Grace Sherwood, “The Witch of Pungo”: an Examination of the Continued Fascination with Witchcraft in the United States

Grace Sherwood, “The Witch of Pungo”: An Examination of the Continued Fascination with Witchcraft in the United States Constance A. Dorn For HIST 375 History Seminar (Fall 2014) Taught by Dr. Margaret Mulrooney It was said that she was beautiful. Even her enemies acknowledged that, then used it against her, claiming she bewitched their husbands. She said she was a healer, using herbs to help people. Such was her ability to grow things that her enemies claimed she used magical seeds. She was a dedicated midwife, which was used against her when a woman miscarried. Grace Sherwood was a widow who juggled farm work, parenting, midwifery and healing. In 1706 she was accused of witchcraft and convicted through the trial of dunking. She became the only person convicted of witchcraft by dunking in Virginia and served a prison term. Known as The Witch of Pungo (VA), she has been the subject of popular fascination up to and beyond when she was pardoned in 2006. The purpose of this paper is to explore why Grace Sherwood, witchcraft and magic enthrall us. As a people, we seem to need witches and the reality of magic: in order to explain and have a sense of control over our world. We want Grace Sherwood to be a witch!1 To understand what happened to Grace Sherwood in 1706 the reality of the belief in the supernatural, the “unseen world”, must be acknowledged and accepted. Magic was the means 1 Before the emergence of feminism in the 1960s, historians tended to dismiss witchcraft and witch trials as either the acts of primitive societies, or the release of social tension by the targeting of a scapegoat on which to place current problems. Tom Peete Cross in “Witchcraft in North Carolina”, Studies in Philology 16 no. 3 (July 1919): 217-287 goes so far as to link the belief with “savages and aboriginal people”. With the emergence of feminism, historians such as Barbara Ehrenreich in “Witches, Midwives and Nurses” (Monthly Review 25 no. 5 (Oct. 1973): 25-40) held that the threat of the charge of witchcraft was a weapon used by males in power to keep women submissive. Strong, independent women like Grace were the targets. That premise was favored despite backlash. Historians such as Raisa Maria Toiva countered that given the charges were often women against other women, a male conspiracy is unlikely. (“Women at Stake: Interpretation of Women’s Roles in Witchcraft and Witch Hunts from the Early 20th Century to the Present”, ARV 62 (2006): 187-205) In 1985 David Hall wrote “Witchcraft and the Limits of Interpretation” (The New England Quarterly 58 no. 2 (June 1985): 253-281), beginning the current trend of cultural analysis. He along with others such as Malcolm Gaskill (“The Pursuit of Reality: Recent Research into the History of Witchcraft”, The Historical Journal 51 no. 4 (Dec. 2008): 1069-1088) emphasize that the phenomena of witchcraft and a community’s actions towards it requires a multi-faceted analysis in which no one simple explanation is adequate. They point out that the reality of the belief in magic and witchcraft needs to be accepted for a true understanding of the dynamics. The last is especially true when considering the colonies in Virginia at the time of Grace Sherwood’s trial. 2 used by people to access and manipulate the unseen, for good or for evil. No level of human society was immune. Bad things happened to good people. Given the world had been created in a systematic way by God that precluded randomness, there must be a reason for the calamity. If not a person’s sin, then the malevolent use of magic might be the cause. In this climate the power of suspicion and gossip often held sway. Rumors grew about Grace Sherwood. While her husband, James, was alive, Grace Sherwood had been accused of the malevolent use of magic: once for sick hogs, once for causing a woman’s miscarriage. In each case, a fine and court costs were paid. The legal matter ended, but not the suspicions that she was a witch. As Pamela Stewart and Andrew Strathern state in their intriguing study Witchcraft, Sorcery, Rumors and Gossip, “It is the interpretation of situations and events that people make that most influences outcome… Rumors define and create worlds just as much as “facts” do (sometimes more so.)”2 In Grace Sherwood’s case, the accusations and rumors gained strength. As her 1706 trial would show, the facts were no match against the suspicions about her. It is essential to understand the importance of a good reputation and the respect of the community during the colonial period. Women were raised to be exemplary in life-style and in piety. To have both a bad reputation and the community against you was to be in a living hell.3 Sherwood’s status as a member in good standing in the Lynnhaven Parish Church, (now known as the Old Donation Episcopal Church) did not protect her.4 She continued going to worship, living out her faith as a Christian. But she insisted on handling her own affairs and living out her 2 Pamela Stewart and Andrew Strathern Jr., Witchcraft, Sorcery, Rumors and Gossip (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004): 198. Their account shows how rumor affects the success or failure of government programs and political change today, as well as in the 18th Century. 3 See Anne Firor Scott’s books The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970) and Making the Invisible Woman Visible (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984.) For a Northern perspective that shows the same standard, see Jill Lepore’s Book of Ages: the Life and Opinions of Jane Franklin (New York: Alfred A. Knoff, 2013). 4 Old Donation Episcopal Church’s website article about Grace Sherwood: http://www.olddonation.org/index.php?page=grace-sherwood---a-unique-story 3 vocation as healer. Those acts went against the common view of the “natural divine order of things.” In addition, as an attractive widow with property, she was a threat to other women. She no longer fit into the community in an acceptable, non-threatening way. Few witches were self-described. Instead, they were labeled witches by one of three ways: by being an outsider, by long-standing feuds with neighbors, or by simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time. An outsider could be someone whose life-style was dissimilar, such as Grace Sherwood choosing not to remarry. If there was enmity between neighbors or families, the charge of witchcraft was a weapon often used. The third way could happen as easily as making a comment in anger (a “curse”) about a bad thing happening, and if something bad happened, witchcraft was charged.5 Unlike New England during the Salem Witch Trials, Virginia had a pragmatic view of witchcraft. It was not a religious issue: it was not claimed that those accused had sold their souls. Even the evidence admitted was more mundane: it was unusual for supernatural accusations such as being able to change into animal forms to be credited in court. Instead, the charge concerned the malevolent use of magic. Was harm done to property? If found guilty, the accused would pay court costs and recompense for damages. A person could be found guilty of the misuse of magic, without a consequent charge of being a witch. Slander laws were in place but were difficult to apply. (When is it slander, and when just an insult?)6 England had prohibited the use of the charge of witchcraft if the parties involved had sued each other in the recent past. A minister involved in the Salem Witch Trials later recommended that the colonies follow England’s example, lest innocent people be harmed.7 5 Owen Davies, America Bewitched: The Story of Witchcraft After Salem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013): 69-79. 6 Davies, America Bewitched, 57. 7 John Hale, “A Modest Enquiry Into the Nature of Witchcraft and How Persons Guilty of that Crime may be Convicted”, reprinted in Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases 1648-1706, ed. George L. Burr (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1914): 397-432. 4 The tract was published in 1702, just before Grace Sherwood’s trial. Unfortunately for her, it was not heeded in Virginia. Proving innocence or guilt in witchcraft cases has always been a challenge for the courts. From early on there were “cunning” men and women: those whose knowledge gave them exceptional insights and abilities. They were viewed with respect in their communities. (“Cunning” originally meant “wise”.) Like Grace Sherwood, they often had great knowledge about the use of plants. Such knowledge was a two-edged sword. Those who knew how to heal had the power to harm as well, such as if one knows the antidote to poisons, one knows poisons. Their knowledge could be used against them when witchcraft charges were leveled. Even the names of the plants they used could be misinterpreted. Rather than Latin names, plants were known in the vernacular by terms such as “mouse’s ear,” “lizard’s tongue,” “devil’s foot.” If the cunning woman made a mixture of lizard’s tongue and devil’s foot, who could say whether the brew contained the plants or the named items?8 Midwives were especially vulnerable.9 The infant mortality rate was high. If an infant died after being attended to by the midwife, there was no way to prove that the midwife did not cause it. Even if a woman was not a midwife but suspected of being a witch, she was at risk when dealing with children.

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