The Supreme Court's Use of Narratives in Issuing Advisory
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Patriation and Quebec Veto References: the Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 Canliidocs 443 Peter H
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 54 (2011) Article 3 The aP triation and Quebec Veto References: The Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 CanLIIDocs 443 Peter H. Russell Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Russell, Peter H.. "The aP triation and Quebec Veto References: The uS preme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 54. (2011). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol54/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Patriation and Quebec Veto References: The Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 CanLIIDocs 443 Peter H. Russell* I. THE SUPREME COURT OF CANADA’S ROLE IN CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS Several times in Canada’s history the turbulent waters of constitu- tional politics have roared up to the Supreme Court, when for a moment the political gladiators in a constitutional struggle put down their armour, don legal robes and submit their claims to the country’s highest court. September 1981 was surely such a moment. Indeed, it is difficult to find any other constitutional democracy whose highest court has been called upon to render such a crucial decision in the midst of a mega constitutional struggle over the future of the country. -
Reforming the Supreme Court Appointment Process, 2004-2014: a 10-Year Democratic Audit 2014 Canliidocs 33319 Adam M
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 67 (2014) Article 4 Reforming the Supreme Court Appointment Process, 2004-2014: A 10-Year Democratic Audit 2014 CanLIIDocs 33319 Adam M. Dodek Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Dodek, Adam M.. "Reforming the Supreme Court Appointment Process, 2004-2014: A 10-Year Democratic Audit." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 67. (2014). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol67/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Reforming the Supreme Court Appointment Process, 2004-2014: A 10-Year Democratic Audit* Adam M. Dodek** 2014 CanLIIDocs 33319 The way in which Justice Rothstein was appointed marks an historic change in how we appoint judges in this country. It brought unprecedented openness and accountability to the process. The hearings allowed Canadians to get to know Justice Rothstein through their members of Parliament in a way that was not previously possible.1 — The Rt. Hon. Stephen Harper, PC [J]udicial appointments … [are] a critical part of the administration of justice in Canada … This is a legacy issue, and it will live on long after those who have the temporary stewardship of this position are no longer there. -
“Canada” on the Supreme Court in 2016
DRAFT | CPSA 2017 Please don’t cite without permission Competing Diversities: Representing “Canada” on the Supreme Court in 2016 Erin Crandall | Acadia University Robert Schertzer | University of Toronto The Supreme Court oF Canada’s (SCC) inFluence on politics and public policy – from deciding human rights cases to adjudicating Federal-provincial disputes – has long placed it in the spotlight oF political actors and watchers alike. Seeing the Court as activist or restrained, as siding with the Federal government or as balanced in its Federalism case law, as anti-democratic or the guardian oF the constitution, are all hallmarks oF the debate about its place in Canadian politics. Underpinning these debates is an often-critical focus on the justices’ themselves, the process by which they are selected, and the virtually unFettered power Prime Ministers have had in appointing individuals to the bench. In August 2016, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau clearly established his position within this debate by announcing a new way to choose SCC justices. Along with promoting more transparency and accountability in the process, the key elements oF Trudeau’s proposed reForms were to ensure that all future justices were functionally bilingual and that they represent the diversity of Canada (see Trudeau 2016b). In line with these new objectives, one oF the First things Trudeau highlighted in his announcement was a willingness to break with the convention of regional representation on the bench and move toward an open application process. With the upcoming retirement of Nova Scotia Justice Thomas Cromwell in September 2016, questions immediately emerged as to whether the government would deviate from the tradition of having one of the nine justices on the SCC come from Atlantic Canada. -
Year in Review
2 0 Year in Review 1Supreme 9 Court of Canada Cour suprême du Canada Find the Visit our Like us on Follow us on Supreme website at Facebook at Twitter at scc-csc.ca facebook.com/ twitter.com/SCC_eng Court of Supreme Canada CourtofCanada online! This was the very first photo ever taken of the current judges together. It was taken in the library of the Winnipeg Law Courts on September 23, 2019. © Supreme Court of Canada (2020) Front cover: Grand Hall, Supreme Court of Canada All photos (except pages 8-9, bottom photo on page 16, left-hand photos on page 17, and page 18): Supreme Court of Canada Collection Photo credits: Pages 4-5: Justices Abella and Côté – Philippe Landreville, photographer | Justice Karakatsanis – Jessica Deeks Photography | Justices Gascon, Brown, and Rowe – Andrew Balfour Photography Page 7: Cochrane Photography Page 8-9: True North Sports + Entertainment The Supreme Court of Canada emblem is a symbol of the Court as the highest judicial Page 16: Senate of Canada institution in Canada. It was designed nearly a century ago by the Page 17 - left side, top: Supreme Court of the United Kingdom distinguished Montreal architect Ernest Cormier, and can be found emblazoned Page 17 - left side, bottom: Embassy of Canada to Japan in the marble floor of the Court’s Grand Hall leading to the Main Courtroom. Page 18: Shannon VanRaes/Winnipeg Free Press As its emblem, it represents the Court’s key values of justice, independence, integrity, ISSN 2562-4776 (Online) transparency, and bilingualism. A Message from the Chief Justice When I became Chief Justice just over two years ago, I committed to making the Court more open and understandable, and to enhancing access to justice for everyone. -
Year in Review Supreme Court of Canada Cour Suprême Du Canada Find the Supreme Court of Canada Online
2020Year in Review Supreme Court of Canada Cour suprême du Canada Find the Supreme Court of Canada online Like us on Facebook Follow us on Twitter Visit our website at SupremeCourtofCanada @SCC_eng www.scc-csc.ca Current bench of the Supreme Court of Canada Photo credits: All photos (except photo on page 9): Supreme Court of Canada Collection Page 3: Cochrane Photography Page 9: Speech from the Throne – PMO-CPM Pages 10 and 11: Justices Abella and Côté – Philippe Landreville, photographer | Justice Karakatsanis – Jessica Deeks Photography | Justices Brown and Rowe – Andrew Balfour Photography The Supreme Court of Canada emblem is a symbol of the Court as Page 28: Justices Brown, Abella et Kasirer – the highest judicial institution in Canada. It was designed nearly Justice Andromache Karakatsanis a century ago by the distinguished Montreal architect Ernest Supreme CourtSupreme Canada of Cormier, and can be found emblazoned in the marble floor of the Court’s Grand Hall leading to the Main Courtroom. © Supreme Court of Canada (2021) The emblem represents the Court’s key values of justice, ISSN 2562-4776 (Print) independence, integrity, transparency and bilingualism. Message from the Chief Justice Along with millions of Canadians in 2020, the Supreme Court of Canada found innovative ways to pivot, adapt and persevere through a global pandemic. Our dedicated employees introduced new technologies, streamlined processes and implemented protocols in collaboration with public health authorities to ensure everyone’s safety and health while serving Canadians. I am proud of the Court’s agility and commitment to maintain access to justice throughout a devastating public health crisis. -
The New Process for Judicial Appointments to the Supreme Court of Canada
THE NEW PROCESS FOR JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS TO THE SUPREME COURT OF CANADA Report of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights Anthony Housefather Chair FEBRUARY 2017 42nd PARLIAMENT, 1st SESSION Published under the authority of the Speaker of the House of Commons SPEAKER’S PERMISSION Reproduction of the proceedings of the House of Commons and its Committees, in whole or in part and in any medium, is hereby permitted provided that the reproduction is accurate and is not presented as official. This permission does not extend to reproduction, distribution or use for commercial purpose of financial gain. Reproduction or use outside this permission or without authorization may be treated as copyright infringement in accordance with the Copyright Act. Authorization may be obtained on written application to the Office of the Speaker of the House of Commons. Reproduction in accordance with this permission does not constitute publication under the authority of the House of Commons. The absolute privilege that applies to the proceedings of the House of Commons does not extend to these permitted reproductions. Where a reproduction includes briefs to a Standing Committee of the House of Commons, authorization for reproduction may be required from the authors in accordance with the Copyright Act. Nothing in this permission abrogates or derogates from the privileges, powers, immunities and rights of the House of Commons and its Committees. For greater certainty, this permission does not affect the prohibition against impeaching or questioning the proceedings of the House of Commons in courts or otherwise. The House of Commons retains the right and privilege to find users in contempt of Parliament if a reproduction or use is not in accordance with this permission. -
Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada
Between Activism and Restraint: Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada by Vuk Radmilovic A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto Copyright by Vuk Radmilovic (2011) Between Activism and Restraint: Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada Vuk Radmilovic Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2011) ABSTRACT: Over the last couple of decades or so, comparative public law scholars have been reporting a dramatic increase in the power and influence of judicial institutions worldwide. One obvious effect of this “judicialization of politics” is to highlight legitimacy concerns associated with the exercise of judicial power. Indeed, how do courts attain and retain their legitimacy particularly in the context of their increasing political relevance? To answer this question I develop a novel theory of strategic legitimacy cultivation. The theory is developed through an application of the institutionalist branch of the rational choice theory which suggests that institutional structures, rules, and imperatives provide behavioural incentives and disincentives for relevant actors who respond by acting strategically in order to attain favourable outcomes. The theory shows that courts cultivate legitimacy by exhibiting strategic sensitivities to factors operating in the external, political environment. In particular, legitimacy cultivation requires courts to devise decisions that are sensitive to the state of public opinion, that avoid overt clashes and entanglements with key political actors, that do not overextend the outreach of judicial activism, and that employ politically sensitive jurisprudence. The theory is tested in the context of the Supreme Court of Canada through a mixed-method research design that combines a quantitative analysis of a large number of cases, case-study approaches, and cross- policy comparisons. -
Chapter Nine: Advisory Opinions and Constitutional Conventions
COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW (U.S./CANADA/AUSTRALIA), 2009 9-1 CHAPTER NINE: ADVISORY OPINIONS AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS KEY CONCEPTS FOR THE CHAPTER ● AMERICAN JUSTICES BELIEVE THAT THE POWER OF JUDICIAL REVIEW OF LEGISLATIVE ACTS IS BASED SOLELY ON THE JUDICIARY’S NECESSARY AND ESSENTIAL ROLE IN DECIDING LITIGATED “CASES OR CONTROVERSIES” ● AUSTRALIAN JUSTICES HAVE HELD THAT THE FACT THAT THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION CONFINES THE JURISDICTION OF THE HIGH COURT TO ‘MATTERS’ BARS ADVISORY OPINIONS. ● DRAWING ON 19TH CENTURY ENGLISH PRACTICE, CANADA ALLOWS REFERENCES TO THE SUPREME COURT OF CANADA ON “IMPORTANT QUESTIONS OF LAW OR FACT CONCERNING ANY MATTER” ● IN THE U.S., IT IS COMMONLY UNDERSTOOD THAT THE ONLY CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITS ON OFFICIAL BEHAVIOR ARE THOSE THAT WILL BE ENJOINED BY JUDGES; THE TRADITION OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH OF “CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS” IS MORE EXPANSIVE, TO INCLUDE UNWRITTEN TRADITIONS THAT ARE WIDELY UNDERSTOOD AND ACCEPTED, BUT WHERE COURTS WILL NOT PROVIDE ANY LEGAL OR EQUITABLE RELIEF I. The Concept of an “Unconstitutional” Law or Government Act MARBURY v. MADISON SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 5 U.S. 137; 2 L. Ed. 60; 1 Cranch 137 (1803 terms) [Ed. note: A bit of historic context may be helpful to the understanding of this landmark case. Although support for George Washington as the first American president was near-unanimous, two political parties quickly developed. One, under the leadership of Washington’s Vice President, John Adams, were often called the Federalists. The other, led by his Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, were called the Republicans. (Actually, the Jeffersonian faction morphed into “Democrat-Republicans” and then “Democrats” by the time of the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828, the latter day Republican party being created anew in the 1850s.) Adams defeated Jefferson in the election of 1796, but Jefferson won the re-match in 1800, sweeping in a majority of allies in Congress as well, thus setting up the first peaceful transition of power from one party to another in U.S. -
Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’
Oñati Socio-legal Series, v. 4, n. 4 (2014) – Law in the Age of Media Logic ISSN: 2079-5971 Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’ ∗ DAVID SCHNEIDERMAN Schneiderman, D., 2014. Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’. Oñati Socio-legal Series [online], 4 (4), 685-708. Available from: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2511239 Abstract Most of the recent appointees to the Supreme Court of Canada have participated in a new Canadian judicial nomination process initiated by the current Conservative government. As originally formulated in early policy platforms, the process was intended to mimic features of US Senate judicial confirmation hearings and so would highlight the distinction (popular in US political discourse) between ‘applying’ and ‘making’ law. This led to widespread fears that any new public process would politicize judicial appointments and functions at the Supreme Court. The process turned out to be much more tepid than anticipated and so raises questions about what Canadians may have learned as a consequence of this new nomination process. This paper undertakes a qualitative analysis of reporting of four nomination processes from a select number of Canadian newspapers. The main object is to determine the degree to which readers might have been alerted to the distinction between law and politics or, put another way, between judicial activism and restraint. It turns out that this framing was not dominant in the coverage and that, instead, distinctive Canadian political preoccupations, like language politics, got channeled through this new political opportunity structure. -
Politics and the Reference Power
Draft for discussion – not for citation Politics and the Reference Power Grant Huscroft Faculty of Law The University of Western Ontario Unlike the highest courts in United States, the UK, Australia, and New Zealand, the Supreme Court of Canada performs an advisory role: it answers reference questions posed by the federal and provincial governments.1 Indeed, some of the Court’s most significant contributions to constitutional law have been made in the context of reference cases. The federal nature of the country was shaped through a series of reference cases in the 19th and 20th centuries;2 the 1982 constitutional reforms that among other things established the amending formula and entrenched the Charter of Rights and Freedoms were heavily influenced by the Patriation Reference;3 and the future of the Canadian constitutional order itself was addressed by the Court in the Secession Reference.4 Proponents of the reference power are likely to endorse it for reasons having nothing to do with the Court’s legal acumen. Its decisions the Patriation Reference and the Secession Reference are celebrated in many quarters as acts of great wisdom and statescraft. The Court is often complimented for the political judgment it exercises in the context of the reference power.5 Prepared for “The Judicialization of Politics and the Politicization of the Judiciary in Comparative Perspective”, Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences, June 1, 2010. Comments welcome: <[email protected]> 1 The federal government can refer matters to the Court directly; references from provincial governments begin in provincial courts of appeal and are heard by the Supreme Court as appeals of right pursuant to s. -
Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 54 (2011) Article 5 Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M. Dodek Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Dodek, Adam M.. "Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 54. (2011). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol54/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M. Dodek* I. INTRODUCTION As election results came in on the night of May 2, 2011, the justices of the Supreme Court of Canada likely breathed a collective sigh of relief. This suspected judicial solace would not have been due to any particularly political allegiance along the lines of that reported on election night in the United States in 2000, when Bush seemed to be sliding by Gore by a chad.1 Rather, it is because the election of a majority government swept aside the possibility that the courts — and eventually the high court itself — could be called upon to adjudicate a host of highly contentious political issues. -
Federalism-E
FEDERALISM-E volume 10: 2009 ~Le journal de premier cycle sur le fédéralisme~ ~The undergraduate journal about federalism~ Royal Military College of Canada / Collège militaire royale du Canada In conjunction with / En collaboration avec Queen‘s University EDITORAL BOARD / COMITÉ D‘ÉDITION Juliana Trichilo Cina Alexandre Brassard Victoria Edwards Anonymous Others Victoria Kayser ADVISORY BOARD / CHAIRE DE SUPERVISION Christian Leuprecht Assistant Professor, Royal Military College of Canada / Professeur adjoint, Collège miliaire royale du Canada CHIEF EDITORS / ÉDITEURS EN CHEF Nick Deshpande Officer Cadet, Royal Military College of Canada Donovan Huppé Élève Officier, Collège militaire royale du Canada The authors retain the copyright for Les auteurs conservent le droit their work. d'auteur pour leur travail. INTERNET ACCESS / ACCÈS INTERNET This volume and previous volumes of Le présent et les précédents volumes Federalism-E are available online at: de Fédéralisme-E sont disponibles en ligne à: http://www.federalism-e.com/ FEDERALISM-E VOLUME 10 APRIL 2009 EDITORS NICHOLAS DESHPANDE 24122 O FFICER CADET , R O Y AL M I L I T AR Y C O L L E G E O F C ANADA DONOVAN HUPPÉ 24168 É LÈVE OFFICIER , C OLLÈGE MILITAIRE R O Y A L D U C A NADA C ONTENTS Intergovernmental Relations‘ Third Wheel: The Role of the Supreme Court in an Era of Collaborative Federalism 1 ALLISON O‘BEIRNE Constitutional Accords and National Discord: The Impact of Constitutional Reform on Canadian Unity 16 ERIC SNOW Striving to Maintain a Holistic Nation: Preventing Quebec