B. 13) Ibid- 53. (Ik) Ibid 25B (196)

* Ulnars gave advice to his friends m this poetry, (15) exolainmg the real meaning of friendship, J' asking tnem to he loyal^^ and shoving them that a man snould harry to give help when it is a3ked for Once vUmara was ill, and sent for a doctor to come and see him, hat tae doctor excused nimself, so 'Umara wrote to him

"If the fevered m? n uttered great nonsense, make allowances for lum as an expert m these circumstances. Do Xo-ot he late, if you a.re needed, oecause ram fill of little use if J L comes after the suitable time."(l7)

The content of some of 'Umara's eDistolary noetrj is often

^musing

One day ' Uriara ^ent to v: sit hj.s frnend Zeiki al-Oiri Hajm, the brother of ohawar, but he found hio door locked. Before

'Umara left, be wrote these verses to Na;jm

"I came to yoai door in hope, but I lound it closed ana locked. Then I said to the porter, wonderingly, 'Is it possible tnet the door of generosiuy and sagacity is closed9' 'Yoa ire talking too much', he said, 'and I think you should go aJ ay ' If not, I will pluck the "oibel" of praises end follow it Jth "Sibal"~of satire. "'(13)

(15) Ibid 158 (16) Ibid 8 (17) Ioid Pet. T83. (18) Ibid Pet. 33. (157)

U. Satire ( 'Hi.ia' )

lifhen *Umara first began to >Tjte poetry "/Inch was v/or chy shoeing to people, he read some of it to his father aho admired it and nraised his son. He advised 'Umgro not to use poetry against people "Lec,rn literature, it is one of God's bounties to you, and do not aeny it by satirising people

Let us listen to *Umara himself telling us ^hat ha opened bet iecn th-m ',TIe advised me never to satirise a uuslim in a single line of noeory, I gave my nromise then, that I n + n(20)

'oul 1 not satirise anyone . "v 1

'Umara agreed v 1 In his father 1:1 ru'inciple. The result

/as that he virote no satirical poetry at all during t^o phases of his ooetical iLfe. But something h?opened later to him 1 lulc he ras in Egypt, \ hich seemed to justify nis writing satirical poetry Someone satirised Hlnara m the presence of al-Malih il-Silih. It seems that 1 Jirurs tried to ignore it, so tnat he "Ould not break his promise to his father. But al-Malik ul-3alih •,< mtea him to reply to the ooct responsible because 'Umara said "Al-Salih s/ore, asking me to v/rite in rerly So I did, folio ing the < ord of God "To Him belong might gm majesty, and ho so JefenJeth

19) lUmarc, al-Hukat 23. 20) Ibid 23. (198) himoelE after he hath suffered wrong, for such, there is no manner (ol olame) against them "(^T) And his saying

nd ont vho a ttacke th you, attack hiia in liKe manner as he attacked you ' '?2) " (23<)

'Vhat is open to misunderstanding here is tnat 'Umora adned 'w? lam yakun shay'un phairu hadh.a" ^ ~^ ^ ^/hich may have more than one meaning. If may mean "M tnere \

3rjiM of Sjmara might ha ^e 'And tnere on no other re:coa (to > rite satire) excert this.' E> was attempting to exolam \hy he had to '-rite satire after he had decided not to do so, and this latter reason seems more acceptable It

is also likely thn tUmsra did not intend to rile more satirical poetry because mosi of the great ^rab ooets, for some years before lUm;ra s time, had avoided it. In fact, only a fe1- lines can be found in the Divans of al-Tughra11, al-AbT ardr and others. _-,s foi haisa Bais (Sa*d ibn

21) The Koran XT II (Sham), hi. 22) Tbe_Koran IT (The Cow), I9U. 23) HTmara, al-Nukat 23-214. 2k) Ihid 2h. 25) Al-Tahir, al-Shi'-r al-S^lnuni V. 2/130. (199)

or Muhammad al-Tamimi, died 574/1179), he tried to aisaaeiate A ins Di/an from satire.Arah critics of the time did not like satire and considered it as a deficiency in ( ?7) poetry hever tneleso, it «vas very lumortant m the early days of Arabic literature

tUmara's available satirical poetry is about twenty short poe'ps, making a total of more than 30 verses. It is interesting to note that ten of these satirical ooems - - (2Q) were written to satirise Khas^at al-Dawla lbn Dukhan,v °J

Sahib al-fi "an. who used to cause trouble for ^-Uroara, and tried, many times, to delay paying him his dues

For that reason, lUmar& s&Liiised him m «,n effort to make him change his "dyb, bu1 all in vain Three other ooems

•/ere written to the clerk, Aon al-Fadl, "ho joined the

"Diwan", working there by the order of ibn Dukha >. Four other poems were written in the Diwan satirising other clerks, ^J^ who might also have caused trouble for 'Umara.

ljiOst of ;Umars's satirical poetry, then, ^as personal

Arab critics divided Satirical ooetry into three types oer&onal, social and political.^^ The first type is

(26) Al-vImed, al-Xharicla (pl-'Ifrn) V. 1/349. (27) Al-Tuhir,_al-3hi'r al-SalDuq.1 V. 2/130. (28) vUmcra, Divan Pet. 58, 119, IT9B, 129, 156, 164, 179 (29) 'Uraairf, al-^rukat 90. (36) 'Umars, Diwan Pet. 1145, T2l, IU2Ej I56. (31) Muhammad Ilusain, al-IIi j a* ia al-Hai, ja'un V.l/19- (200)

"based upon -personal and individual reflections, inspired

by insults or ill-treatment "v-'"/

'It is written m search of justice"^^ It aooears as "a

quick expression of the ooet'^. anger." ^J^

This "?s lUmera's satire He exoresseo his feelings

towards these fe < people who i'ere enviouo of hmi, for reasons

of hi s fame, good lortune, and the money he received from

tne Caliphate treasury. They irvere, in fact, responsible for

oaying 'Umara because they served at the "D]faa", ^nd, in

saite of their attempts GO delay his payments, ne obtained them

by the help ol VLZLer1 Presumably lbim±a did not write

sociol satire because he was not a professional satirical

poet, as Jsrir, al-Parazdaq and s.l-Akntal were, but 'Umara

certainly wrote satirical poetry of a political vein

11 is aell-kno

Sc tinging the Ayyubid regime, unf ortunc tely, mo t of this

poetry is lost, but jome is included in 'Umara's elegies to

Ihe Pa timia Calipnate, for the reason tiiat the ^.yyubids

took authority from them and abused uhem 'Unura, sometimes,

rote satirically in his eulogies, hinting at his enemies,

or the enemies of his natrons end 01 the oeoole «hom lie

praised, criticising tnern and compering tnem nta his virtuous

{32) Isma*il, al-^asida J57L (,33) Muhammad Husain, al-Hija'wa al-Hajrja'un V. 1/20. (lh) Isme^il, al-'^asida 357 (201) friends. When he praised Bukhtiyar, he criticised Uamdan

m the same poem

"I found oui' friend, Harndan, more luckless than Glider.(35) (The mm \ ho killed the she-camel of balili the proohet.) (36)

He satirised al-3urli m the epistle hi eh he urote to his

friend :l -} Elan

J\ CJ^yS c_j—Pj\^r—sJ Av_Jg^-^7 \jrh As for ol-IiokTn, Those dleeds are 'ortny, he is me nevel of this time. Hot only from ai-Surti, may God latbholo his hlessing from all those <*o are froni ourt, he blacked v-hat \/as »'hile in my needs v 1 tb IILS disnoaour , the pot of pitch." (37^

'Umfira amalgam, ted these t-o themes, > hile the Ansb (38) critics maintained that satme was the ou~>o°its of praise.

They defned satire/jas the art of criticicing and defaming

enemies, Dy depicting their snor ucommgs, recounting the vrongs they h >ve done, and bj compariag them ^ ltb others more

virtuous, this is tne most effective form of osLne.

' Unva oelieved hi<- satire uo be effective, so that his

enemies, rivals auu sometimes even his friends ere vary

ox it. He said to al-T'tish nnif

35) tUmarc , uTv/an Pec. IOIB. 36) See_the 7_oran VIl/73-77, XI/6I-65, X ^T/132-l 52. 37) Himara, ui»on Pet 31. 38) rjudama , llaqd a]-bhi*-r l+L\ . (39) Ibn Rashiq, al-UJmda V. 2/138. (202) "Restraint is not alvays possible, and yon iilL, \ sometimes bear uliat you do not like to hear." ^4 1 lie of 1 en held his enemies, ano =t times, his friends, under the threat of his satire

"The 'Paha*lb' (caravans) of oatire 1 ill come, urged forward by singing, to you They move, with their message, through high end lo<«, they spread abroad ( L,T) for tne hearing of all critici >m and false prgise."^

As for the enemies lUmara liked to scorn, he even said that he did not satirise them because tney -ere not orth the ti ouble

"1 do not permit nin' to De satirised, satire x$ loo fin. for a donkey " (112)

*Umara followed most of the artistic features of satire kao-u to -rsdbic poetry. He w'rote short noems, not long ones, because -"'11 the Arcb ooets, except Jarir

(died 110/723), said thot the brevity improved satire. -

* Ulnar a ^lso used to dia1/, in his =atirical poetry, vivid pictures, hill of scorn and ridicule for his enemies, he enlarged their faults to make people laugh at them. 1'ianj-

(LiO) lUmara, Divan Pet IlhB. (LI) Ibid Pet. hQ. (k2) Iold IOIE. (iifj) Ibn Pashiq, dl-SJnuiU? V. 2/TliO (203) of uhese jests ^ere based on a flay of words, such as deriving strange meanings and creating amusing images. He drew many vivid pictures from the name of his first enemy,

Ton Duighan (Son of smoke)

"It may be asked ' Why do I see the sphere d^ri: in Egyr>t, different from anywhere else0' ] i ould reply 'Egypt looks like any other country, and if smoke cover0 it, that v-ould be from Ibn Dukhaa' . "(i-jli)

He said about him on another occasion

t u

"I s^ore tint grief ould not leave Egypt hile lbn Dukhan is its director. (He is) affection (Hamm) , and if trie oeauciful girls apply salve to their eyes iith its colour, they ould have no use of antimony." (k'j)

*Umara did tne same ^-ith Abu al-Fadl He gave his name the exact opposite of its real meaning "Abu al-i^a-pe.

He '9& a cleik at the 'House of fhms', so 'Ulnar d. made use of this and said

"And aith his love of all (animals') horns he became a representative of the House OJ Rams." (117)

This often leads lUmare to another artistic feature,

(hh) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. IU-2B. (h5) Ibid 58. (1+6) Ibid II2B, I13B, 156. {hi) Ibid II3B. (204)

lhat is using hackneyed expressions and obscene language. ^

*Umara descended to this level in his poetry, (^-9) in s-01-(:e

of oeing a jurist and a religious nic-n. Nevertheless,

even it this \ az accepted from *-Umara , abasing the Koran,

abusing its ohrases and the names ot ''Suras ' together

The tnird traditional characteristic of -irabic satirical

aoetry is tnat the "aoet tries to sho\ his enemy deficient in

virtue, and, m fact, full on viceo sucn as greed and (51) meanness.K ' ^-Umara said, describing Ibn Dukhan

"Do not crast (a man) of vice, and be suspicious of the honesty of a thief and abductor Because ne who desires honesty from a. villain, is lute one ho hopes To± fruit from the 'alio <- tree."(52)

*-Umara occasionally exaggerates meanings and describes

people whom he Satirises, vithouf honour (tIrd), which he

finds it easy to attack

(a.8) Muhammad Hosain al-Ijja,\a al-Hajja'un V l/59 luo) *Unnra, DTwan Pet. 52L., I [2 3, 119^, IL.2B, 156. (50) Ibid 1193, 156. (51) Al-V, skari, _al-Smat-afam IOh (52)

"I forgave lAdi al-Mulk, "because he is o man without honour (lJrd), and I need no L "beware of destroy: ng it.

Anotner cmusing picture as created oj 'Umara. Tt concerned tne honour of Ibn Bokhan «rho "as ill

"He is a man o± scalfoy hoaour, hich seeks a cure from my sal ire, and it is an honour vh:ch does not take care of satire " (5^-0

*TJmara, at- other ]_oeis did, likened ubese enemies 1 ithout honour to stupid animals, in order tc make them more ridiculous and to shoi them lacking in human qualities. He chose those animals hi eh people hate and ridicule, for instance, he-goal (tais), e^e, mule, donkey and aog.^~^

5. Love Poetry "Ghacal"

There are three terms, in the Arabic language, for the art of noexry iwhich expresses the i^ed love , and what it entails. These thre^ terms are "Ghazal, TTaclb and Taslfoib.

It is really difficult to distinguish in meaning betv een xhese three terms, "because they often appear rather similar.

Some .Arab critics said so, maintaining that they have tne

(53) ItJ-cl 121, (5U} Tbid 156. (55) Ibid 119, II9B, 192, I92B. (206)

56 same sense and feeling yfrile others tried to define each term, shoeing the difference Detween them. ;

However, tnis ^rf is very important m the nistory of Arabic literature, nnd it is extremely old. It originated at the very "beginning of AraD LC poetr~/, understandably, oecause it lives, as a lyric pvt, just as lon^ as man lives. It is the means iiy nich a man can express his feelings towards a woman, and he cannot restrain it, just ss he cannot dioTien&e >o th hex1. Some Arahic men of liuerature said that

"Ghazal" wa => the first theme of the \rabic "Qasida" (ode) in "both importance and nistory They ilso aaLd tn^t for this purpose, most of the ^raa poetr siive the pre-Islamic time, used to Degin their odes ritn "Ghazal" whatever the sabnect, and they developed. ''Ghazal" more tnan praise or other themes. ^-u/ They believed tnat othex1 tnemes jerc invented to assist "Ghazal" in shoeing the virtues of the poet to his beloved, in order to malce her love him tne more

At any rate, 'Urn^ra wrote a good deal of "Ghazal" as aid other noets. 'Umar^'s available love-poetry consists of four independent short poems and thirty-tnree preludes at the beginning o± has eulogies Some of 'Unara'^ love poetry has undoubtedly been loot particularly the; preludes

56) Ion Pashio, al-'Umda V. 2/3k, 10 Of) Qudama band al-dhi*r 65 (58) Ibn Raslni, al-,TJmca V. 2/9S, 106 of his eulogies It is very difficult to say v/hether

*Umara fell in love or not, or to kno ' ho™ genuine are the

feelings he expresses in bis love noetry, because vUmara kept tins side of his life secret. "Nobody even imov/s

anything ahout the TO men he married.

'''/hot is sure is thai lie was a man of noetic spirit one!

with c deer) aooreciation of beauty, ho founo 11 easy to

vviite about love. *lfm&ra himself says about love i > ^ [/ )J> J1) «A**J btfis

"He vno ncs not appreciated Cthe beauty of) the neck and the eyes, and still claims to have enjoyed life, i° not telling me truth. In love, there is an exquisite sense hich is kno»'n only to those ,'ho fo.ll an love" (5y)

'Umara'- Mjha:al" LS delicate anl flo ing ard yet still

precise These are the resuisities of this art, according 4- ft , CdO) to Arah critics

(6i) f>„; <*V' U/T t1 j /

The second feature of ^Umara's Ghazal" JP that its spirit

is pure and honourable, this is natural in the "Gnazal'1,

of a jurist, because i_t ohould be distinguished by the

conservation befitting a -cholar ^ -~J The lolloping verse

(39^ 'umora, Divan Pz.t. II9B. (60) Ibn 2oohiCL, al-4Umda V. 2/93 (61) 'Umara, DiVan Pet. 503. (62) Kannun Adab al-^uqana* (Me jallot al-r'a lira* al-tIlmi Damascus V.Ijl/2k3 ,April 66 (208)

\M11 prove tin s

"Chastity -/ove a rohe ol protection for it (love), so lh.31 bisnonesty never reached hc-i>." (6j)

* Ulnars descrihei his Gha^al tnu~

"Its » oros are nonourjhly -ouri ficJ rnd neither ickedness nor sric me, - hen ith = -ntleneso (D^matha) , make uhe riter of Gharal less honouraolc ' (6h)

This chastily might make 'Un.-ra sslisfied >

s (Kii3yt.l i of his "beloved

"0 this girl, Lhe oueyeo ordci is yours, sisy close i,'to) riid co not close Lne "ay of "cne ohsntori , if J. u strikes (your m±-d)."(65)

M?ny example- /ere given of this uhanl om PUO shadow "by

66 rJm:T.n ( )

*-Um^r^ oho J us Lh^ I he is faithful in his love and lo;

Lo m<- hclovea _ r „

' 6 j) KDmac3 , Di>jon t e b . 12r->B. 6k) loid 10f5. Other ex?m,dfcs Yi, 88,1253 ..etc, 65) Hid 120 '66) Ihid '-i, j3, "3 0, I26B . etc. (209)

"0 my "beloved, hov miserly (in lovel you are, and how generous I am in giving my love, nothing >,ill ever change it. Your repudiation is not surprising because yoor

nomes are "bui, "3l-wctt.:rV (renudiation) and al-Knrhh". You met my activity in love, with frigidity I have secured the "ropes of loving", so please do not make it loose.1' (6?)

He said in another poem

1 1 "You change and forget, ;hen jou ai e far a; ay, nile my heart never forgets and cannot be changed."(68)

Sometimes he explains himself by malting his conscience responsible for nis loyalty

"Ask my solitude, dia my conscience not keep yoar love9 Vhile love is kno n to he ungratef ll."(59)

*Umara u&u-illy seemed to be sad in his "Ghnal", and unfortunate in his love. He CATJI u&sed his grief descriumg the Luars flo jing do> n his cneeks so blood, not ss 'vhat the eyelids are used to

(70)

And as his tears "be brayed him, so they announced his secrct

67 Ihid 37. oo Ihid 131 69 lhid 37. 70 Fold 88. (210)

But even so *Umar& still remained faithful m hj s love

1 (72)/ ^J^^ ^ ^

His sadness in love might De oecause of *Umara's enemies, who aie mentioned manv times m his Ghazdl". (73) He u sed to complain about time (Zaman) , t,ra, (Dahr) and days which hurt him because time is usually the enemy of good aeople (lh) and of lovers. '

^Umar^ folio' ed the ex male of previoi c Arab ooe + c mentioning the Hinaz and ifajd as the ongi±ial home of love, '

and he mentioned some of the famous olaces and cities unere,

such as June, al-uhnif, Sal1, Zarud.

Another artistic feature can oe seen in 'Umara's

Ghazal, it is the care be takes m the d esc ripuon of beauty.

A.ccordmg to the meaning of the term "Tasnbib", talien from (76^ the verb "S.hanoo" ' , 'Urnara described, in detail, the

(71) Ibid I8U 72 Ioid 96B 73 Ibia 3 78B, I53B rsiB 7^4- Ibid 92B, 9or , I2L, I50B, I5L|, Io9 tc /oP 75 Al-Tahir l-3hi^r 1-oalju V u 6) Ibn Pashiq, al-'Umda V. 2/102 (211) physical attractions of his loved one. lie portt^yed the

•uprightness 01 iie-r body "Qarpa", likemn^ i1 to the straight and soft branch of certsm trees, such as, Ban, or those i Inch gro\/ on "No a a" hill

"I lo^ed "al-raoa" and "sl-3?n", os long as there »'3S similarity between them and (the gul) vnh uark Ins." (77)

"How great In is similarity was between you and both "al-Ben" annod "a1-Haqa"ai-nana1 , some of \ hicn are embraced and some orressed. " (73)

There are many examples of tnis in his Di»cn. tlJmara, occasionally, nainbs a vivid Picture

He says that he found himself in a beautiful garden, full of oranches blov/n by the East -

(80) \ 81) bhe is the moon, full moon or crescent, ' ouc sometimes he

(77) 'timers, Di",on Pel. 333, ^6B. (78) Ioid 83 (79 Ibid 36B, L7, 39, 92B, I26B,Ii;33, Ij3b . (80) Ioid 36B. (31) Ibid I-ex. 78B, Q8B, I00B, 126. . (212) likens her to uhe sun, stars or the various kinds of flo1 ers, roses, daisies, arc! earn 'lions. ^82)

* Ulnar a preferred dark hair, so he used to describe his

"beloved's hair as black as coal, darkness and night, agaxnst the "brightness of her forehead

*Umara said that he loved the "black nigh us for tne "black locks flowing from her head.

(8^) i^juf^i ^^j^^^y^

He knew *ell ho - to descrihe c^es

(35) ^/^(crly^'v-1^ ^-^^c^yloO "The eyes are dark and full of charm0. They fire their irroi/s GO the hearts of the lovers or xo une nearts of xhe liono, "because the eye-brows look like bows, dangerous, sluhoukn they are also weak, sick and sleepy." (86)

He descnoed the neck, hite, long and slim, saying that it looks like the neck of a deer

7 v (87) £-"j> yj~cjf,(J'J^5 k^tsXr^Jij u fe'

(82) Ibid Pet. 353, 58B, 67B, 1^7... (85) Ihid 37, 58B, 95B, 12b. (8I1) Ihid 59. (85) Ioid 92B. (86) Ibid 36B, hi, 58B, 78B, 83, 92D, 10IB. (87) Ihid 36B. (213)

He described the saliva as sweet, delicious and cool. It is, for him, honey and wine.^^

He mentioned the mouth with its red lips, and teeth like pearls or hail stones. ^Umara was obviously fond of describing the physical beauty of his beloved, as were other poets, but he also tried to portray her inner self and beauty. He described the way she talked.

"i was so captivated by her eyes and words, that my heart and my ear were bewitched by their charm."(89)

He mentioned her perfume and her fragrance which pervaded the air

(90)

He sometimes could not distinguish her perfume from the sweet scent of "*Arar"

And he likened it to ambergris

(92) UJ^I^^,>> ^^^^^'^^

It is interesting to end by showing lUmara's own ideas about his love-poetry. He himself explained what he thought

88) Ibid 58B, 11+3, IU7. 89) Ibid Pet. 88. 90) Ibid Pet. 87B. 91) Ibid Pet. I07B. 92) Ibid Pet. 120. (214)

oT his "Ghazal" spying

"You neve nearu from my "Ghozal" and its delicate 'orcls, all aou "ant of delight and melody. Its fluexicy and vigour give its texture "both soft Vdter and hard rock." (93)

This is one conception, the otner io

"Tha s is tne poetry of lovc /hich is "/oven from ords "men affect tne mina like line and the aenngs of music Reading it frequently unties the rooer , letting out the fragrance, and revealing the neck." (3k)

6 Ascetic Poetry (Zuhdiyyaf)

It is to be exaec tea of a man like tim^ra the u he snoald

^nte every kind of religious poetry, because he vas s oioas jurist. Throughout his lue, hen he was faced A ifh any problems, he resorted to God, then he ofi en /'rote loetry to exniess his fci_th. Soma of this poeury mighl have been lost because no more than nine- short noems (ait'a) of this theme are available, consisting of less than 50 ver-es.

tUmara' s ascetic poetrj is not of the sorl t Inch

"breathes a spirit of profound melancholy and noael^s pessimism," or sho>s "tne irailuy and misery of man" as

(95) J "bid Pet. 55 {9k) I old Feu. 1023. (215)

4 Abu al- Atahiya's did, (95) -DU^ lt glves meditations or a taithful spirit, nnd a pious heart mich believes m the omnipotence of God. So 'Umora turned to God, apnea ling for help lie said m one of his ooems

"0 Lord, grant as right guidance in our affairs, and let your most gracious nelp Toe our succour. Do not entrust us \ ith the managemeit of our o\m selves, for \e are poivcrless Lo reform vhat is corrupt You are mumficient, sod hooing to oe one day in your nresence, I have made ready my snnnlicrnt face and hand The rev/ards of hope are Itno ii to you. let my rewrd he une continuation of your protection and honour."(96)

tU]iiarn ;as distressed when doctors gave him ro hope of his son's recovery and as a result he compose! tnese verses

yl^|;^>(>3^ ~ U> Y J U} cs" 'u^

"I said to my son, lien the doctor said &o lum 'There is notning left excent the hope of God our creator.' Even if I doubted the Doners of the doctors, God's poner vould never oe in doubt. I on Id have raised my hand imploring "al-Pahman" (the beneficent) nraying botu openly and seci etl; I 'vould nave orenared everyone of my piayeis, so that they vould lmmedi s Lei;/ ml nude on curtains and covers (or the holy Place).

(95) jlicholson q Literary History of tnc Arabs 298. (96) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 58B. (216)

I did not pray "by my tongue alone, "but my prayers were purified by my conscience. hy prayers vill be carried GO God. witn tears and ardour, by vater and Tire. So if you oestov my hopes for my son uoon him, it will be as T de<~ired, and Lf not, I vould find oolace in my efforts." (97)

Sometimes vumara mentions the oroohets such ao

Ayyub (Job) and Ya'ouD (Jacob), describing thrir circumstances

(98) ^s^o^i ^o'^y ^'^t^.

'Jmare confessed in his poetry that he commit ted misdeeds, so that he could a sit God to forg^e him, because he believed in one C-oe, \ hile o there 'ere disbelievers an J golytneiots.

(99) ^pJ^b \^_JJ £^\.Y>

It seemc that *Umora wrote tms ooetry, not to be read at courts, but for lumself, to express his Difficulties to

God, to or ay for mercy and helo. He found, in this way, relief from his grief even when he coulu. not find any solution. He did, ho ever, write similar noetry to some of his frienos encouraging them to continue their religioas duties. Once he 'rote these verses to one of his friends ^ho used to pray the Friday prayer in the mosque with, the

(97) Ibid I09B-II0 (98) Ibid 28 (99) Ibiu 1+3. (217) people

"four etTTor us ( to or ay) on Friday are observed and tnere ^ ill "be rewards. Friday (prayer) die not leave those vho /'ere determined in (performing duties of) God It is enough for you, as an honour, tnat the title of piety of God has been acquired by you amongst people " (lOO)

'Umara "began some of his odes with ascetic->oeti y cuch as the poem hich he v/rote to his friend al-Zahir rTurtafi*~, givmf the pood news of hiQ release fi om orison

"He who asked aid from others, aoart from Cod, found no helo, and he vho as strongly cst_olishcd ith GoJ, ass not despises."(101)

After this he gave advice a "bout one's conscience then he said uhau one snoula mediate xhrough uhammaJ the prophet, his daugliter, her huso1 no and her t1 o sons to God

This oart of *Uma~ra' s poetry is distinguished by its simplicity, fluency <-na quality of language, and because it is written naturally, "by tne depth o? tne poet's soul.

(100) Ibid 28. (101) Ihid 183. (213)

<= £ IS j Joj c_J 1 * —v I

(102) c3 V i» flS( ^— J*

7. Descriptive Poetry ('"asf).

Descriptive noetry (V/asf) is sa imcortant theme in

Arabic poetry. It is as ola as Arabic poelry itself

Theiefore, some of the Arao critics saic1 that 'wesf' is the origin of most themes in Arabic aoetry ^ost Arab poets, since the Jahilyya, described ijhat was around them, natme,

one desert, animals, cities ana nouses In one ^u^allaqet

(The Suspended 0-j.es) there are many good exanoles of tms.

The poets gradually increased the use of description in their poetry until n became very lmportano in the fourth century when '^hmad ibn Puhammad sl-Sunavhari lived, (died. 33^/9^6) esoecially m Andalus /here there -vere maxiy poets v ho devoted tnemselves to description only, the oesf of \ horn

1 as Torahim ibn KnaTaja (died 533/H39). They lovea nature

and ^dorncd it, so tnat their poema became li'ce pra.yiifr =-

ir 'Umcra 0S surrounded b^ the oeant» of na tui e ana he

tried to express the feelings it froused in mm in his poetry. He travelled tin ough many countries, toe Yaman,

Hiiaz, Tajd and Egyot, and sa^ battue in all its forms He

(102) Ibid T2oB. (219)

used to ride on a camel or on horse-back, so that he could

take in his surroundings. All this helped ^Jmera to V'nte

this sort of poetry, r-grettebly, tnere are only a i'ew

descriptive poems in his available ioetry

The most important 0112 is his poem /ritten to describe

the home of his friend Ptku el-Islam. tUmara began it,

M0 house, fortune of Juoiter surrounded you, and the fresh nnre vater of tho river "Kav ther" (103) von over you. You have gained all the beauty ,/hich has never oeen sn red to the painter and the writer " (lOh)

\fter he described th° house ^nd its coloured narble

"Too have covered it i ith integuments (Chela*il) of m-rble, \ ovc. from a pure alabestej , A.s if the oeaaty of its whiteness one blackness 1 esemblea an evening smilin; HI Ln tne light of morning."

'Um.ia likened tnese t> o colours to block veils and necklaces

made of ambergi is and canmhor

He portrayed, after this, 0 founuem uhich he likened LO

an eye, and displayed the bec,ut> of the green farm Inch

surrounoed it, while ohc water of the fountain duch gushed

(103) See_che Hoi an CsTIl (al-Eauther) (lOa) lUmara, Diran Pet. 1013 ( 220)

f orth, fa rreturnin g like rain

r iUmerd die not forget to mention the abstract beauty of

tnis house and its inrortsrce, hich it gained, for the nonoux of its o "ner. He likened it to uhe oraxse of the o ncr nose foreheac was shiamg

This laoem (of 8 verses) 1° not long, and it is probably not comolete since "e know thut there are th"ee verses m the

same rhyme and metre in the oescnotior of the fountain inch mignt i ell be oart of mis ooem

5

"Its i°lo\ was sinnrcsseoi u , and its rage revealed its hidden secreus, ano as lbs

The seconu poem is me long one (of 70 verses) uhich

iUmara wrote in nraise of Badr ibn Pussik, in hich he combined many oubjects Pie began praising his Priena on the builairc of a _ie* hoise. Prom his irai^e ne T/ Died smoo tnly into anothei subject - the descriction of tne fire Vbich burned dowr a house o° Brdr in the lie ftu 1 f "a l-Phali ,i" ,

(105) Ibid 215. (C&j^ ) (221) U giving the reason for this incident as the fire of hospijlity,

"Nar al-^ira, '' \ di cli found lu r house Ine highest nlace, so it

9t kinaleo there

l f'roja this u"]i3is betoan to describe trie ne> hou. e of cadi'

This JP ,Ci lption occupieo 22 verses, daring wnich ^um?ra could change his suhrjcct, revei tiag to tne ^raise of his

friend in ordei to ask hunt, ]?ter, to give *Umcrt i house,

"because he Wrnkd a l?rge house oeor Bc-dr's and if this

coulo he, iL 'ouiu he v or th -ns ^igr.t. At that tin^ 4Umara

li^ed m o rente^ hot ^e

'Umor a i^eat io great lengths tc Jescrihe the nouse, its heajtv one no IT ;ra-D built,

lie described the ejfects uhe "beauty of the house hc.u upon lum

and let nis j m^ind tion assist him m tni v LVid noi travel.

Ac^d critirs have rated this description as the oest in

Arah poetry.^

(106) Told 77- (107) Quduino, iraid 62. (222)

rne description 'Uiuore gives is so vivid znot the reader con easily vioualize the house in all JUS dem.il 'Umar-i alsc took Lfest trcible to describe the gardens in sach a \ ay thai the foil ocau ty of the floors, 'oii'i'S and animals came alive. tUniara's dc^cr ipnoa of a giraffe is an outstanding example of nis roiliLv

(108) y^^/^'J>r^t?/ ^'^^CU-" ^>

fne uhird one of ^Unera's descriptive uoems is

.included in hj s eology to ^l-i asir lhn al-^clin. It "as a long ooeir (of f.T _rei£es), IPOS t of it in cr^ife of cl-iiasir.

^Jmara took 17 veises to describe al-fasir' s house. Pie started by calling it "Bar al-C>arar" (lasting aboae), luiiening it to di orb, the sun of hicr co al-fas^r, or a paiadise, the sea of \hLch as al-> o.sir

c

^ KV y" C^~> to^ I J^f^ '

*Um3rn porbrayed tne full beculy oi tne noase and did not forget to rc Per to the influence of d-lijir in its beauty.

(108) *Un.cra, DD ,»QTI P.t. 7?3. (223) "Your suggestion provided it (the house) uith (ideas) of minds tna L thoughts could not suggest." (IOQ)

'Umar=, then, ii'as adepl at describing houses ant? his jo rers of observation ere such thit he could touch upon hidden details and give life ana colour to tne 'hole mature

HO C^jV'^Syo+jMs A* cr5>^ This i JS probably the mPluence of the Fatimid

lilerouure on 'Umara, because the Fa timid 3 established

(TIT)

Duilumgs and gardens ana preserved porks. " 1 The best

in pie of lUm°ra's ^esciijuion cf - gaidcn is^ -hen he portrdyed the /hole scene olive and gave tne trees human

dualities - , s ! ' -,, „

"V/herever 1 looked 1 JOS surrounded b;y oarklano (Rawde) and ^ spi'ing • hile a zeohyi confronued me. But I never kne\ before tins, hy the branches ton. The green branches of gardens are busy embracing and kissing each ocher, And the breatn of a gei tie breeze moved 10 it Prom the suirit of davn. Stirring tne blanches, alter the calm, shaking uhem bv north /ind and wine

fJ09) Ibid 73B. (110) Ibid 73B_ (111) Husair, Pi al-t,dab cl-Fatimi\{yaI26-I27. {23k)

And the stature bo^ed from Toeing uunght, be sure thot the "breeze is censor.'' (112)

/nan MJmars «eaL ce £gypt, he visited the pyre mi as, end

rote three stanzas in description and oraise of Lv

"0 iny t>'/o friends, there is no building under the sun Miich resembles, m lis perfection, the ceramics 01 Egyr> i. (They are) a building of "hich the era IC afraid, '/hile everything on eor Lh is afrcid of the era.

Ily eye enjoyed l Ls fine construction, but my mine.Tj--7\ diu no L enjoy the under si andung of ii.s meaning."^ J' lDmcfa v'ho travelled through the Vsert many times, a are of ITS silence ?nu soliu^ae, its mono Lory jn_ simplicity, an understandmg i us joy and sadness, gave fine descriptions of it, su^n as these verses in his eulogy 10 l,sro sl-fralini

Ke startec this poem advising people to take chances because for Lone favours those ho do so. Then tic explained this idea, by leaving home, travelling on a camel ^hich can go through any nlderness, so that Lhe eyes of travellers lose

their v/ay. This is a real description oi tne ""esert

Then 'Umara exaggerated, saying yj\ ^t^> ^^xs'^V

(IT2)

"(it is) sile.it and vogue, no air f 1 o1 >s through it, nor the shade or tne visiting phantom, through fear. 'Ihe reias follow the aalter, and tne padded foot is redeemed "by a horse's hoof "

Later 'Umara showed ho > he vas influenced by Lne deseit, he used, -trange ords (alfas gha_ iba)

r

In chivalry poe ury (Hamasa) ^Urnara clispj.ayeu many aspects

OL battles one fighting. His oac, \ hich ^as written m nraise of Fans il-i'udimm, Lacludes a notaale image i'hich is oossibly tne be°t examole of lbs kmc m descriptive

poe try J* ' ^> ^< £ \>" J>y / ^ ^ ^~f>>

" f

C *Umara madep p-irpr'Aeveryr pefforf fnr>tl l.nto m-ilrmakep hhi i sQ picturem rl.in'Pfs; livrlive., hep usen d colours, sounds, movements and feelings He triea always to choose 'le mot juste' aoih m meaning and sound al-^utslatim, naix*, sel^aim, karr, far, oi'-an and sarla He tried to bring rsrriors (in battle) into tne mind of one reader, and to sho ^ the warriors' bravery, hz mentioned strong biros like eagles, folio -i% >,eak ones like doves

(TI5) Ibid IoOB. (226)

Beside oil these poems, plenty of description can he found in his other ooeins, *-Umcva was fonc of horses and often described them in their act-ions

"You have sent a oteed -vnose normal oace is foster than the t\ inkling o >" on eye." ( J16 0

Kfany exdmnle:. ore to he seen m the Di- in.

8 Other themes.

These oetry of com^l^int (j3hak>o), blame C'liah) maxims (f/i^om) and other uhemes.

The princir.il tdeme rmong the^c is nlome ('ItobJ. He wrote this noetr v to ms "mends if they had noi visited hi in for o long time or Tor breaking promises to Inn

"Tell me about your day, ho vos it9 "*/3s it roining or just ori7z,]ing9 And did you find a pure vine, in order thet my blaming (*atn), for your novmg forsaken me , culo be eosy, OJ did you find on intimate friend9" (117)

'Uniarc vrote •= fe . poems on this subject, to al-?}adi al-Jbdi] explaining his unfortunate circumstance, asking for help,

(116) Ibid T07B. See this thesis P. 90. (117) *Umora, Di^an Pet. 150. (<527) eopealmg to mm that ne (HTmara) should not oe aDused vhile his friend (al-Fcrdil) is one of trie reeuonsible men m the new legime, hut it was all useless.

The available poetry in th.it, theirs is eight short poems consisting of about SO verses. This poetry could, sometimes be confused mth "Ikhv^anivyit" or i ith "Complaining" poetry, 'ith Much it may be comomed in the same t>oem.

*-Umara wrote many ncems complaining to his friends of the time and regime m i"hich he lived, because he "as neglected and cast out in smte of his talent,. He ,as naid

no salrry, so he was often m nead of mon^y. He suffered from poverty and debt.

The available poems m tms ^rt are aoout 8, most of them i ere ./ntten daring the -yy.-bids' reign. lUmara dToze to al-aadl al-^adil

"I confide in you, T. Inle stranger worries arc n tliin me, and I call you, -Inle true patience is sick. The mercy o± tne world has dried up, fate has no sympathy for me, neither is ^.bdul P^nim compcssiona ue 1'^ay God forgive him for his vie rs, al ays, '/hen tne oris of my enemies are like 'ounds in my body. May God excuse him for having cut ny moans of living, -Inch I attained through his goodness, vhile Time was worthy of bl (228)

Could he ever look vith favour apon me9 For, verily, I am in need, and I miss his support. Please grant me a charm to -protect me from the viuer of i orry for you drc safe from the night of one "'ho is oxi tne verge of rum " (118)

Some of tnese poems .ere »ritten before this time.

He corralained of certain friends < ho did him jrong

lUmara's available Divrn contains some -verses in

manns (Hikam). tie explained his exneriesce m matters of

life here, as T, ell as h: s nany lines which ere included m li] s eulopies and elegies (-^0)

*Umara y/rote about himself, his life and death, his

poetry, wondering rhat odd become of everything /hen he

died, vhat oeotde , ould say about him

crj~>

"0 reader of my verses and -orose, ^hen I die, if I did -well, thank me, and if rot, leave disoraising and thanking me. If talk of me came to your ears, cast it out, Or say diat yoa wish, oecause I 'ould be protected from you in my gravo " (121)

He said about nis books

V) (118) Ibid T76. (119) Ibid 19i4B. (229)

">7ould th_3t I know, after my death, vho will live in my nouse9 /'iid would that I kno\« v-ho is going to read 9 these DOOKS " (122)

^Umara rote on otner subjects such as congratulating his friends at every oooortum ty, on the hirth of a ne- child, on a redding, on his return from journeys or oa a nev joo.

Finally MJmara wrote some interesting short ccems on amusing tooics The first one is about a cruel purter belonging to one of his friends, "ho did not alio- him to eater the house, often keeomg him waiting

^7 ',rs1 as* \ol T \ j\ - inju•

r "0 you who humiliated, m having to make apology,

one ('ho did ^r-ong, and gave help to those who cOuiTOcLed «ixh you, thu-_> achieving great tnings. Agoointed at the door a man of good maimers and suitable disoosition so tnat your visitors may be satisfied. (Provide) m the name of sitting, a council hall free from restraint, one of \ Inch, /hen we come tc it, we vi11 anorovc. For three days I have oeen turned away from the entranco, trying to find excuses /ithin my self. Entrances ore looked upon .iuh owe and esteem by those dio suffer on injustice, but not by those /no have dignity -As'i Ibn VA.rif and al-Kafhid for information, you will find they know all there is to know { 1 about me " (123) > Jfi> >'A

Another interesting short ->oem was written by *Umara,

(122) Ibid I09B. (123; Ibid I03B. (230)

wnen Fans al-Maslimin's horse best nis "brother's (al-§elih) horse jn a race. Peoole "ere surorised about it, so

'Umara gave xnis excuse

r

"I shall give judgement m cms race >

(I2L^ I Did 92. (^31)

CHAPTER 3

His poetical technique

I. His ideas.

tUmara was an educated man, and his sense of culture helped him greatly to express his ideas m his poetry, and he did his utmost to put these ideas into the perfect forms. Arab critics maintained that the meaning is the spirit of the speech, while the words are the "body.^1^ Qudama ibn JaVfar considered the meaning (2) of the poetry one of the four essential elements. _/

eUmara, therefore, gave great importance to meaning, and the quality of his poetry often lies m the depth of his thinking, despite the fact that there was an increase m shallow meanings and ideas m the Arabic poetry of his time.^-^ *Umara constantly sought to express his ideas

lucidly, and most of his poetry was understood by those who read it, he did not follow the way of some Arabic poets, such as Abu Tammam and al-Mutanbbi, who wrote poetry as "a perverse pleasure m challenging their

(1) Al-VAskarl, Sina'atain 80. (2) Qudama, Naqd*al-Shilr 8. (3) Daif, al-Fann Pi al-Shi*r 286. (232) readers' wit and erudition." Neither did '-Umara follow those poets who filled their poetry with philos• ophy. *IImara avoided this, following al-Buhtun (died

28U/898) and his school m keeping "'Amud al-Shi^".

Even so, one can find the occasional touch of philos• ophy m some of 'Umara's poetry. He said m praise of

Ruzzik lbn al-Salih

(5) j^h^^^^i^^y^'^^-^^

And there is little need to say that "al-Ruh al-Latif" is a philosophical idea. When lUmara described souls he likened them to pigeons

And he said the same about brains

,J w l/ ( ) -—{J> ^ -^> >

He might have taken this from the Islamic philosopher,

Abu eAl~ lbn slna, (died 1+28/1037), who was the first poet to liken the soul to the pigeon

(7) ^t^^^^s, ft^y^^JJ^}-^

There were many verses which seem to have been

(k) Gibb, Arabic Literature 12. (5) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 85. (6) Ibid IoOb. (-') Ibid 12. (7) Al-MmawT Shsrh Qasidat al-Nafs 30. (233)

influenced "by the philosophy of the Greek philosopher Pythagoras, who considered numbers to be the essential element m life. lUmara mentioned this while praising al-*Adid

He advised Paris al-Muslimm

,J (9) 0j>i >^

And he said the same thing to Saif al-Dm lbn Ayyub

(10) ^W^V'U^ y^jj^o^.

It must be noted that lUmara was influenced by his

profession, Jurisprudence, and he makes frequent use of

it m his poetry r

(11) ^> * ? y °->>- yJ

\j/*sv> U

He often mentions sinners, their faults, their excuses

and punishments, and how they can be saved from their

sins

Even the nights were described by ^Umara as sin makers.

(8) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 39. (9) Ibid hi. (10) Ibid 5U. (11 ) Ibid- 128b. ( 0 Ibid 22. (234) so they too, needed forgiveness (12) ^—"^^t-r^l.-*; ^JKJ\^^-» S>

Occasionally he likes to give a "Fatwa" on some actions m which it is very difficult for any Jurist to give a

"Fatwafor example, the notion of asking people to worship a man for his good deeds and character

J (13) ^ o\ —flfi^ o< yk>>)s \i,\

When he spoke about narration, he employed terms of

the Tradition (Hadith) of Muhammad, such as "haddatha.

rawa and isnad"usmg the idea of making sure of the facts

which are given

(14) cjL^ylc^ >V^Jt f jrr^ c^c^^ 'j'o-c

And it is easy to understand the ideas m this (15) Jj^Jt ^yiyjffj <{^Ji\^^ There is no need to prOve that most of his poetry m (16)

Egypt is full of shi'ite ideas and Isma'ili thoughts.^ ;

He praised the Caliph al-iAdid

(17) ^ \ \R\^ JJ'^IJ JJ

'12) «Umara, Diwam Pet. 20b. '13) Ibid 49b. '11+) Ibid 151 • 15) Ibid 56. '16) Ibid 137, 1^3, 155, 168, 170, 181b.... etc. '17) Ibid 39b. (233 and he said, m praise of the Caliph al=FaJiz

<^-*-^ ^ ^<>) v'^^' — L/^

'Umara often forms his ideas from everyday life, and m his poetry they assume a new importance. Most

Arab writers agreed that life is full of significance, the problem being how to express these ideas m such a way that makes them acceptable to others. tUmara praised al-Kamil, son of Shawar, describing him as his father's right hand with which he can protect his father whenever any danger appears

(20) fUf^ y^obp —^ c/^i -ry^f U^-^ '

In praise of al-VAdil, he said this

"I did not know my luck before I knew him, and water may (21 ) be covered by green moss." v 1

When *Umara commended cIzz al-Din, brother of al-Salih, as the clouds which are formed from the sea, then ram on

the sea

(22) j^C^'^c?^^

(18) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 126b. (1i9) Al-VaskarT, Sina^atain 57. Qudama, Naqd al-Shi'r k, 83. (20) lUmara, Diwan Pet. Ifb. (21 ) Ibid 19b. (22) Ibid 76. ( 236)

Many of his ideas assume a double significance m that one can interpret them m opposite ways, he once said

"Had it not been for the drawing of the sword from its sheath, it would not be renowned for the sharpness of its blade."

While on the other hand, he said

"Either the sword is made bare or it remains in its sheath." ^2k^

He used these ideas repeatedly. '

It should be said that this apparent contradiction cannot be one of lUmara's faults or deficiencies, because the Arab, critics discussed this and made allowance for

+ (26) lt. Sometimes *Umara exaggerates these facts, giving strange viewpoints which may be unacceptable*

(23) <.Umara, Diwan• Pet. 20b. \2h) Ibid k9. 25} I"bid 9, 61 .., ,26) Qudama, Naqd al-Shi^r i+-6. ,27) lUmara, Diwan Pet. i+. ^237 J

The exaggeration is clear, just as it is clear m his praise of Shawar (2.8) ^y^^^^^^ L^f^^*^—^j^y

fUmara wrote on many useful subjects, giving advice

(29) and illustrating his wisdom. ' He emphasised maxims and advice about time for he "believed that time (Dahr)

is man's greatest enemy, he warned people, reminding

them that they should never trust it. He said m one of his poems

"Time does not give you its sweetness, without soon

"bringing "bitterness.." ^ '

'Umara constantly showed that time was his enemy. He said that if he granted it his favour, he would cover all its deficiencies.

(32 ) JjHjl^-?* *2v I JI ^ -^/Vj J'^jy ^

He might have "been right m taking a stand against time, especially when one considers his circumstances and troubles, and what he suffered from "both his enemies and

\28) 'Umara, Diwan- Pet. 23"b. ,293 Ibid. 65, 73, 11U, 118, 174... ,30) Ibid 2, 8, 26, 30, i+3"b, 65, 90, 92"b... ,31 ) Ibid 169. (32) Ibid 1^6. { 238 ) friends, "but would 'Umara have been at such enmity with time, if he had not "been persecuted to the extent that he had to leave his country and his home9 At any rate, ^Umara found some opportunities to praise time. He said to one of his friends

"No thanks to time but for one favour, that is you and

I are together m one city." XJJ1 As he said to Shawar

"you adorned the face of time for rne after it had been ugly." (3i+)

It is interesting to note m this sense that ^Urnara himself made a statement of his ideas

(35) <-o^ <7*jui o—^ -v^ ^

When his ideas were well-received, he would show the reasons for them without any reservation

(33) *-Umara, Diwan Pet. 53. (3U) Ibid 26. (35) Ibid k6b. (239)

(36) ^y^1 1.^-V> ^c^-Stj b

tUmara was gifted m imagination which he developed with his experiences, studies and travel. There is no doubt that his travels through the deserts with their wide horizons, serenity and scattered oases, with their moving palm-trees, shaking bushes and different animals, developed his imagination and helped him to depict many unusual pictures with movement, shades of colour, per• spective and detail. The most "beautiful of these pictures

are those which were m his descriptive poetry and poetry (37) of chivalry.w '

2. His Style and Language.

Bouffon said that the style is the man, "because method, composition and instruction are only what a man can make himself, as for udeas, they may come from external sources. Thus as Andre Maurois said, 'Style is the mirror which reflects the writer'. And it is, there- fore, a vital factor m literature. A critic must, then, "be able to distinguish between various styles. Was

36} 'Umara, Div/an Pet. 60. 37) See this thesis, p.2.18-2.2.6 (2ILO)

lUmara's style easily distinguishable? Some Aral? poets,

such as Abu Tammam, al-Buhtun and al-Mutanat/bi had very much their own styles and while tUmara's style is not so

obvious, it is distinctive enough.

MJmara had a clear sense of construction and a

marked elegance of language and poetic feeling. When

appropriate, for example, m his panegyric, chivalry or

descriptions of "battles, his style is strong and vigorous

J

U » 91 yip//J-^ 9, V>

In his love-poetry, on the other hand, 'Umara's style

shows the necessary delicacy

r Likewise m his eulogies

(38) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 120. (39) It) id 53^. (U0) ibid U6. ( 21+1 )

xUmara. himself maintained that his style was smooth

"I praised him m poetry which had dignity without complexity. Its poet moulded it until it became fluent and smooth." (1+1) No-one would say, however, that his style was perfect. There were m ^mara's poetry lines smacking of prose and weak expression, for example

Those who found this verse acceptable would not be able to accept the following

(2+3) -^^'^^^ ^Wc^/U^^-T because LIbaratun 'An" is not poetical. The strange thing is he repeated it m other verses, like

(2+l|) ^(^^^^k^jjj £>y L^~-" s^'s^^l As for this verse it is not only prosaic, but also the phrase "*\Ala Ma

2+1) Mjraara, Diwan Pet. 54b. 2+2 J Ibid- 47b. '2+3) Ibid 62+b. 2+2+) Ibid 76b. 2+5J Ibid 127. (2h2)

Shahada al-Nasu" (as people saw) is weak m meaning, "because he seemed to he uncertain of the idea he was trying to express, the following is yet another example

1}—-i ^a^l>^ "It is like the habit of the generous man who always excuses." (^6)

Style involves not only construction and connection between the words, hut also choice of words, they should "be suitable m every respect. ^ Because if the meaning was the focal point of a speech, words v/ould be of extreme importance, so they should be connected m the same way that the spirit is connected to the body, as Arab critics used to say.^^ They also said that words ought to be carefully chosen, vivid and easy on the ear.

cUmara was conscious of this and strove to succeed. Poets like al-Mutanabbi and Abu Tammam delighted m their use of strange words, oust as others did not avoid ugly

sounding words. lUmara, however, sought to succeed by normal usages.

(h&) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 3^-b. (47) Qudama, Naqd 100. (k&) Ibn Rashiq, lUmda V. 1/80. (

^.Umara's poetry is readily understood (^9)^/^//>^c^v>;> /^^y^T^f ^Mjjf

1 yj,Ujr cj^ /(?<^>^ s^^t-^t^' ^ ^'

'Umara claimed that his words were well chosen, as he lacked nothing m either strength or delicacy

^ v—y-v ^y7^ L - &

"They are words which avoid heights and go into valleys and plains where the way is easy. But : I wanted to "break up rocks, my tongue would "be equal to the task." (50)

There are, however, a few strange usages to "be found m tUmara's poetry, 'alfaz ghariba'for example

And he said {52) (k^tffl^J&jU There are, m addition to this, words m HJmara's

(49) cUmara, Diwan Pet. 71b. (50) Ibid 164b. (51) Ibid 59. (52) Ibid 164b. (2 WO poetry which appear to "be unsuitable and unpoetic, such as which he uses frequently (53) a'^>^ J\ Jk ios/iffj"'

HJmara was influenced by certain aspects of his life and he often uses terms associated with jurisprud• ence, religion and "QadaJ" sujud, ruku1, nadhr, wafaJ,

Ka^ba, Qibla, Qoran, haqq, ladl, *afw, dhanb, ^Iqab, thawab, fatwa, hukm, qadi, shufta, shahid, wiratha, o * """""" " ka.Laia, sanad, hadith. tawatur (5k) ^^/jifti^iy tS^bA^^cK* He said m praise of al-VAdil lbn al-Salih

(55) ^ jtf t^y^-s f v ;oXV There are many examples of Lhis m his Diwan. (^6)

Another of Mjmara's characteristics was his use of duality too much m many ways and different cases. There is no need to mention particular examples from the Diwan, since there are few pages witnout it. Many poems are also full of duality. s ' He talked to two

(53) 1Umara, Diwan Pet. 21, i+5b, 110b, 172b, 173b. 15k) Ibid kk. (55) Ibid 33b. (56) Ibid k3, 47b, 56, &k, 133b, 171... (57) Ibid- 17, 37, 73, 159, etc. (245) persons m his imagination, for instance when he said "Khalliayya"

(58) ^^\J,V^yP?^ \rh o^'ckfJ-^ Or, when he said ^ (59) r^J^'^Ur^ ^ 1^ ^—/Co

He had an obsession for connecting pairs of things two nouns, names, verbs, adjectives, genitives, phrases and sentences. For example "tall and diyam, nasr and *asr, t*ayid and ghalab. shi^r and khutab, jadd and abb, adhqan and rukab, ''awham and riyab.... lailatu Mihrab wa yawmu hirab, bifasli khitab wa faisal dirab, fi al- ahdathi v/a al-nuwab, dhi al-astar wa al-Hujub. Some- times he mentioned two opposite words jidawa la^ib, badtm v/a muhtajib, ma^ wa lahab. He would give a word m dual form (muthanna), then he would mention the two separately v S> ) .—-^V • to U> I

and. (^l)j(^)^£U> yd [ zS^L, \,

(60) "

58) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 43. 59) Ibid. 12. (60) Ibid 21. (2ue )

The method he used is equally clear m the following examples

(61 ) cs,^_^>2 cJ^tt? y\j>\(J^j^uc /,} ijl

(62) I U ( J^/°^ M 0//c/> Jlo(J jue-sj At times he praised two persons together

L L (63) JtA>lj^J "b> U;f/c;P U);ulc)^

'Umara was fond of referring to "Hijfa" (immigrat• ion), "because when he had left his country, he tried to find an excuse in other examples, he saw the prophet,

Muhammad, immigrated from Mecca to Yathnb, and this

"Hi^ratu al-Rasul" was the "best example for him. He mentioned it many times in his poetry,for instance

(65) Jyl>>^s^_ > hy> U^^J1^^ (< <->1

iUmara used few foreign words m ms poetry, the exceptions "being those few words m common use, such as

"Dast" and "Tast11.^^ "^Umara did use some Arabic words unsuitably, for example the word (-k^) which does not sound well and is not poetical

(67) ^A, oy;J crJ,i,^>)j J 1 «yj I k (V

|61 )t Umara, Diwan Pet. 183b. 62) Ibid 175. '63) Ibid 23. '61+) Ibid 20b, 128, 1i+1b, Wb, 182b, 185. \ 65) Ibid ll+TJb. _ _ 1 - ,66) Ibn_Manzur,_Lisan articles ( —*J ) '67) ^Umara, *Diwan Pet. lj-5"k. (247)

He used this word many times, and he used the word ( L^£-J\ ) m the same way

(69) I-*" V,*J 1 /r^~ f ^y^^-^^^^ij *-Umara was proud of his eloquence and he himself said how people everywhere admired his language.^0)

He often mentioned tins m his poetry

(71) ^^j^-^^^jV ~^y^;^-/i>>U>^

He said his poetry, like him, was pure Arab

(72) \ ^^^/^ ^

His language was the mirror which reflected his culture with its many and various sources. The influence of the Koran is there for al] to see. He used words, phrases and stories, and he quoted vesres (*Ayas) and sentences from it m the way which is called "Iqtibas", c and this art was employed by the Egyptian poets m the

Fatimid's reign. ^v

(74) b^~V) ^^Oj^J^^ It is known for sure that the last phrase m this verse

(69) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 173b. (70) ^Umara, TarTkh 35. (71) Mjmara, Diwan Pet. 98. (72) Ibid 111. (73) Daif, al-Pann Pi al-Shifr 382. (74) *-0mara, DTwan Pet. 8b. ( 248) is taken from the Koran ^'DJ (76) ^--^ *) Js y-J^t^' That he took this from the Koran is obvious'

(77) £,lJ>' £ V1 £Uj-^> ->ss.xu>L>^^J^t\>J He also said

(78) —J^'/y-y^ This quotation is surely taken from this verse

(79) J^L Jrt> ^ c^LUo b There are quite a number of these quotations m the

Diwan.<80> His language studies had considerable influence on him also, many expressions, terms and phrases of "Nahw", philology, "Balagha" andH Arud''can be found. He used "Khfd" and "Raf*" m his verse (81 ) JV-^^1^ J< > 'J And he mentioned "Mubtada-"' and "Khabar" (82) 'f> y o. Z\~Jt^ »^JL'^JU/

175) The_Koran 34 (8abaJ), 13. ,76) lUmara, DTwan Pet. 35. ,77) The Koran 3_9 (Fa^ir) 12. .78) lUnrarra, Diwan Pet. 133. (79) The Koran 20 (Taha) 39. (80) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 8b, 12, 14, 29, 33"b, 35, 39, 40 (81) Ibid. 2b. U4, et (82) Ibid 49b. (249)

About ",lAtf" and "Ta'kid", he said

(83) x>^VhJ^^\t&3 ^jiU'K^1 Terms of prosody are used, for instance "Tawil" (Long) and "Ramal" (Running)

He used to play on words, changing letters or making

"Tashif", interchanging its dots

• • (85) >^2vl-^->^ Ir h —^/u1-^ J'^ He also said (86) J^J^'-v H?^ J<^-Ww~^1 For all his eloquence, genius and culture, 'Umara's

work was not free from error. No-one would claim perfect•

ion for him, and from the point of view of language, there

are errors m his work. He said (87) ^ J^h/y^yu^ L-^y^V'j^C, He says that the sun is always shining and never covered,

and he should have used the present tense (Mudari*).

Actually, he did so, but he used (Qatt)( -^->) with it,

v/hich cannot be used m the present tense m this way,

(83) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 60. (84) Ibifl 146. (85J Ibid 40. (86) Ibid. 149b. (87) Ibid 21b. (250)

(88) because it means the past tense. ' He could have used its partner, (*Awd), which is used m this way. He unfortunately used (Qatt) m another verse m the wrong tense , ^ ^ i ; r"

(89) j~y>^^f^> ^i^^^y

The second mistake is m this verse

(90) V w-c ^P^tstwl-J^jW* ¥>i>

He used the interrogative (Hal) when he should have used

(Hamza) ( \ ) "because this interrogation is "Tasawwun", which cannot "be asked with "Hal", "because it is used m

"Tasdiq.", as the Arab grammarians say.^^

A third m:stake occurs m the following verse

(92) ^-^>l>; osjy VJUoyrj L J/J^pUJU^L* ,

It is clear that he put the predicates of the verb (Daffierfc-), which are "Zawahm, Zawahiru" m the nominative case

(iv'arfu*-) when they should be m the accusative case

(Mansub) "Zawahiyan, Zawahira". lumara did this to accommodate the metre and the rhyme of the verse, but he broke a rule of grammar and tms is not poetical license.

t (88) Ibn_Ya ish)<_bharh Mufassal al-Zamakhahari V. 4/108. (89) *Umara, DFwan Pet. 1231 (90) Ibid 180b. (91) Ibn YaTsh, Jbharh jvlufassal al-Zamakhahari V. 8/1 51 . (92) Uhnara, Diwan Pet. 72b! (251)

The last mistake is his use of the word "Nahw" (towards) instead of "Ila" (to), after the verbal noun "Mudafatan" (m addition) m his verse

(93) J>/C'^11^^ ^ {y JcJ^cs->h»^> *^OJ>

If anyone tried to excuse this by saying that Mjmara intended it to mean 'such as', the sense of "Mudafatan" would be incomplete.

Tnese mistakes are not so serious, and he did not make them too often, bat a famous poet, like lUmara, who was very proud of his poetical language and eloque• nce, should have avoided them, nor was it impossible for him to correct them.

The subject closely connected with the language is proverbs. tUmara's poetry is full of different proverbs and traditional sayings,for example

(95) <<—• y-> >Uu-t.. JC^jJi c?J-/ \jf This is taken from (96) ( ' '\^-<^

'93)

L96) Al-Maidani, Maoma' V. 1/210. ( 252)

His verse (97) includes the proverb (98) and the proverb (99) is included m this verse

(100) \

lUmara's literary culture shone through his poetry, as might have "been expected, and he made frequent refer• ences to otner poets and the special features of poetry.

Other aspects of his culture, such as history, geo• graphy and astronomy, are also reflected m his work. He knew the names of stars and likened them m his eulogies to those whom he was praising. He tried, too, to relate stars and happenings to those about whom he wrote the moon, the sun, meteors, galaxies, pleiades,

"Suha", "Shilra", "B-ahram", signs of the zodiac Aries,

(97)

Gemini, Taurus, planets Venus, Jupiter, Baturn and (1 02) Mars, were often referred to. ' He tried to put them all m their true perspective. He knew that Arabs thought that Mars "brings misfortune and Jupiter "brings luck, so he said (103) ^^^^^u^ cx^^^^^p,{^ and he said about the house of Rukn al-Islam (101+) (^J^11)^-^^^1- When he wanted to describe one of his friends' continual generosity, he says that he was different from the moon "because he was unchanging and never waned (105) o/J^O^-j> ^ybv^LeJi/*^ He explained some scientific facts, he maintained that moonlight is from the sun

3 ( (106) ^/>Jly/j Uyl ^V^^V i> ^ ^> And he knew that Saturn is high, so when ne wanted to show the height of the man v/hom he praised, he said

(102) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 11b, 17, 27, 27b, k9, 59b, 80, 83, 9Ub, 100, 111+, 122... 103) Ibid 27. 101+J Ibid 101b. 105) Ibid 80. 106) Ibid 100. (

(10?)

The last point which should "be noted is the inf• luence of horsemanship m Mjmara's language. It is full of names, expressions and phrases which are connected with horsemanship. ' If he praised a man, he would say. you are a horseman. He always mentions the KQIIIOD of horses m a race, such as "Sabiq.", "Lahiq", "Musalli" or "f/iujalli," as m the follov/mg examples

(109) J~\jJ\jP;/ C> U>

He praised Shawar and his people.

When he praised one of his friends, asking him to execute an action they had agreed, he said, using the words of horsemanship "Asrij" (saddle) the matter and "Aljim" (bridle) it

'107) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 1M-U

,108} ibid 33, 3k, 37b, U1, hh, k5t h<$, 56... 109) Ibid Ok. '110; Ibid 1^0. ( 255)

He said m praise of al-lAdil, mentioning the fine qualities of horses "Agharr1' and "Muhaj^al"

3. The Rhetorical Figures (Badi*)

Arabic poetry was largely without euphemism (Bad!1) m early times, so that it was simple and unornamented, and if there were rhetorical figures m the earliest poetry, that would he natural without any deliberate intent ion. Arab poets and wnters, however, began to look seriously at rhetoric at the beginning of the (11 "5) Abbassid caliphate. The poets at that time fol3ow- ed two methods the f:rst was to keep poetry simple and the second was to change it m keeping with the new life to portray new culture and taste. So they adorned it with rhetorical figures.^ The pioneers were

111) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 33. 112) Ibid 1i+1 . (113) Daif, al-Fann 81+. (114) Ibid 111, 114. (256)

Bashshar (died 167/781+), Mansur al-Namari (died 190/805)

Muslim lbn al-WalTd (died 208/823) and rbn al-Multazz (died 296/909)- who wrote the first "book on the subject

(Kitab al-Badi1), said that they were not the innovators of this art, "because it was m the Koran, "Hadith", and the speech of Arabs, "but they tried to increase it m (115) , poetry. ' The "best of them was Abu Tammam, who (116) increased it greatly and used it to perfection. ' Some of the Arab poets imitated him and filled their poems with various figures, the Egyptian poets were fond of "Badi*", and they filled their poems with it, although most of them did not keep to one method, "but changed from time to time.^^

lUmara was one of the poets who loved "Badi1". It is difficult to say if lUmara started using it from the "beginning of his poetical life or whether he was influe• nced by the Egyptian poets, "because most of his poetry "before this period has been lost.

115) Daif, al-Pann 115, Ibn al-Mu'tazz, al-Badi*- 1. 116) Ibn Rashiq, al-

This story shows how much lUmara was interested m "Badi*". When he recited his poem m praise of lAli it>n al-Za"bad, after the death of al-Salih, which "began

Dirgham suggested changing the word "Ghadarat" ("betrayed) into "Ba^dat" (distant), m his verse

lUmara refused, saying.

"I just wanted to make a contrast (Muqahala) "between "WafaJ" (loyalty) and "Ghadr" ("betrayal)." The answer of Dirgham was

"So, for your contrast, you accuse JS of "betrayal9" (118)

tUmara's available poetry is full of most of the rhetorical figures. There is hardly a page m his "diwan" without examples. "Tawriya" (pun) was newly discovered and increased greatly at this time, ; and he used it successfully in his poetry

(120) ^{o\ ^c^ t ^~J* y" LJ-S The word "Najm" here, gives two meanings, the first one

(118) HJmara, al-Nukat 1U6. (119) Daif, al-Fann 383. (120) '*Umara, Diwan Pet. 105. ( 258 ) is a star in, the sky, "because he said that his descend• ants, the sun and the moon, lighted it for us. The second meaning is the name of Salah al-Dm's father. * • He said to al-Malik al-Salih

The word "Salihan" m this verse gives firstly the name of the prophet of Thamud, "because he mentioned Qidar, the evil man, who killed Salih's she-camel and Thamud. • • and secondly the meaning (Good).

Most of the Egyptian poets were fond of "Jmas" or

"~(1221 ;) — "Tajnis , which means homonym. 'Umara was one of the poets who v/ere fond of using it. His poetry is full of every use of it. He wrote "Jinas Tamm" (complete)

(123) / ^ ~ ^Cw )y^r f f^cJ ^ ^ The word "Yad" m this verse is used twice, it means

'favour1 first and then 'hand'. The following of his verses containing "Jinas Naqis" (incomplete), m which the two words differ m some respects

(124) yt>c>-u7j^yf^

(125) • > \\iJ> ^ I <_J^i \J> JI^^I^V j/j/LA

(121) *Umara, Diwan Pet. l+3h. (122) paif, al-Fann 38O. (123) Mjmara, Diwan Pet. 3"b. (124) Ibid k. (125) Ibid. 9b. ( 259)

(127) -J I a its c_Jy y/ ur

The partner of "Jmas" is "Tibaq." (antithesis), of which lUmara was more fond

(128) , ^1^-^^ (129) He might put "Jmas" and "Tibaq" together m the same verse

(130) -'>J'^o^^

(131) ^J^^yS^JJj^ ^L^OJ^J

He filled verses with "Tashbih" (simile), of whicn Arab poets are particularly fond m descriptive poetry

(132) — ^^y-^ ^ , I^v>/>^ k' —^ U Most of his similes are of the kind which is known as "Ta^hbTh Ballgh" (133) r'/-V'o^'s ^ ^^^J^JJJyh Sometimes he includes more than one simile m a verse

126) ""Umara, Diwan .Pet. 133. '127J Ibid 68. (131.) Ibid 1U9. '128) Ibid 68. (132) Ibid 155. '129) Ibid 66b. (133) It>id 3. 130) Ibid 6b. (13U) Ibid 37b. ( 260)

He used "Kmaya" (Metonymy) with considerable skill. In praise of al-Fa'iz, he described security m his reign

And he said abow^thai Ruaaikf amily t-o-rmra^t

t.y anrt -h-pntrpny t _ .

(136) ^j^. ^^./JJ. \—i^ Another example is (137) ^^^^^^^ ^'^y^

As for "Majaz" ("Prrnnm f i mtn rn ), he used it often and effectively (138)

He described his white hair smiling, while he himself was grieved by it, as if he wore a robe of sorrow, and he said m praise of Shawar that his (Shawar's) favours came to enlighten his mind, while his praise went under this light

(139) y^'c^^'^--5 ^'<^IC-^ His "Majaz" is particularly effective when he describes calamities, for instance when he lamented the loss of his son

(135) ^Umara, Diwan i-et. 16. (136) Ibid Sgfew (138) 1131(1 12 • (137) Ibid 105*. (139) Ibid 2b. (261)

His "Isti^ara" (Metaphor) includes all the kinds known m Arabic literature, for example

(141 )JK <*t>9 ^ \J\^s&^JeJ 2>s>\J> cO)\^s-JLJi J J

He described despair as having a hand and hope with a face. In the same way he described destiny witn bow and arrow, aiming it at his heart

(142) I U'c^y ^J^^t^csJU* ^

He often wrote "Majaz" and "Istilara" together m the

same verse

( 143 ) l. J> a^t Lass *s * f+S? ^ ^' ^ L^"-/-2-*-' O' ^ the These rhetorical figures are not only ones which

'Umara used m his poems, he used others, such as

"Tafwif"

(1 kk)» j*> fe'i'j^ h-^^J ^fb^ Cy b (JJ ^ l»

TaJkid al-Madh bima yushbihu al-Dhamm, m his verse m praise of Badr lbn Ruzzik, showing the weaknesses of this

great man who was as high as the very stars

(140) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 29. (143) Ibid 15b. (141 ) Ibid 2b. (11+1+) Ibid 147. (142) Ibid 5b. (145) Ibid 88b. (262)

HUSH al-Tallil, "which is an ingenious assignment of cause." (^^) He said m this sense to his son

"If you were nob a shining moon, you would not die with the moon's eclipse." (14-7;

Radd al-tAoz '•Ala' al-Sadr, m which "the line ends with the same word... as that which it begins," or other words which it includes.

The most admirable feature is that HJmara used to put many figures, (Jinas and TibaaJ, together in a vers creating balance between the two hemistiches of the verse, which is more perfect m the figure called "Mula ama" or "Muqabala"

It is easy to see that HJmara was balancing two words, one from each hemistich. The first word m the first hemistich (Sadr) corresponds to the first one m the second hemistich ('Ajz), they are, both, verbs m the

(146) Arberry, Arabic Poetry 24. Mky) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 101b. (148) Arberry, Arabic Poetry 24. ML.9) MJmara, DTwan Pet 60. (150) Ibid 110b. (263) present tense, "Taruh, Taghdu", but have contradictory meanings, (to go "back and to go forward). Each of these two verbs is followed "by "wa", which is followed "by "Jarr wa Majrur" (a preposition with its noun), m "Sadr" (Bilnasr), and m "lA;jz" (Lilfath). He followed this with adjectives m each hemistich, which are "Al-vAziz, al-Mubm". He ended each hemistich with an infinitive with an attached pronoun, which are called "Rawahuha, Bukuruha", with opposite meanings. The following examp• les may show this art more clearly

(1 51 ) ^r*9 I \*? '3^1 <^-^~^ ^ ' 'j (_rGS L*- oi \jf

(152) (1 There are also a number of examples of this m his Diwan;

It is interesting to note that tUmara used "Badi1" m every theme of his poetry, even m elegy, despite the fact that most poets avoided it m elegies because they felt that ornament is not compatible with the sadness which should be m elegy. 'Umara said m his elegy to

al-Salih n|, , „/, , - ..k

(151) Mjmara, Diwan Pet. 1+8. (152) Ibid 20. (153) Ibid 9"b, 13"b» 33^, ^9b, 51b, 5^-b, 6U, 8U, etc. (15U)

U. Rhyme (Qafiya).

"Qafiya" is the melody which is repeated for effect at the ends of verses. It is of great importance m Arabic poetry because it resembles the musical theme we like to hear and our ears anticipate its melody.

Arabs, from earliest literary times until the present day, have shown a preference for repeated rhyming and prefered it to other methods of ending verses. The last letter m the "Qafiya", by which the poem is usually distinguished, is called "Rawiyy", so Arab critics called the poems by their "Rawiyys", m this way Jimiyya, Daliyya and Kafiyya. ?or this reason Arab poets took care with their rhymes and tried to choose suitable letters. *Umara understood the importance of rhyme well, so his rhymes were generally suitable with letters which sounded (155) well and easy to pronounce.

It seems that 'Umara, at least m his available poetry, did not compose poems m all alphabetical letters,

15I4-) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 65. 155) Qudama, Naqd 19. (265) because there is no poem m his Diwan rhymed with any one of these seven letters " i> £ These are very difficult to use, and Arab poets rarely used them

1 m their poems.( ^6) He used other letters abundantly

" ^ & ^J^y<^f "About half his poetry was rhymed with these three letters " and<-j", they are used m about 3,400 of the available 7,000 verses. As for the

other letters, he used some of them m a few lines, for

example "

10V. ; Ha' 5V. , Kaf 2V. , dad 4V. , and Za? 2V. .

•

It is difficult to know for sure if lUmara disting• uished particular letters to use them m each theme or not, because it seems that he composed eulogy, elegy,

epistolary and other themes m all of tne letters which he used frequently »-' J .... etc. He followed normal rules m rhyming his poetry. Most of his "Rawiyy"

letters are "Mutlaqa" (ending with a vowel - "Haraka"),

while those rhymes which end with "Sukun" (consonant)

called "Muqayyada", were very rare, as is usual m Arabic

poetry. ^ ^ ^

156) AnTs, MusTqa al-Shicr 248. 157) Ihid 260. (266)

Mjmara also used other technical devices, for instance adding "Alif al-Itlaq." (being absolute), "ha^ al-Sakt" (silent Ha') and "Kaf al-Khitab" (compellative Kaf) (158) ^JlcM^7i.^o\ <*s I l^'^b^U.

(159) t^' ^f 1,. <_s^^^

(160) U^Ay'v^U/j^ \^>lyp u>yu^ tr—^

(161) ^*^^^^^ sS^/-^L*>^*^£>U

He began all his odes with "Tasri1", which means that the first hemistich rhyme is the same as the rhyme pattern of the poem. Most Arab poets, especially the great ones, did this to show the beauty of tneir (1 62) rhyming. ' They also thought that this was more poetical and effective.^ ^^ Abu Tammam had this to say

"You make gift after gift, exactly as you admire the verse of poetry when it is rhymed in both hemistiches (Yusarratu)" (1 6JU)

56) '-Umara, Diwan Pet. 59. ,159) Ibid. 57. 160) Ibid 110. |161 ) Ibid. 16U. 162) Qudama, Naqd* 19. ,163) Ibn Rashiq, lUmda V. 1/99. ,164) Abu Tammam, Diwan V. 2/322. (267)

Most Arabs did not only satisfy this condition, "but tney put other "Tasrils" m their poems. So did lUmara m e (165) many poems, ^' for example

He also used other rhymes inside the verses, which could "be called "Tarsi1-" (internal rhymes)

(167) ^f\}**f>'^> oy V' co ^' Jt^ y'- y^ i ^, ^

Many examples of "Tarsiv" can be seen m his Diwan. Besides this, he tried to add another rhyme at the ends of the first hemistiches of a few verses m many odes,^^"^ which is called "lArud", to increase the sense of rhythm m his poetry.

(170)*v)'cO/£\~*j£ d{yJ< ^-**\_*5""

He was an expert m technique, so he accepted the sugg-

(165) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 2b, 27, 30b, 33^, 34b, 35b, 45, 60, 67... 166) Ibid 46. 167) Ibid 27. (168) Ibid 9, 35b, 37"b, 50, 77, 88, 133...etc. (169) Ibid 47, 64, 66, 82, 154, 164...etc. (170) Ibid 175. (268) estions of some of his friends to compose poetry ending with specific letters. One day, Ruzzik had asked him to

composea."poem rhyming with 'Kha" ( £^ ) ", so lUmara wrote one with the following opening (171) ^ J ' 'o^J- ^

But despite his technical ability, he avoided the com• plications of "Luzum ma la ylzam" (Observing what need not be observed), that is having two or more identical

consonants m each end rhyme, as al-Malarrt had, except these seven verses

JL ( I I JJj U~ ^jJL> |

He pointed to this m the last verse

(172)

On the other hand, '-Umara tried to purify his poetry from the deficiencies of rhyme, whether permiss•

ible or not, such as "Iqwa,M, "'ItaJ" and ,,IkfaJ" , and he was successful, despite the fact that he sometimes

1171) 'Umara, Diwan Pet. 37. .172) Ibid. 153. (269) used unsuitable and unpoetic words in his rhyming, part• icularly when he used the difficult letters, for instance Madkh, Tala-'ih, Jihash, Khashash and al-Bustuq..

5. His Metres (Buhur)

It is not easy to give a clear picture of the metres employed or the reasons he chose them. Not all his poetry is available of course, nor did he write any• thing on the subject. To judge from the poetry available to us, he used only eleven different metres, ignoring five "touaari*" (the similar), "Mutadarak" (the contm- uous), "Muqtadab" (the lopped), "Madid" (the extended) e and "Hazaj" (the trilling). tUmara used the more common metres from Jam]lyya until his own time, avoiding the unusual. Most of the poets immediately before his time, hod increased the short and unusual metres m their poetry, especially m ''Gha^al, Khamn.yyat and Mujun."^"^^ Al-Ma^am considered that the practic• al metres were about four m number, "Tawil, Basit, Wafur and Kanul." The short ones were originally used m Islamic times when singing became pojoular. ^ 1

173) Husam, ¥1 al-Auab_I»nsr al-Patimiyya 272. 17M Al-Ma'-arrT, al-Fusul 212. (270)

It seems that vUmara tried to keep the tradational methoas as far as metre was concerned. About 2,000 verses were written m "Tawil", the most imoortont metre m Arabic literature.^1 ^ About 1 ,950 verses were written m "Kamil", about 1,150 verses m "Basit", and aoout 1+00 verses m "Khaf if". These are^the four metres which al-Ma^arri chose, and they are the most widely used metres m the history of Arabic poetry. The other metres which *-Umara used m his poetry are, m order of importance "Rajaz", "Wafir", "Sant1', "Mutaq.- arib", ''Muotathth'1, "Ramal" and "Munsanh". Some Arab v/riters maintained that tnere is a relationship between

(1 the metre and the subject matter and feeling of the poet. Al-Ma^arri obviously thought so, because he said that short metres were suitable to "Ritha-'", "Ghazal" and "Hamasa".^ ^ *Umara composed "Madih, Ritha* ' and other themes in Tawil, Kamil, Basit and \/afir. These subjects were written m long, slow metres because he felt that they best fitted the circumstances. *Umara tried to use normal metres m their basic

(175) Amis, liiusiqa al-Shi^-r 59. (176) Ibid 177-178. (177) Al-Ma*arrl, al-Fusul 262. (271 ) forms, with complete feet and correct scansion, he tried to avoid "Majzu-*, Mashtur, Manhuk" and other incomplete forms as often as he could. Only one poem m "Ma^zu1 al-Kamil" can "be found and one in "Majzu' al-Rajaz", *Umara made strenuous efforts to avoid "Zihafat" (devia- tions), "^Ilal" (defects) and other faults m his poetry, faults such as "Kharm, Khazm, Sharm, Khabn, Kaff and Wags". He aimed, then, at a pure poetry, which was normal acceptable.

lUmara, as is a poet's right, often took advantage of poetic licenses, (al-dara-*lr), of which there are about 160.^1^^ He mostly used "Sarf al~MamnuL Mm al- Sari" (putting nunnation to the diptote) to fit the • metre. He did this with the adjectives which are m the form of "Af*al" like "Abyad" and "Aswad"

or like "adham" and "ashhab" m this verse (180) fcM-^'^/^j ^i^J^'c^^^/

He also did the same with words m the forms "Mafa*il",

"Mafa*il" and "Fawalil"

(181) ^jf^Ulf^bj'/ [sJt/tsCtS^e-tj

(178) Al-'Alusi al-Dra^lr wa ma yasugh lil-Sha(ir... (179) lUmara, im/Sn *Pet. U9. (180) Ibid 19. (1 81 ) Ibid 2. (272)

(182) —>^'7y^^t^ ^'j^u)\bo\^^b

(183) ^Ub/W^'J^" ir V—e^J>^-r^ti^

Even non-Ara"b names were treated m the same way, such as "Bahram" m the following verse (18U) —^Jl/^l ^) '//^ —\ j (lr/->y?

The second license which he used was "Madd al- Magsur", for instance "JAf*a" I) m the following verse which he made "Af*a"' (/Ui) (185) s\**frdrMt^^S ^u^1 ^l ^ On the other hand he changed "Mamdud" into "Maqsur", like Sama' ( ) and Dawa^ ( f-^?-> ) which he changed to (sama) and (Davra), ( ^ )( ) (186) \^-~J<'"cr ,?>\/ ^^(^J^,; 3

6. His Ra.iaz.

tUmara's "Rajaz" should he studied separately "because of the special importance of this metre m

Arabic poetry, Ara"b prosodists claimed that it is the origin of all Arabic metres. Arabs began to sing it as "Huda*" on their camels, m harmony with the movement

182) *umara, Dlwan Pet. 13. 183) ibid 14. (185) Ibid 5b. 184) Ibid 10. (186) Ibid 6b. (273) of the camels' feet. It might have developed from

"Saj*" (prose rhyme), when it was first evolved m Jahiliyya, it "became well-known all over Arabia m a short time and it was considered as "Diwan al-*Arab", m which Arab virtues and chronicles were ^reserved. It was the storenouse for their language and preserved their fame (Ahsab) and origins (Ansab).^1^^ They recited it, and added to it at every opportunity, during battles, disputes, races, work, while carrying water, or during any difficult task. When other metres were evolved,

"Rajaz" was still used. Some Arab writers said that "Rajaz" is one of the ordinary metres, while others maintained otherwise. Al-Khalil, the inventor of the Prosody, was asked about this idea and he once said "Yes, it is Qasid", and he said at another time "It is (1 88) not". ' Indeed, "Rajaz" depends on its form, feet and rhyme, because rules were invented for it. A "Rajaz" ode which is called '"Urjuza" (P.Arajiz) should have the same rhyme at each end of all hemistiches (Sudur and JAljaz). Thus some prosodists said that the hemistich m "'Urjuza" is a verse, not "Misra1", as it is m Qasid. Then they

187) Al-Bakri, Arajlz al-vArab i|. 188) Ibn lwan;air, Lisan Article (Ra^az) i y /) (27U) said that every 'Urjuza should consist of an odd number of verses. So the normal number and metre of this verse is, three times of "Mustaililun". (189) It may be only twice m some instances, which is called "Majzu'". In the JUmayyad era, Rajaz became more famous. It was used for many subjects, particularly eulogy. Poets tried to preserve their vocabulary, so they filled it with "Gharib" (little-known words). The most famous poets to improve Pajaz were al-'Ajjaj (died 90/708), Ru'ba (died 1/+5/762) and Abu al-Najm (died 130/7^7). The poets m 'Abbasid time used Rajaz for new themes, such as hunting poetry (Tardiyyat), the best known of them were Abu * Nuwas and Ibn al-MuHazz. tUmara might have written many 'Urjuzas, but unfortunately, there are only five (190) available m his Diwan, ' m addition to this, there are 10 poems, (Qasidas) which are written m "Rajaz" metre, but they are not of "Rajaz" technique. They consist of 252 Rajaz lines which are called hemistiches m Qasid. Some others have no doubt been lost. This Rajaz is of outstanding quality, a good example of

lUmara's skill. Arab linguists said that not every poet is able to compose "Rajaz", and also that not every

(190) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 52, 98, 115b, 150, 187. (275)

"Rajiz" can compose "Qasid", so those who composed "both (191) were rare indeed.v ' The best of MJmara's •'Urjuzas is the one which was written to congratulate Shawar at "*Id al-Pitr" which • o

(192) &^o\oiVSJ>

It consists of 85 Rajaz lines in the correct metre. In the introduction, he described his mount as the others did m Rajaz. 'Umara gave his camel human characterist•

ics, saying that she listens to the singer as if she understood what he says

From this description, *Umara passes easily into the praise of Shawar

It seems that ^Umara composed this 'Urjuza during the second rule of bhawar, because he mentioned m it that Shawar left the ministry for a short time. But he did not shed the robe of authority while the ministry v/as

(191) Al-Jahiz,_al-Bayan V. 1/215. (192) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 115. (276) anxious about him, *Umara likened the authority to the sun of "Yusha*" (Joshua) the prophet

^Umara ended this ode asking Shawar for help because he was poor and m debt (Madm)

'gs-^ JzSj ^>)\'t>y?Z» ^jXf\Qj^ J-\>,jjjro\ ^- """" —

The language m this ode, as m others, is eloquent and vigorous. The words are well chosen and high-sounding. There are, hov/ever, many strange words (alfaz ghariba). as the earliest poets made this a necessary condition many years before *Umara.

It is important to note that most of these "Arajiz" were written for Shawar and his family, because the second one was written m praise of Shawar's son, (Sulaiman)

The third is m praise of al-Majid, Shawar's son-in-law

(193) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 52. (277)

0910 u^/jJ+k^jj^b ^-y^j^^Vz^ while one of the other two was written to "be given on "behalf of a friend of

r (1'95) _^^ ^A _^yi^J^l The last was written for some unknown person; it may have "been for S ha war or one of his fammly, because *"Umara was complaining of poverty and asking for help exactly as he did m the first one, but it was entitled; "and he also said."

(196)

It might be asked why *Umara cnose Rajaz for the

ShawarSj and the answer is probably that the Shawars are from the "Sa*d" tribe as Shawar himself was called Shawar al-Sa*di, and from the Sa*d tribe came the great•

est trinity of Rajaz poets al-'Ajjaj, hDs son RuJba and

(19*0 lUmara, Diwan Pet. 187. (195) Ibid 98. (196) Ibid 150. (278) odes to this family with the intention of reminding them of their old relatives. It could he that Shawar asked *Umara to do this.

7. His Muwashshahat.

The Muwashshah is one of the Arabic poetic arts which was probably evolved m Andalus m the ninth cent- (197) ury A.H. m the Marvani state. ' Then it became well-known for many centuries, 'shining on the literary horizon'. Ibn Khaldun says that the inventor was

Jtfuqaddam lbn Mulafir al-Fann, the poet of VAbdallah (198) lbn Muhammad al-Marwani.v '

«

When the Arab poets m Andalus settled down m the new land, they mi-iced with its people, were influenced by its culture and its way of life. They were thus able to develop this new poetic art which they employed for sing• ing. The new art was developed with its own form and technique. They constructed it m order of many 'ribbons' (Asmat) and branches (Aghsan) which follow each other m (197) Al-Kanm,_Fann al-Tawshih 17. (198) Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima 1*103. (279)

(1 99) rapid succession. ' The Muwashshah consists of sever- al stanzas m which Lne rhymes are so arranged that the master rhyme ending each stanza and running through the whole poem like a refrain is contj/iually interrupted "by a

success: on of subordinate rhymes. (^00) Tjig ma-)on"Ly of

Muwashshahat consists of 7 strophes according to lhn

Sallam, m fact, the average number of strophes was 5-7• Most Arab literary men sand that this art came to the (201 ) East from Andalus, after it became popular there. ' The Eastern "\/ashshah" who excelled m this art was Ilibatullah lbn Ja^far, ibn Sana-* al-„iulk (diea 608/1212), (202 ) — v ' the author of the first book on this art (Dar al- Tiraz). In it he admitted that the Eastern poets learned o it from Andaltis and they were imitators of its iuuwasftshah- - • at.^^~^ However, there were some poets m the East who wrote m this art before lbn SanaJ al-Mulk. hodern Arab writers have mentioned quite a number of them, such as t|Jthman lbn Tsa al-Balti (died 599) and al-Qadi al-Padilj2014^ but ^Umara, who was one of the pioneers of composing

(199) Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddima 1103. (200) Nicholson, a literary history M6. (201) Ibn Bassam, al-Dhakhira V. 2 S. 1/1. (202) Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima 114. _ (203) Ibn Sana9 al-Mulk Dar al-Tiraz 10. (204) Al-Karim, Fann al-Tawshih '151-152. (280) this art in the East was not acknowledged. HJmara's available Muwashshahs are only two, but they are so technically perfect and beautiful that it is reasonable to assume that some are lost.

It is certain, however, that lUmara wrote these two Muwashshahs more than 10 years before his death, because he wrote them m praise of al-Malik al-Salih, his son and his brother, Paris al-Muslimm, whose rule ended m 558 A.H. The first one of them is (205) J3'u>/y>lJ J^U^^yL ^ ^

It consists of five "Qufls" and four "Baits" m the

"Basit" metre, but it is not complete

AS for the other one, it is m "Mutaqarib" metre, but it is "Maqsur" m both its { LArud and Darb) • * •

oj-«—• u^: y—^

(205) HJmara, Diwan Pet 19^b (281 )

(206) or -^»JP o^Xcj CsyJI jusl sl$> lUmara began both of them with "Ghazal" which was the

original theme of Muwashshahst because "rarely does a

* Muwashshah aeal m anything but love, except m religious poetry, kven m panegyric, the form of addressing a lover is often retained". ^ So HJmara followed this method and devoted half of each to "Ghazal". He passed on to the praise of Fans al-MuslimTn saying «—>^>f^^K—^y/ j^ji^k,^ p —<_r~> & ^ ftjJt ?f&< > He ended the other saying m praise of al-Nasir (the son of al-Salih _

. — (SOS) Umara used the metres usual in Muwashshahs, ' as he used incomplete metres and Lhis is the poet's favourite way. His style is delicate, his language facile and his words right-sounding, and these are the qualities necess• ary for poetry to be sung. They were without "Zajal" ending, "Khar,!a Zajaliyya" - having a colloquial ending - which the poets of Andalus believed so

(206)

(209) Ibn Sana-* al-Mulk, Dar al-Tiraz 31-32. (283)

CHAPTER 4. His Place m the History of the Arabic Literature.

1. His Predecessors

tUmara did not begin writing poetry m the ordinary way. As we know, he was advised to write a "ooem on a particular occasion. He welcomed the idea, but was unable to complete the task. He might have had the innate ability, but he lacked the technical skill. Practise m poetry is, of course, essential and Arab critics have said that talent, motivation, skill, meditation, practise and diligence are the bases of good poetry.^ ^

Al-^Abdi, who had advised HTmara to write this poem, put him m a rather awkward position, m so much that he had to appear as a poet to the people. This

experience, however, made lUmara set his mind to being a poet. He looked to literature for his inspiration and studied diligently the Arab poets who had preceded

(1 ) Al-Jurjani, al-v/asata 21. (28U) him, memorising what he admired m their work. In this way they "became his models and teachers. vUmara made much use of these poets and their influence can "be seen clearly m his poetry. Some might consider this a deficiency.

This subject was widely discussed "by Arab writers. Their point of view differs greatly from the Western one, they largely believed that imitation and influence of thns sort was for the good. They gave different names to the various aspects of the process, stealing (Sanqat), taking (Akhdh), imitation (Taqlid), citation (iqtibas), following (ittiba*), generating (Tawlid), extension (Tawsi1), adding (idafa) and so on. 1 Arabic literature is full of examples of this kind. The crit• ics, however, accused most, if not all, Arab poebs of stealing others' poetry, even the greatest poets, such as Abu Tammara, al-Buhturi and al-R-'utanabbT were involved and many books were written about them to show what they had done. J> However, 'novice' poets were allowed to imitate famous poets axid this is a natural enough process

(2) Ibn Rashiq, al-*Umda V. 2/215-226. Al-lAskari, al-SinF^atain 196-235. _ (3) Al-SmadTj_ al-Fuwazana, Ibnl Abbad, al-Fashf , al- Tha'alibi, al-Yatima V. 1/87-100, al-'Amidi, al- Ibana lbn Waki1 , al-Munsif, al-Hatimi, al-Ivud.iha. . . etc, (285)

Al-'Askari realised that this had to "be so, "but he also stressed that the poet should write m his own words. Regardless of the critics' opinions, vUmara was m need of help. The effects on 'Umara's poetry fall into three kinds

1 lUmara thought the traditional Arab poets were so great, that those following them should imitate their methods. Thus, his poetry was conservative. He retained the traditional technique of the Arabic Qasida, which was formed m the Jahiliyya m Ujadih'. Ara"b poets, there- fore, tried deliberately to preserve Qasida m all their long odes. lUmara maintained "lAmud al-Shicr", with• out "breaking any "basic rules of those writers who had gone before, a cursory look at his poetry reveals a number of these features the style, in its vigour and delicacy the prelude, "Ghazal", the conclusion, "Du^'", other similar themes and the smooth passing from one theme to another. This was the line which al-Euhturi followed, it was called "lAmud al-Shi*r"« lUmara is probably ret erring to this when he says

(k) Al-lAskari, al-Smacatam 196. (5) Daif, al-Fann £1 . (6) See this thesis p.151—16"3 (286)

II. The second major influence on 'Umara's poetry was that he quoted verses or hemistiches of those poets he admired, this is called "Tadmm" m Arabic literature (Umara said

f Jf u 10 (8 )S „ f U 1Lcr >^ ^ <~sj c^ Of- ^ -V It is clear that the second hemistich is taken from a hemistich of Imru* ul-Qais's verse

(9) _~ c Oh ^ <->^>c>< It is clear from that the second hemistich is taken from Abu al-'Atahiya' verse (11) ~JH'Oy^ \r D>" \> v_ LjJ (J ij, This line ^

(12) cky* °/'-> <—^^j ,>^>^^^d^ includes a part of the prelude of lmru' ul-^ais's

"Mutallaqa" , ^

(7) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 103. (8) ibid 12b. (9) Imru' ul-Qais, DTwan 55. (10) 'Umara, DTwan Pet. U3» (11) Abu_al-lAtahiya, DTwan 23. (12) *Umara, Diwan PeU 152. (13) Imru' ul-Qais, DTwan 121+. (2G7)

He sometimes mentions the name of the poet whose verse he has quoted, as he did with Imru' ul-Qais, calling him "lbn Hujr"*

which is from his verse (15) ^jj^^Jt>\*i>y* \r\JJ~d-jJ^J

In some verses, tUmara merely used the meaning of some

other poet's verses (16) S*:^rt ^-v^/J'/i/b^bj

This verse is taken from the meaning of lAli itm Abi

Talib's hemistich

(17) tJ^^Jt cJi/y^f . . . - * -

lUmara likened life to a "borrowed dress which should "be

returned (18) ^v*-: 1]0^i>\<~u>)s s ' •—^ ^J>" * ^y

It is worth noting that ''Umara repeated this meaning m

his verse (19) o/LJ-—jyO^LL^—P I ^ ijiy^'^^J-

It seems that he took this meaning from Labid's verse

1U) lUmara, Diwan Pet^ 75b. 15) Imru* ul-Qa^s, Diwan 72. (16) lUmara,_Diwan Pet. 1U5b. (17) lAli, Diwan_ 3h> (18) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 65. (19) Ibid 78b. (288)

(20) Z^J[>so\ £^hs>Hdj&SA?JWi» or, perhaps, it is taken from al-Afwah al-Awdi

(21 ) yU.;_-' s y iVf) ^J> \j, I

*Umara, bemoaning those days of his life which "brought him trouble, said

(22) -L^-oyi, J j ( > U> ^ f,^J^\

Aba al-Hasan al-Tihami had expressed the same thought

"before him (23) ¥/Wi~—*J> A> U U J u^^^S klraara's line is taken from lton Abi Rabija

(25) ? ?H K^s* <~y°J <>U/J

Sometimes vUmara improves the meaning and adds to it, as he did to the verse of al-Nahiftha (26) J^^juyf^J^^ jC/jJ^h^^Js^ '•Umara said here

\20\ Lahid, Diwan 22. _ .21) Al-Jui"3ani,_al-Wasata V. 1/1U9.

\22 J ^UmaraA Diwan _Pet 8. ,23) Al-Tihami_ Diwan 105. 21+) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 68b. ,25) Ibid_ 187. ,26) Al-Nabigha. Diwan 25. l .27) Uraara, Diwan Pet 12. (289)

There are many similar examples of other poets, for — „ _ — (28) instance SamawJal, JA*-sha, Abu Nuwas and ibn Zaidun.

III. The third influence m lUmara's poetry can be seen m the similarity between his techniques and sub• jects and those of Abu Tammam and al-Mutanabbi. Al- Buhturi, too, had a general influence on ^Jmara's poetry.

•

It might be reasonably asked if any of his contemp•

oraries had any effect on his poetry. Al-tAbdi was

lUmara's first teacher m poetry. He v/as with lUm9ra for a few days during his first attempt to v/rite poetry,

m an attempt to Let vUmara to follow his advice. He

also wrote lUmara's first poem for him which v/as dec•

lared as lUmara's own work. Al-^Abdi certainly did influence *Umara, but the extent of his influence is difficult to g"auge because little is known of al-^Abdi's

work. Jt is certain, however, that al-lAbdi was one of x-he members ol the school which tried to uphold "''Amud

al-Shitr". He began most of his poems with "Ghazal"

prelude, as lUmara tells us m recounting the poem which al-lAbdi wrote, describing the places from Zabid to (29) Aden, J ' in the same way as the Jahiliyya poets used to

(28) <-Umara, Llwan PeU 35, U9, 61 , 115, 13^, 1i+6b... (29) Al-Janadi, al-Suluk MS. (Dei). 5i<0. (290) do. The following is one of his poems m praise of al-Dali lImran ibn huhammad lbn Saba-* , which begins with

"Ghazal"

(30 J On the other hand, al-\Abdi followed Abu Tamrnam's school m increasing "Bacli4" m his poetry, as in his verses

(31)

So al-'Abdi might welJ have sown the seeds of these techniciues in iUmara's poetry.

As for the influence of a]-itfutanaDbi, this is almost automatic ^ith nearly all the Arab poets who foll• owed m his path. Most Arabic poets, m fact, were followers of al-Lutanabbi and they studied his works in an endeavour to write like him. lUmara was one of these. Anyone reading 'uraara's poetry can reod.ily see the influence o± al-Iwiitanabbi. The spirit of al-Kutanabbi soars m *-IJmara's poetry, m self-con!idence, boastlul-

30) Al-Shaibani, Qurrat al-*Uyun MS. hi- 31 ) Ibid ko. (291 ) ness, pride and exaggeration. He used many of al- Mutanabbi's ideas and images and quoted some of his verses and phrases. The second hemistich of this verse, which is to Ibn Dukhan

(32) vol +iJr*is-l»d&s£j-zj is the second hemistich of al-Mutanabbi' s verse (33) ot^y'o-^^'^Jip^ Lri^ JAa>^

He quoted this verse of al-Mutanabbi

(3k) —sH^*>o&yi m these two verses

\/hen UTmara praised al-Kasir lbn al-Salih m this verse

(36) ^>>/iy>j(>/^^>u i:-!/^^/^^ he imitates closely what al-Mutanabbi said m praise of Saif al-Dawla al-Hamdani a

In spite of the fact that al-Mutanabbi was proud of himself, he advised lovers to show humility to their

32) 'Umara, Divan Pet. 192b. 33) Al-Kutanabbi, Div/an V. k/U73.

(3k) Ibid 1/209A (35) HJrnara, Diwan Pet. 20b. (36) Ibid 36. (37) Al-Mutanabbi, Diwan V. U/133. (292)

"beloved

(38) > cVyc/u^ ^yl^-^>"ul,-^, '•Umara agreed with him about this

(39) > hd > 2xJ>'ol (SyJ\i3 o S/& V Al-Mutanabbi was very proud of his poetry, believing that time would sing its praises

'-Umara said m the same sense

and said

(1+2) ^U/^^P/Ji uL^61> ^r*bh There are many more examples in his Diwan.

As for the influence of Abu Tammam, it is not only m following Abu Tammam's method to fill his poetry with "Baditu,^ and using his thoughts and verses,

tUmara went furtner than this, he actually v/rote many poems in the same metre and rhyme of Abu Tammam's most famous ode which was written for thecoiigmLS^ of

(38) Al-wlutanabbl, Diwan V. 2/1+11+. (39) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 96b. (1+0) Al-Uutanabbi, Diwan. V. 2/16. (1+1) '•Umara, Div/an Pet. 103. (1+2) Ibid 30b. (1+3) Ibid 2, 7, 19, 21, 3Ub, etc. (1+1+) See this thesis p. 2.55 •- 2- 63 (293)

(VAmuriyya) Amorium. Its prelude is

The most important odel Umara wrote was the one he wrote m praise of al-Malik al-Salih. One can easily see the similarity "between it and Abu Tammam's which *Umara imitated according to the technique called "Mu^arada" m Arabic literature. It is a long ode (of 78 verses), which begins

(1+6) ^b^^iMl^/^ -^WU^^^-v^1 Abu Tammam wrote his ode m praise of the Abbasid

Caliph al-Multasim (died 227/81-1-1 ) after the victory m the battle of "^Amuriyya". Andt Umara wrote his ode m praise of al-balih, the Fatimid Vizier, after the killing of the rebel Buhram and the putting down of his revolt. So both of the odes have the same basis, containing the same themes of praise, war and bravery. tUmara begins his ode with maxims, exactly as Abu Tammam did

1+5) Abujrammam,_Diwan V. 1/1+5. 1+6) (Umara, Div/an Pet. 9b. (29U)

After a few lines, Aon Tammain describes the battle, and while ^Umara follows him m this, he passes into it through the praise of al-Salih, describing his courage, showing that he put his heavy chest upon Time, until Destiny lost its power. That is to say his people became the souls of doubt and uncertainty

SJW^ f y^^-

'Umara went on to praise the Ruzzik family, likening them to a quern turning round a pole

*Umara used his ability to great advantage m des• cribing the Ruzzik's horses, weapons and skill m battle and he emphasised al-3alih's pure Arab origin (of "uU*" Ghassan), high position m the Caliphate, his beautiful crown, his generosity, wisdom and bravery. He ended m

the same way as Abu Tammam ended his ode, with "DuLaJ 11

to al-Multasiru, lUmara did it for al-^alih, saying

t+fy J '

(U7) HJmara, Diwan Pet. 10. (295)

There is no doubt that lUmara took much from Abu Tammam's ode, he obviously admired it and he might well have mem• orised it. When the opportunity arose of writing a great ode m praise of al-^alih, he was naturally affected by it. 'Umara employed many of Abu Tammam's vivid pict• ures, strong phrases and words. He ended hi verses with rhymes from Abu Tammam's ode, and just as the portrayal of the battle by Abu Tammam was very much alive, so it was m *Umara's ode

Most of the last verse is taken from Abu Tammam

There are many verses or phrases like this, which lUmara borrowed from Abu Tammam.

2. His Creative Art.

In the Arabic language, creative art is expressed by many popular terms such as "Khalq.", "lbda*", "Ibtikar", and others. Some Arab writers thought that thereWere some differences between them, while others thought that they were alike. Any difference, however, appears clearly m a discussion of their technical meanings. (296)

First comes the creation of a new art form with new "boundaries and techniques, for example the invention of "Muwashshah" m Arabic literature, or a branch of this art. For example, Safiyy al-Dm al-Hilli invented, "al-

• • Muwashshah al-Mujannah" (the winged Muwashshah) or "al- Jmas al-toujannah" (the winged homonym). ^

•

Secondly, the writers said that it is making some• thing from nothing, the new ways of expressing originality m the creation of images and the expression of ideas.

Bashshar, Abu Nuwas, Ibn al-MuHazzand ^^) j^— Tamma"m all showed creative powers, Abu I'ammam wrote.

"If God wanted to reveal a virtue which had been hidden, he could easily provide the tongue of an envier to do it." (50)

Thirdly, is the creation of some great monument m art or literature, such as writing a perfect ode with a meaning near to perfection.

lUmara did not have the good fortune to invent any

(k&)*Alwash, Safiyy al-D~n 232, 276. (k9( Ibn Rashiq, al-Mlmda V. 2/133-188. (50) Abu Tammarn, Diwan V. 1/302. (297) new art form m Arabic literature, "but he had much to offer m perfection of meaning and nev ideas. A study of his available poetry will show that he wrote many excell• ent odes, such as his elegies to al-Malik al-Salih, his two elegies to Salah al-Dm's father, most of his elegies to his sons, some of his eulogies to al-Salih and his relatives, and other eulogies to al-lAdid, Shawar, Shams

al-Dawla, his ode to Salah al-Dm whDch is called (Shik- * . —— ayat al-Lutazallim) and his elegy to the Fatimid Caliph- ate, about which somebody said "Never has a better poem been written m honour of a dynasty after it has been (51 ) destroyed."K ' Almost everyone who reads them admits that they are excellent m their ideas, imagination, style, originality and strength. The virtues of these poems are extolled by most of the writers who wrote about f — (521 ) Umara's poetry. Analysis of these odes would be a useful study which would be proof of Hlmara's artistic experience and poetical technique.

As for the contrivance of meanings and ideas, his poetry is full of examples. Many of his biographers

51) MaqrizI Khitat V. 2/392. 52) Ibn KHallikan, 'tfafayat. v. 1/568, Qalqashandi, Subh V. 37533, ibn Hujja. Thamarat 22, ibn_V/asil _ * * Mufarrij (Deri 611 ;, sibt lbn al-Jawzi, Mir'at V. 1, S. 8/302. (298) admired his verses and it is interesting to examine some of the verses which aroused admiration. '"Umara said of Shawar

"Iron "became weary from iron, and Shawar did not tire (from the war) from helping the family of Muhammad. _ Time had sworn to find one like him (Shawar), 0, Time, your oath was unfulfilled, so you should make atonement." (53)

*Umara portrayed Shawar as a patient and brave hero m battle, because he continued fighting to bring victory to the Patunid Caliph and never wearied when iron became weary. He was indeed unique. Time could not find one like him.

When Turkhan Salit was crucified, lUmara saw his body ana said

"He wanted a high position and decree, until he was raised on a tree. He was stretched on a cross, his right hand unable to reach his left. He bowed his head to lay the blame on the heart,

(53) Ibn Kathir, Bidaya V. 12/259, Abu Shama, Rawdatam V. 1/130. (299;

which led him to commit error and go astray."KJ^J (5 Many Arab men of literature admired this fragment. The significance is that 'Umara seemed to he looking for• ward to what would happen to himself m the future. He, too, "bowed his head on a cross, but not to blame his heart, for it was the magic of his words which caused his downfall. It is this ominous quality which makes writers (56) admire these verses so much. Al-Malik al-Salih was full of admiration for them, and recited them from time to time, as he used to recite this verse

''They (the enemy) mounted camels and followed their baggage. 0, glory of the saddle, try the abasement of camel- saddle." (57)

His three stanzas m description of the pyramids of •Egypt were admired by both Eastern and Western writers, as was his description of the giraffe by al-Nuwain who quoted three of its verses

J> <^ ^Li', c^i> lyOV" v^-^ -\—^J J/lP ^ \J I c^c

(5k) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 156b. (55) Al-SafadTj. Ghaith V. 2/179-180. (56) Al-KlurcLisat MS. Pol. 76b, or (57) lUmara, Irtv/an Pet. 10b. (300)

"There are giraffes in it, (the house), their necks look like fla^s, in length, leading an army. They are Nubian m origin, showing the beauty of the gazelle and the mouth of the fillies. They are created to squat from vanity, so you would think they moved backwards from pride." (58)

It might be said in criticism of these and other of

1Umara's verses that the ideas they contain are not original, but this criticism is easily answered by modern Arab writers who contend that it is not necessary for a poet's ideas to be new. The real artist, they argue, is the one vho can treat old ideas with his own (59) imagination and experience. iiany Arab and Western writers agree about this. Voltaire stressed tne importance of style and technique, for these are what distinguishes one writer from another. A] - SAskari thought that a new concept v/as of no great virtue on its own, but needed the technique of its crea• tor to give it real significance. Some Arab linguists said that the inventor of a speecn is the one who con• structs it with suitable language and meanings. Hjmara's work fitted this description.

(58) *Umara, Diwan Pet. 77b. (59) Al-HakTm,_Fann_al-Adab 1k-I 6. (60) Al-*Askari, Sna1atam 167. (301 )

It is interesting to examine the sources of HJmara's talent and the influence, "both internal and external, which helped his talent to develop . '•Umara undoubtedly had innate talent and this v/as supported "by a sound edu• cation and wide knowledge. These factors gave him a firm basis for writing poetry, "but were not sufficient on their own. A suitable environment and the urge and ded• ication to write poetry were of vital importance. 'Umara found the necessary literary atmosphere m Aden, Zabid and Egypt, m the circle of al-Dali Muhammad lbn Baba*, the companionship of al-VAbdi and the literary gatherings of al-Malik al-Salih. There he met many poets and schol- ars. They used to read their own poetry, recite old

Arabic poetry, make comparisons and criticisms.

These gatherings weie of great value to lUmara and

the lessons he learned there bore fruit later, beside providing incentive. Travel, which Mimara did frequently

on business, and a constantly changing scene, gave tUmara

a broad view of life. Another personal factor which had

considerable effect on him, was the premature deaths of

all his six sons, especially bhe eldest, Muhammad, his

elegies m lament of his sons are amongst some of the (302)

"best of Ltimara's poetry. lUmara found much inspiration at the time of the Ayyuhids and at the time of the Fatimid Caliphs reign, hut most of the poetry written at this time has been lost.

''Umara was very fortunate to find assistance,

encouragement and support from many patrons al-*Abdi,

ihn Saha', Bilal and his son Yasir m Aden, al-Salih,

his son (Ruzzik), his "brothers, Shawar and his two sons,

Dirgham, Turanshah and others m Egypt. This patronage

was essential to lUmara's development.

Competition was another factor in tUmara's Hife.

There were many other well-known poets vying w:Lh him

for fame, and prizes, when they were offered. *Umara

often won first prize, particularly when he was m Egypt

at the height of his fame. This led to jealousy amongst

his colleagues. Hlmara was ever ready to listen to

criticism of his work "by his friends and this helped him

to improve his poetry. He explained this m his poetry

when he said to *Jzz al-Dm

"His evaluation and criticism of my poetry improved 11. " (61 )

(61) lUmara, D~wan Pet. 76. (303)

Mjmara "believed that criticism was essential to the oro£ression of this poetical art, and to Fans al- Kuslimm, he expressed its importance

"Foetry "became plenteous, but critics are scarce, and you are the most vorohy critic of all." (62)

Iviany of his friends discussed the art of criticism with him, for example al-Salih, his son al-'Adil, Paris al-

Muslim:n, KJzz al-Dm, Shawar and Dirgham. Sometimes they suggested changing one word or phrase tor another, while he was reciting his poetry. Dirgham once suggest- ed that he should say "Ba'udat" instead of "G-hadarat" while he was reciting his ode m praise of *Ali ibn al-

Zuhd.(63)

For this reason, lUmara gave much thought zo his poetry and tried to make it as perfect as possiole "befor it was read publicly. He said ahout his ooetry iz>\ ? yZ— Cs u i j u> j o^fj ^JoJ(^f

"They ere ingots of fine and pure speech, aelicacy and improvement have made them perfect."(

(62) *Umiira, Divan Pet. 2+8. (63) See_this jthesis p.2i"7. (6u) ^Umara, Diwan Pet. 122h. (304)

Host Arab writers were m agreement with 'Umara's methods of making public his poetry. '-Umara, m this respect, followed Zuhair (lbn Abi Sulma) and his school, whom the Arabic philologists regarded as typical

"slaves of poetry" because of their excessive addiction to technique, as against the productions of the "poets

» x (66) hy nature". '

3. His Followers

When 4Umara achieved fame as a poet, he was popul• arly acclaimed, his poetry was well-known and often recited. Ho doubt some of the Arab poets who came after tUmara's time were influenced "by his poetry which they admired so much. So tUmara, like every famous poet and artist, had some students whose poetry was under his influence. Details of '•Umara's followers are, however, lacking, the principal reason for this "being that 'Urnara was out of favour with the government at the end of his life, which led to his execution. People naturally

(6b) Al-Jahiz, Bayan V. 1/210-214. (66) Gibb,'Arabic Literature 20. (305) avoided reciting his poetry and poets were afraid to follow him m ideas or technique, or to show his influe• nce m their poetry. Even so, there were still some who recited his poems, for instance Najm al-Dm Abu

Muhammad lbn Masai, Abu al-Fawans Murhaf lbn 'Usama lbn

Munqidh and Shams al-Dawla Turanshah.^ ^7) These men thus helped lUmara's poetry to become known further afield, especially as they were important figures m the

Ayyubid government.

Al-Malik al-Salih who used to show Hlmara his poetry before he read 1L to his circle, asking tUmara to criticize it and give his opinion of it,^^ was probably one of the poets mllaenced by lUmara. Some verses of

^Umara's are particularly well-known and have had considerable effect on later ooets

"Would that the stars approach me, so that I can make necklaces of praise, because words do not satisfy me." (69)

'Abdul Hakam lbn Ab~ Ishaq al-Wafl (died 613/1216), said

(70) ^.yiyiv^^t ^ cl/Tu <~» ^/jl/

67) Al-^Imad, Kharida MS. (Der. 397-398). 68) 4Umara, al-Nukat. U9. 69) Ibid 159b._ 70) Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat V. 1/11+. (306) this verse is clearly taken from a verse of Hjmara's

Jl (71) fV* J' V/Vcr- I* ^f)-> Lv ^• tJV-»J^

Some \cotjkoim)'Arab poets m Iraq have also "been influenced by rUmara's poetry. Ibn al-Furat said

taking it from lUmara's verse (72) h^^'J^.^s^ \rh^*j w^U^Jf^

This is taken exactly as it 3s

from lUmara's verse

(73) ^^>^'(V^^-

Ibn Khallikan says that when al-Malik al-Zahir

Ghiyat.h al-Dm aDu al-Fath lbn Salah al-Dm, the King of

Halab (Aleppo) d:ed m 613/1216, his poet Sharaf al- • —— Dawla Ra^ih lbn Isma1!! lbn Abi al-Qasim al-Asadi al-

Hilli (died 627/1230) lamented him m a fine ode which began

This ode is influenced, m some aspects, by tUm8ra's

(71) lUmara, Diwan Pet. 159. (72) Ibid kO. (73) Ibid 159b. (307) elegy which was written at the death of al-Malik al-

Salih r

It seems as if Rajih composed his ode after the manner of Hjmara, because they are m the same metre (Tawil), although the "Rawiyy" letters are different, tUmara,s

"being "Lamiyya" (ending with the letter "lam" (L)J) and

Rajih's is "BaJiyya" (ending with the letter l,ha," (B)"-").

Rajih has used al-Wasl (HaJ al-Sact). The prosodists e 9 said that it just completes the sound of the rhyme in such poems. It appears that Rajih knew "Umara's ode (75) and liked to imitate it to some extent. '

However, we cannot he positive about the imitation of the poems despite a certain similarity of emotional content, due to the fact that the "Rawiyy" of Rajih's ode is different from the "Rawiyy" of '•Umara's, while they should be the same letter and the same "Haraka"

(vowel), if Rajih really wanted to follow the literary art called "rvlu*arada" or "fiudahat". In addition to this,

Lmara's ode (which has 78 verses) is longer than Rajih's

7M Sakkaki, Miftah 27K Anls, lvlusloa 255. 75) Ibn Khallikan,'Wafayat V. 3/178-183. (308)

(which has kl), while the later one, m this art, is usually longer, the reason "being that the later poet usually tries to show his ability to lengthen his ode.

Perhaps Rajih made these Differences deliberately to show that he was not imitating tUmara.

i|. His Importance

Arabs have always "been lovers of literature and poetry m particular. Every tribe had its poets, who freely uttered what they felt and thought. Their un• written words "flew across the desert faster than arrows and came home to the hearts and bosoms of all who heard them.^^ Every family liked to have a poet amonfst its members

"When there appeared a poet m a family of Arabs, the other tribes round about v/ould gather together to that family and wish them joy of their good luck. Feasts v/ould be got ready, tne women of the tribe v/ould join together in bands, playing upon lutes, as they were wont to do at briaals, and the men and boys would congratulate one another, for a poet was a defence to the honour of them all, a weapon to ward off insult from their good name, and a means of perpetuating their glorious deeds and of establishing their fame for ever." (77)

(76) Nicholson, A Literary History 72. (77) Araberryj_ Arabic Poetry 2. Ibn Rashiq, ^Umda V. 1/37. (309)

The importance of the poet m Arabic society may readily "be appreciated and one con understand how happy

lUmara was when he started to use his talent and when he found he could write good poetry. He showed it to his father, who was pleased with it, when ne vi&iled him m

Zabad, "because he knew that his son, who was a famous

jurisprudent, would he a poet too. His talent grew and his fame spread, and he "became one of the central figures

m the Arabic literary world. He was welcomed by

Caliphs, received by Viziers, ana they were proud that

he praised them. Many leaders and Princes desired his praise and gave him gifts for that purpose.

*Umara understood his oosition well and he hoped

hj s r>oetry would be liked by everyone. His poems cir•

culated through all Arabia and he was wioely appreciated.

Some of the most famous poets extolled his poetry, for

instance al-Qadi al-Makm 1 Abdul lAziz lbn al-Husam lbn

al-Habbab al-Sa(d~ (died 561/1165) who lauded him and

commended his poetry m nis absence, when ^Umara heard

thus, he wrote a poem thanking him

(78) *Umara, al-Nukat 134. Div/an Pet. 18, 119. Tarikh 93. (310)

"And you praised the quality of my poems and were the best attendant m my absence, for them." (79)

lUmara understood his importance well and became very proud of his poetry, talent and literary position.

He used to say so m his poems, no matter for wnorn or what they were written. He likened his poems to brides, virgins, stars, flowers, jewels and uearls. He also used to compare himself with the greatest poets. He saad m one verse that he was so fall of literature, that if revealed, it would make him the equal of lbn al-

Muqaffa*.(80)

*Umara thougnt himself unique m his time, because

Time itself suffered to produce him

(81) >IV< J ^} "^/>1S;J LJ< ^

He was always saying this, even at the time of the

Ayyubids when his attitude worsened r

"As if the Ayyubids did not know that I am the most eloquent Arab of my time." (82)

He went even further than this, saying that his poetry

(79) tUmara, Diwan Pet. 91b. (80) Ibid 117. (81 ) Ibid 98. (82) Ibid 2h. (311 ) could immortalize those whom he oraised for ever, because it is really immortal

(83) //iljS^M

Sometimes vUmara attached a deeoer significance to his poems and thought that by praising Calamity, he would be spared

He thought that the abundance and fame of his poetry did justice to his great knowledge (tIlm)

(85 ) i \^y>l &y^LrJ^^J (j V ^^J^ 'r^^^> f

The range of 'Umara's poems, wntten for many diffeient occasions, illustrate the extent of his (06) ability.^ ' But just where does he stand m Arabic literature and what aoes he represent'-- Bashshar and Abu

Nuwas, radicals m Arabic literature, Abu Tammam and al-

Buhturi, leaders of new schools, and al-Lutanabbi, the most ingenious of Aiab poets, all achieved distinction for their invention of new methods ano techniques. But no-one would claim that 'umara should be ranked with

(83) t-Umara, Diwan Pet. 75. (Qk) Ibid 96b. (85) Ioid 98. (86) Ibid 7, 26, 51b, 153, 157. (312) these. In fact he lived at a time of little development, v/hen imitation and looking "back to traditional Arabic literature for models, was considered right.There is no doubt that ^Umara was, therefore, essentially classical both m his technique and themes, though he did follow some of the new artistic movements and the

"Badi*", with which ne tried to enrich his poetry, was his own particular interest.

lie avoided some oi the mam features of the Arabic

"Qasida", vnich was the description of the remains of ruined dwellings, and traces of their beloved (Atlal),^^ together with sad memories of loved ones and tribal caravans, or travels with friends through the desert.

1Umara never did this, even though he followed the pre• vious poets m writing Ghazal-prelude m many of his eulogies. His teacher, al-*Abdi, had begun the ode which he v/rote instead of ^Umara with Ghazal-prelude.

There is no doubt that ^IJmara began quite a number of his praise odes with Ghazal, flowing smoothly from it

into praise without any recourse to "Atlal" or the

(67) Daif, al-£ann Fi al-Shi*r 379. ^86) Al-cAskari, al-Sma ' atam 452 . Ibn Rashiq, al-^Umda V. 1/1 51. (313) journey on a camel or a horse from these places to the home of his patron, when "the poet is supposed, to he travelling on a camel with one or two companions. The road leads him to the site of a former encampment or a friendly tribe.... he pursues his journey and seizes the opportunity to describe... the fine points of his long and dangerous journey which leads him to" ^ his dest• ination, even when the poet was with his patron m the same city. lUmara avoided this rather illogical process.

We can hardly expect more from *-Umara since he was primarily a panegyrist, whose poetry was m praise of

Caliphs, Viziers and his friends, most of the features

of this poetry are traditional m Arabic literature.

Mandur bemoaned the dominance of panegyric m Arabic

poetry, which made it difficult for critics to determine

the real spirit and feeling of the poets, and also left

Arabic literature short of that sort of criticism common

to the V/estern world. (90)

*Umara, however, with his poetic ability, was able

to make his panegyric interesting and full of life and

89) Gibb^ Arabic Literature 1.5-17. 90) Mandur, al-Naq_d al-Manhaji 16. (314) vigour, with the result that he was continually m the demand of important personages. He avoided vagueness and complexities, so his Diwan is noted for the simplic• ity of its language and the normality of its ideas. His poetry won high praise wherever it v/as recited. If it were not so, *-Umara could not he ranked v/ith the numer• ous great poets m the Fatimid Caliphate, nor "be disting• uished from them m any way.

'Umara left his own country to go to kgypt when it was full of famous poets. Some were Egyptians, others were strangers come from other Arabic countries because they were attracted by Lne literary atmosphere. This was renowned for the generous grants and gifts which the -ooets (91 ) were given by Caliphs, Viziers and leaders.w ' Many of these poets achieved distinction, for instance Yusuf lbn

Muhammad lbn al-Khallal, the chief of "Diwan al-Insha'"

(died 566/1171^, 'Abdul 'Aziz al-Sa'di, al-uahadhdhab

'Abdullah lbn As'ad al-Mawsili (died 559/1164), al-QadT al-Rashid Ahmad lbn VA.li al-Ghassani (died 563/1167), his brother al-Hasan al-Muhadhdhab (died 561/1165), CA1~ lbn

Muhammad lbn ^Isa al-Azdi, lbn al-bayyad Hibat allah Badr

(91 ) Hasan, Tarikh al-Da;;la al-Patimiyya 445-^-50. (315) and Yahya lbn Hasan lbn Jabr.w 1 Mjmara was one of the

'brigntcst stars' amongst them, m spite of the fact that Arab poets wisned to oivide Arabia, into districts to be allocated to individnal groups of poets, their resp- orsabjlity would be to cater for the needs of the great men of their district, and no strangers would be permitted (VV ->) - - to share with then. Bo that when Abu xammam himself wanted to go to Basra for this purpose, one of the poets in that area, Sftbd al-bamad, v/rote to him

JVy ui> ^>

When Abu Tammam read this poem, he decided not to go, saying "He can fill his area with his o\m talent, there it- no place for me tnere." ^^-)

This sort of thing happened many times m Iraq,

Syi 1a and Andalus. *-Urnara, on the other hand, who \»as originally known m Yaman, was able to go to Egypt and stay there amongst its poets because the range and quality of his poetry found favour with the countrv's leaders.

(92) For more examples, see al-vImaa, Khan da. (Egypt). (93) Mandur, al-Faqd al-I.Ian.ha3T 131 • (9k) ouli, Akhbar AbT Tammam 2M-2u2. (316)

Soon he achieved high literary status. In a few years he "became known as the best poet m "Diwan al-Shu" ara*", and the poetical advisor of al-Halik al-Salih.

* •

v/hen Mjmara settled in Egypt, he mingled with the

Egyptians, lived as one of them and followed their habits and conventions officially, socially and spiritually until he absorbed everything m their life and became affected by what was happening there, just as much as the (95)

Egyptian poets themselves.vJm" So his poetry recorded most of the events which came to his notice, covering a wide range events. Kamil Husain mentioned some of the more important events. He told of the time when the

Crusaders anlved m tne district of "al-Hof" m Egypt * at the time of al-Salnn, wno sent an army under the lead- ership of his son, al-lAdil Ruzzik, which was victorious, driving the Pranks back and following them to Abu *Uruq m Palestine. Many poets wrote m honour of this victory, (97) but all is lost except lUmara's poem It is a poem m which the poet explains the difficulties

(95) Husain, Pi Adab Misr 219- (96) '^Umara, DTwan Pet. 9, 10, 12, 14, 15b, 18, 22, 38, 40, 45... (97) Ibid 84b. (317) of the "battle and. how the leader was nearly killed and he vas saved as if "by a miracle

(98; Husam gives many examples of these events, saying that some of the incidents m MJmara's poetry are des- cribed m detail, which even historians could not v/rite.

For this, *Umara's poetry was an important document.

The social and moral value of his poetry are unden• iable. *-Umara portrayed not only everyday life, "but also his own life, he explained his ideas, "beliefs and passions m many different aspects of life he told what happened bo him and his family, and save particular

emphasis to the death of his sons, one after the other,

expressing his feelings and giving the causes of death which even the skill of the doctor could not cure. He

traced his journeys from one country to another, giving

the reasons why he left home and settled m Egypt. He wrote about the troubles which "beset him nere and there,

(98) Husam, Pi Adah ivisr 23^. (99) Tbid 219. (318) such as what happened to hirn m "Qus", ^100^ the "burn- ing of his house and the plundering of his furniture, his resignation from "Diwan al-Shulara-i " which later led to his death. There is no doubt that MJmara succeeded m depicting these incidents with clarity and depth of feeling.

'Umara was Shaf 1 *-3 m his sect, fanatical m his faith, hut even so, he is a poet who expresses the Fati- mid thoughts and the Isma^lT ideas and terras m his (1 01 ) poetry. ' He lived with these people, talked to their

chiefs, scholars, jurists, da^is and poets, he attended

their meetings and listened to their discussions. He

was concerned m their life generally. His poetry nat- (1 02)

urally reflects this influence. 1 Actually he v/as

not like al-Mu-* ayyad al-Shirazi in this respect, "but he

v/as able to explain religious ideas m his poetry, which

"because of his skill in expressing them, pleased his

patrons.

Finally, it should not he forgotten that ^Umara was

one of the pioneers of "Muwashshahs" m the East, and this,

gives him great standing m the history of Arabic literature. (100) See this thesis P.5"0—51- (101 ) Ibid P 2.3&, (102) Husam, Fi Adab Misr 156, 220. (319)

CONCLUSION.

*-Umara is an Arabian YamanT Qahtani poet, who was neglected for a long time, from the time he was executed until moaern times. He was scarcely mentioned m most

Arabic literary books, so he "became nearly unknown m these days. The reason why researchers avoided him was that he was part of a plot to kill Salah al-Dm al-

Ayyubi, who is considered one of the great heroes m

Islamic history. Historians have wiitten very little about him and have not attempted to say whether his execution was just or not. Very few lines of his poetry were ouoted by his biographers. It was not until more recent times that Derenbourg published his "Hukat", a selection of ms poetry and a collection of his biog• raphies, ana Kay published his "Tankh". Only then did works essential tor the study of Mjmara become available.

Even with these works, it is difficult to give a complete picture of tUmara and his poetry.

This thesis, then, does not claim to be a complete picture, but even so it is a first attempt to present

*-Umara the poet m all his aspects. 3y collecting material from many different sources and fitting them

together, it has been possible to establish a clear (320) picture of *Umara and his work, and also to see his place in the history of Arabic literature.

v/e know that he was one of the greatest poets of his time (the sixth A H. century). He was "born in

Murtan, a small town in the Yaman, grew up among his people, tne Qahtani tribe, studied jurisprudence in

Zabid and acquired other knowledge. His poetic talent was revealed in Aden and his lane made complete m Egypt.

He gained the admiration of the Caliphs, Viziers, Prin• ces and the great peoule, so that he became a close friend of theirs and had the honour of praising them m nis poetry.

He wrote m most of the poetical themes common to his time, and described practically every important incident in the I'atimid Caliphate when he became an official poet. His importance, then, was as a poet wno could record m his poetry the various events which happened m nis tune. He represents the typical cultured poet of the age, because ms poetry is full of different ideas, figures and terms of many kinds of knowledge, for instance, tne Isma4il± ideas whicn appeared in his uoetry while he settled m hgynt. (321 )

In ado it ion to tms, we have uiscoveied that he was one of the pioneers of "uuwash&hah" m the East.

Despite tne unfortunate circumstances of his death, it

is to be hoped that history might, one day, prove his

innocence, it is to he hoped, also, that rvore of nis poetry will he rediscovered, as so much is lost.

Th:s study of *Umara is, then, m no way the perfect

work, hut it is a first step m a thorough and complete

research into lUmara's poetry and into him as a person.

Perhaps others may find in it the inspiration to

examine olner aspects of ^Umara's v/ork, such as juris•

prudence and history. (322)

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