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Home , Augustin Hacquard, Charles de Foucauld, Charles Lavigerie, French Sudan, Henri Teissier, Tuat

Christian Presence in a Muslim Milieu: The Missionaries of Africa in the and the Aylward Shorter, M.Afr.

or more than 130 years, the Society of Missionaries of port of Napoleon III and French public opinion, took his stand on FAfrica has maintained a Christian presence in the Mus- freedom of conscience and the freedom to practice charity. He lim world. This experience has resulted in the development of a forbade any of his refugees to be baptized, except for babies in distinctive approach to that renounces overt proselytism danger of death, and he was able to claim that not one of the and espouses a dialogue of life. Founded in 1868 by Charles surviving 1,100 orphans had been baptized.6 Lavigerie (1825–92), Missionaries of Africa, popularly called A large number of children were still in Lavigerie’s care because of their white Arab dress, are still working when the famine was over, and requests for grew. in the Maghreb and the Sahara. They work also in sub-Saharan Lavigerie acquiesced for those he considered worthy.7 About Islamic countries such as , , Chad, and , as well 1,000 were eventually baptized. Some of this number were sent as in the Near East, in . to populate the two Christian villages established in the Chélif Valley in 1872 and 1874. By 1906, however, the two villages Lavigerie’s Vision for Muslim Mission numbered only 360 Christians in 36 families.8 The villagers, who now owned the land, merged with the French settler population, Lavigerie’s interest in Islam began in 1860, when, as director of as did most of the other baptized orphans.9 Lavigerie, who saw the work of the Eastern Schools (a French Catholic organization these young Algerians as a Christian elite for the evangelization for supporting missionaries in the Near East), he visited Lebanon of the whole continent, was disappointed. As he explained later, and to bring relief to Christian survivors of a massacre the Christian villages of made not the slightest impact on carried out by the Druze. His first impressions of a Muslim jihad surrounding Muslims but were costly and ineffective ghettos.10 were inevitably negative, but he was impressed by the humanity and culture of the exiled Algerian leader the amir Abd-al-Qadir, Efforts in Kabylia, Algeria whom he met on this journey. About the same time Lavigerie met Abbé F. Bourgade, who had established a college for Muslims, From his first arrival in Algeria, Lavigerie was attracted by the , and Catholics in . Bourgade was the author of three mountainous region of Kabylia. The so-called Kabyle myth held books that proposed a Socratic dialogue with Islam.1 The books that the area had originally been Christian and that its people envisage Islam as a preface to the Gospel. Left to God’s provi- might be disposed to return to the religion of their ancestors.11 In dence, thought Bourgade, Islam would eventually bear fruit in fact, these mountain dwellers had been virtually untouched by Christian truth.2 Lavigerie did not favor such a dialogue, but he Roman civilization, let alone . The Kabyles had de- recommended the books to his missionaries.3 He probably thought veloped their own amalgam of Islam and traditional beliefs, and that a religious encounter between Christianity and Islam would they had no desire to be Christians. In 1871, after the defeat of eventually be possible. in the Franco-Prussian War, the Kabyles conducted a A year after becoming of in 1867, Lavigerie serious uprising that took the French several months to suppress, founded the Society of Missionaries of Africa. They were to and Lavigerie’s missionaries went to Kabylia in 1873 in a climate disarm Islamic disdain for Christians by adopting the Muslims’ of hostility. Twenty years later, Kabyles told the White Fathers external manner of life—their clothing, food, language, poverty, that they were still hoping for another uprising.12 During that and nomadism.4 In 1868 Pius IX made Lavigerie apostolic del- time the mission stations of the White Fathers increased from two egate for the Sahara and (French) Sudan. Lavigerie’s responsi- to seven. At the turn of the century another two stations were bilities were thus extended to the enormous territories that lay founded in the Saharan Atlas. beyond the narrow confines of the Diocese of Algiers. In order not to play into the hands of the anticlericals, as well Lavigerie’s approach to Islam was far from bookish or as to avoid offending Muslim susceptibilities, Lavigerie forbade theoretical. It derived from his ongoing experience of the Muslim any open proselytism. There were to be no boarding schools or milieu. From the outset he claimed the right to love, and pray for, public catechumenates. Day schools could be started, and a small the Muslims of Algeria, not merely to be a chaplain to French number of boarders were allowed at the mission stations, but settlers, soldiers, and officials. Soon after his arrival in Algeria a religion was not to be taught in school. Instead, there was to be succession of calamities occurred: an earthquake, followed by a solid moral formation implicitly inspired by Christian prin- drought, a plague of locusts, and a cholera epidemic, accompa- ciples. Catechism could be given to those who requested it, but nied by famine. Some 90,000 people died of cholera, and a further there were to be no without the authorization of the 20,000 of starvation. The French took no extraordinary measures parents and of Lavigerie himself.13 Babies, however, could be to deal with the crisis, but Lavigerie set up camps and took in baptized at the moment of death. “We talk as little as possible nearly 2,000 orphans, 800 of whom died of cholera.5 The anticleri- about religion,” wrote a missionary in 1892.14 Dispensaries and cal administration suspected Lavigerie of proselytism and feared hospitals were to be opened, and the whole purpose of the a fanatical Muslim reaction. Lavigerie, however, with the sup- missionaries’ social and humanitarian action was to create a favorable climate for ultimate conversion to Christianity. It was Aylward Shorter, M.Afr., is Principal Emeritus of Tangaza College in the a long-term strategy that Lavigerie believed would take at least Catholic University of Eastern Africa, Nairobi, , and former president of a hundred years to bear any fruit. the Missionary Institute, London. He is currently working on the history project The missionaries’ primary contact was with children and of his missionary society. young people outside the parental culture. Few adult baptisms

October 2004 159 took place. By 1900 there were thirty-nine Kabyle Christians, and oases in Gourara, the and Tidikelt, inhabited by Arabs, ten years later just under three times that number.15 These believ- , the enslaved descendants of the original inhabitants ers were grouped in tiny Christian communities at five of the (Harratin), and large numbers of more recently enslaved Ne- mission stations. They were an outgrowth of the mission schools groes from the south. To the far south lay the mountains of and had no influence on the wider community. It is fair to say Hoggar, the homelands of the warlike Tuareg and Ahaggar.26 that, although there had been a missionary insertion into Kabyle Only in 1894 did French armies from the south occupy the society, the missionaries failed to provoke an interest in Chris- fabled town of . In the meantime, the White Fathers, tianity.16 who were establishing posts in the northern borderlands of the Although adult conversions were few, there were many Sahara, opened a station in the Mzab at Metlili in 1874.27 From baptisms of dying babies. For example, between September 1904 there a party of three missionaries set out to cross the in and September 1905 thirteen adults and thirty-five children of January 1876, only to be massacred by Ajjer Tuaregs, near El Christians were solemnly baptized in the whole of the Algerian Golea. Seven years later a second party of White Fathers took a Province, but there were nearly a thousand baptisms of infants in different route, setting out from Ghadamès in December 1881. danger of death.17 “Our neophytes are the dying,” wrote one They were massacred two days later by a coalition of Tuareg missionary in Kabylia.18 The surreptitious baptism of dying tribesmen. Lavigerie had hesitated to let them go after news of babies was not merely a function of the pessimistic salvation the annihilation of the Flatters expedition earlier in the year, but theology then in vogue, but it was seen as the creation of a he allowed himself to be persuaded that it was safe.28 After this Kabylian Church Triumphant. These “Holy Innocents” were disaster the Sahara was abandoned for several years. Gradually, now intercessors for Kabyles on earth. as the French army moved south, the White Fathers returned to As they saw it, the missionaries’ first aim was to “destroy the Saharan oases in the 1880s and 1890s, reopening four mission Muslim fanaticism,” to undermine faith in Muhammad, and— stations. Not until the advent of Colonel Henri Laperrine in 1901, even more implausibly—”to detach North Africa from the Arabs the friend and former comrade-in-arms of Charles de Foucauld, and Islam.”19 Although they were forbidden to indulge in polem- was the road to Timbuktu and the Niger opened in 1904–9.29 ics themselves, polemical literature was recommended reading, Meanwhile, in the oases of the northern desert, the White Fathers such as Michel Nau’s The Qur’an Against the Qur’an.20 The mis- pursued, with tireless devotion, the same evangelization policies sionaries in fact had no preparation for their encounter with as their brothers in Kabylia: education, medical work, and the Islam. They did not know classical Arabic and were thus unable avoidance of overt proselytism. to read the Qur’an, even when they obtained permission to do so In 1891 the Prefecture Apostolic of Sahara and Sudan was from higher authority. Their knowledge of the Kabyle language made a vicariate, and the province of Kabylia was attached to the was also far from perfect.21 dioceses of northern Algeria. At the same time, Lavigerie conse- French anticlerical legislation threatened the mission schools crated a coadjutor bishop who became vicar apostolic in his own in Kabylia in 1904. Without government support many schools right when Lavigerie died in November 1892. The coadjutor was were forced to close. Finally, in 1913 a ministerial decree closed Joseph-Anatole Toulotte (1852–1907). Lavigerie expressed mis- all the remaining mission schools.22 Henceforward, with Henri givings about Toulotte soon after appointing him.30 He was a Marchal as superior, there was a more religious encounter with fastidious scholar and reclusive ascetic, but not a leader of men. the Kabyle community. “We talk of God to people of good will. His immediate task as vicar apostolic was to organize the first We encourage a real prayer of the heart. . . . Many souls are caravan to the , through to the Niger in uneasy with their [Muslim] religion, but we do not imagine they 1894. The explorer-missionary Prosper (1860– will come to us.”23 1901) was appointed its leader.31 Toulotte led the third caravan to Lavigerie thought that God was positively at work among the French Sudan in 1896 but returned, broken in health and Muslims, and although he believed baptism to be necessary for “aged by twenty years.”32 He resigned the following year, to be salvation, he was in no hurry to baptize individuals. Individual succeeded by Hacquard. need was to be subordinated to that of the collectivity. To this With the benefit of French military protection and subsi- extent his salvation theology was less pessimistic than that of his dized travel, Hacquard and four companions reached Timbuktu missionaries.24 Lavigerie was implacably opposed to Jansenism, in May 1895. Very soon the missionaries were asking themselves and he must have been aware of the church’s condemnation of what they were going to do there.33 In fact, the mission in the Jansenist proposition “Outside the church there is no possi- Timbuktu settled down to being a carbon copy of mission sta- bility of grace.”25 Nevertheless, the theological climate of the time tions in the northern Sahara: education, medical work, and the would not have allowed him to reflect very profoundly on this ransoming of children enslaved by the Tuareg. The school was a truth with reference to Islam. failure, but the orphanage overflowed.34 It was even suggested that Timbuktu should be joined to the ecclesiastical circumscrip- The Timbuktu Mission tion of Ghardaia if a trans-Saharan route was opened.35 One of the White Fathers, Auguste Victor Dupuis (1865– The Sahara Desert captivated French minds as a place of mystery 1945), was strongly attached to Timbuktu and became deeply and adventure. The French ambition was to cross the Sahara and immersed in its languages and cultures. He knew Arabic, Songhay, link Algeria to the French Sudan (covering modern Mali, Burkina Tamachek (Tuareg), Bambara, and Peuhl. By 1900 he had, to- Faso, and parts of Niger and Chad). Lavigerie shared this fasci- gether with Hacquard, produced four books on the Songhay nation and aimed to send missionaries across the desert to strike language alone, and others were to follow.36 In the midst of all a blow against the slave trade that operated out of Timbuktu. The this erudition, however, he lost sight of his priestly role. Hacquard Sahara was geographically complex, peopled by a number of feared that Dupuis was “going native.”37 Known as Yacouba, ethnic groups both sedentary and nomadic, all professing a form Dupuis had a reputation that had spread along the whole course of Islam. Laghouat was occupied by the French in 1852. To the of the Niger.38 In 1904, when faced by superiors with the order to south lay the seven towns of the Mzab. In the southwest were the leave Timbuktu, he decided that another vocation was calling

160 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 28, No. 4 gold medal ever awarded by the Geographical Society of , he crossed the Algerian Sahara from to Tunis in 1885. Back in Paris in 1886, he underwent a religious con- version and later became a Trappist monk, spending nine years in and Syria. He was ordained priest and returned to Algeria as and missionary in 1901.44 Probably no other indi- vidual associated with the Sa- hara has so caught the public imagination as Charles de Foucauld, known as Brother Charles of Jesus. Guérin re- ceived him with joy and al- lowed him to establish a her- mitage at Beni-Abbès in the Tuat, on the Moroccan bor- der, where he was pastor to the military and spoke to the slaves about Jesus.45 In 1902 Guérin approved his founda-

Map by tion of the Little Brothers of GLOBAL MAPPING INTERNATIONAL www.gmi.org the Sacred Heart of Jesus, fol- lowing the rule of St. Augus- tine and linked to the frater- him. Soon afterward he married a Peuhl wife, a Muslim, and nity of Montmartre, Paris. They were to practice perpetual ado- raised a family of seven children. He became a government ration of the Blessed Sacrament, poverty, and solitude in a interpreter, adviser on native affairs, and even, for a short time, missionary environment.46 De Foucauld’s aspirations fluctuated commandant of Goundam, but his main claim to fame was to between active missionary work and the life of a hermit. He have founded a native faculty of higher studies at Timbuktu. longed to evangelize Morocco and the Tuareg, but unlike Yacouba remained a legendary figure, the benevolent patriarch Lavigerie’s missionaries, he thought that military pacification of the holy city. Always loyal to the Christian faith, he practiced and French civilization were necessary preliminaries.47 For their his priesthood by legitimately giving absolution to the dying. In part, the White Fathers believed that his contemplative tastes 1945 he himself died.39 Although bishop and missionaries re- rendered him unfit for the life of an active missionary.48 Guérin mained on good terms with him, it was felt necessary to close the kept up a tireless correspondence with him and managed to visit Timbuktu mission in 1906.40 him in person in May and June of 1903.49 Guérin esteemed de Foucauld for the spiritual influence he radiated, rather than for Guérin’s and de Foucauld’s Sahara Ministry any missionary enterprise. “His unalterable sweetness, his inex- haustible charity, taken with his joyful character, have absolutely Hacquard drowned in the Niger in 1901, the victim of a swim- won all hearts,” wrote Guérin to Livinhac, the superior general. ming accident.41 The Sahara was then separated from the French “The oratory of Beni-Abbès is a precious treasure for us all.”50 To Sudan, as the Prefecture Apostolic of Ghardaia, with Charles de Foucauld himself he wrote: “I count absolutely on the very Guérin (1872–1910) as prefect. At the time of his appointment, abundant graces which flow to our Society from the blessed Guérin was only twenty-nine years old. His extreme goodness shrine of Jesus at Beni-Abbès.”51 In his report for 1903 Guérin and his attraction for were a recommendation. As called Brother Charles of Jesus a “true priest who possesses the prefect apostolic, he lived poorly, occupying two small rooms, spirit of Jesus” and wrote of the respectful admiration de Foucauld and sleeping on planks supported by tin trunks.42 received from soldiers and natives. “The [holy man] of Guérin’s appointment coincided with the arrival in the Beni-Abbès is everywhere known.”52 Sahara of two other important figures, Henri Laperrine (1860– In spite of repeated efforts to make converts and find mem- 1920) and Charles de Foucauld (1858–1916). Laperrine, a career bers for his brotherhood, no one was prepared to share de soldier with considerable African experience, had been appointed Foucauld’s austerities. In his solitude, he began to envisage his “commander of the oases,” with orders to occupy the newly role as that of “universal brother,” united with Jesus in the captured Tuat in the western desert and to create a force for Blessed Sacrament, in the midst of the Muslims. It was an controlling the southern Sahara.43 Charles Eugène, Vicomte de apostolate of presence, an evangelization that renounced Foucauld, had also served as an officer in the French army in proselytism, and was a spiritual encounter with Islam.53 It was a Algeria and Tunisia. In 1882 he resigned his commission and for view of his apostolate that came more clearly into focus at two years explored Morocco in disguise. After receiving the first , and Guérin worked hard to make it possible, by

October 2004 161 securing from Pius X in person in 1907 the permission de Foucauld the Vatican and eventually moved to Rome, becoming the Pon- needed to celebrate the Eucharist alone.54 tifical Institute of Arabic and Islamic Studies (PISAI). In 1904 de Foucauld accompanied his friend Laperrine on an In 1937 Marchal organized a conference at Bou Nouh in exploratory journey to the Hoggar. At first Guérin was doubtful, Kabylia, attended by all the mission superiors and the director of but he soon saw the value of the information that de Foucauld IBLA. The conference produced some important conclusions. could give him on the country and on the beliefs and customs of The goal of the missionaries’ educational establishments was not its inhabitants, with a view to founding possible mission cen- proselytism. The importance of learning Kabyle and of studying ters.55 De Foucauld founded a second hermitage at Tamanrasset Islam was stressed, but there should be no haste in promoting in the heart of the Hoggar in 1905 and thereafter divided his time individual conversions to Christianity.65 During his long life, between the two. He translated the Bible into Tamachek and Marchal published more than thirty works, probably none more created a Tamachek lexicon and dictionary. Guérin referred to de important than Les grandes lignes de l’apostolat en afrique du nord, Foucauld proudly as “[my] missionary in Tuareg country.”56 In which appeared in its final form in 1938, and L’invisible présence February 1909 de Foucauld proposed the foundation of a mission de l’église, in 1950. station in the Hoggar, but it was rejected because of the current The theological implications of these works are a logical anticlerical legislation.57 development of Lavigerie’s principles.66 Like Lavigerie, Marchal Guérin died of typhoid in 1910 at the early age of thirty- was a pastoral realist, and he was convinced that the starting eight.58 De Foucauld was murdered at Tamanrasset in 1916 by a point for any missionary work among Muslims was a profound group of disaffected Tuaregs and Harratins.59 Not only was his knowledge of the cultural milieu. According to Marchal, the first spiritual message the inspiration for new religious congrega- priority was not to prepare individuals for baptism but to pro- tions, but it also had an impact on the Missionaries of Africa and mote the essential religious truths. Baptism was not to be con- their thinking about Christian presence among Muslims. De ferred except after a prolonged catechumenate and under condi- Foucauld wrote letters to other missionaries besides Guérin, tions that ensured perseverance. No specific Christian instruc- among them seven to Henri Marchal (1875–1957), whom he met tion was to be given outside the catechumenate. There should be personally in 1913.60 It is probable that de Foucauld was an a general religious education of the people. Marchal believed influence on the new pastoral strategy toward Muslims that that God is positively at work among Muslims and that their Marchal introduced in the Society of Missionaries of Africa. religious culture should not be destroyed. There should be no more denigration of Muhammad or demonstration of the falsity Marchal’s Strategy of Love and Dialogue of Islam. The aim was not primarily to administer baptism but to save souls. For Marchal, there were many salvific truths from the In 1905 Henri Marchal was appointed to the Sahara and joined Bible in Islam, and Muslims, he believed, could be saved through Guérin at Ghardaia. An Arabic scholar himself, he came to the them if they were understood in the light of supernatural faith. conclusion that missionaries needed qualified teachers if they The errors of their religion did not outweigh these truths. The were to make progress in their knowledge of Arabic and Islam.61 duty of the missionaries was to awaken consciences, the sense of From 1909 to 1912 he was regional superior of Kabylia and sin, contrition, humility, and conversion of heart. They were to emphasized the need for a relatively open form of evangeliza- invite Muslims to greater confidence in God’s mercy and to lead tion.62 From 1912 to 1947 he was assistant general of the society. them patiently into the love of God, of which interior prayer is the De Foucauld’s practice of being spiritually united with Muslims sign and the instrument. Concretely, he hoped that Muslims themselves would be apostles to their fellow Muslims. In short, Muslims would become Christians without knowing it. Marchal believed that God This was not to say that Marchal was a syncretist or that he wanted to leave Muslims on their own to become “good Mus- is positively at work among lims.” The Qur’an was not a praeparatio evangelica (preparation Muslims. for the Gospel) in the way that Bourgade suggested. The essential truths cannot be understood in a merely Muslim sense. Rather, they must be endowed with supernatural and salvific power. at their Friday prayers was in the line of Marchal’s own develop- The missionary task was to influence the social milieu in this ing ideas. Muslims, he argued, should be kept open to the action sense, through kindness, service, and Christian witness. of God’s grace, but that grace should not be presumed. This approach implied that salvation did not depend on membership After Marchal of a visible church. The economy of salvation was on a larger scale. In fact, Marchal distinguished between conversion to God, Although there were critics who did not believe that a Christian conversion to Jesus, and conversion to the church. Some Muslims spirit could be injected into a Muslim community, Marchal’s might feel called to discover Jesus and, in a few rare cases, to reflections became the official policy of the Missionaries of Africa accept the social consequences of church membership.63 at the time. Furthermore, they were a stimulus for the dialogue After World War I Marchal was instrumental in setting up of life and spiritual encounter espoused by the Missionaries of the Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes (IBLA) in 1927. Established Africa after the Second Vatican Council (1962–65) at their succes- at Tunis, this institute taught Arabic, the Qur’an, and Islamic sive General Chapters between 1967 and 1992. The White Fathers theology, law, and history. Fifty-one Missionaries of Africa were identified with the legitimate aspirations of the Algerian people admitted as students between 1927 and 1949. They were joined in their rebellion against the French colonial authorities in 1946– in 1932 by de Foucauld’s .64 After the Second 62. Of the nineteen Catholic missionaries—including priests, World War two centers were created: IBLA at Tunis remained a religious, and a bishop—who gave their lives during and after center of research and publications, while the formation pro- the conflict in 1956–94, ten were White Fathers. gram moved to La Manouba. In 1960 the latter was recognized by After political independence, the departure of the French

162 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 28, No. 4 school of intercultural studies BIOLA UNIVERSITY

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October 2004 163 settlers and administrators, and the dismantling of church struc- Overt proselytism by more recently arrived missionaries of other tures, the Catholic mission in Algeria deepened its spiritual churches is even meeting with success in Kabylia. The concept of relations with Muslims. Although there are very few Catholics a two-way dialogue implies that Christian faith can also develop today in Algeria, the White Fathers are accepted as part of the through encounter with Islam, including the challenges that country’s historical fabric. The rural Christian communities have Muslims pose as interlocutors. Muslims have even begun creat- disappeared, but many young Algerians are reacting against ing their own structures for dialogue and have invited Christians violence in the name of Islam by joining underground Christian to take part in various colloquiums. The raison d’être of the communities in the towns. Although there is a mistrust of the Algerian is now simply to be in relationship Western world, Algerians generally distinguish between Chris- with Muslim society as a “covenant of love” between them and tianity and Western politicians who happen to be Christian. the God of Jesus Christ.67

Notes 1. F. Bourgade, Les soirées de (Paris, 1847), La clef du Coran 31. General Council Minutes, 1893, p. 249, AGMAfr. (Paris, 1852), and Passage du Coran à l’Évangile (Paris, 1855). 32. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 136 (1907), Supplement, pp. 143–79. 2. Aylward Shorter, Christianity and the African Imagination (Nairobi: 33. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 72 (1896): 449. Paulines Publications, 1996), pp. 49–50. 34. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 93 (1902): 153; no. 100 (1903): 156–57. 3. François Renault, Cardinal Lavigerie: Churchman, Prophet, and 35. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 100 (1903): 157. Missionary (London: Athlone Press, 1994), p. 90; Georges Goyau, Un 36. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 93 (1902): 158. grand missionnaire: Le Cardinal Lavigerie (Paris: Plon, 1925), p. 256. 37. Hacquard to Livinhac, October 25, 1900, 071 348, AGMAfr. 4. , Instructions aux missionnaires (Namur: Grands 38. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 102 (1903): 11. Lacs, 1950), p. 252. 39. See Dupuis Dossier, DS d 268, AGMAfr.; William Seabrook, The 5. Joseph Cuoq, Lavigerie, les Pères Blancs et les Musulmans maghrebins White Monk of Timbuctoo (London: Harrap, 1934). (Rome: Missionaries of Africa, 1986), pp. 14–21; Renault, Cardinal 40. Rapports annuels, no. 2 (1906–7): 36. Lavigerie, pp. 93–98. 41. Segou Mission Diary, vol. 1, 1895-1907, April 4-21, 1901, pp. 133-37, 6. Cuoq, Lavigerie, p. 18; J. C. Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique et AGMAfr.; Eugène Marin, Algérie, Sahara-Soudan: Vie, travaux, voyages le dialogue interreligieux: Quelques jalons historiques” (paper de Mgr. Hacquard des Pères Blancs (Paris: Berger Levrault, 1905), pp. presented to the Colloque de Paris, December 2002), p. 2. 625–27. 7. Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 51–52; Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique,” 42. Notices nécrologiques, 3:29–36, AGMAfr. p. 3. 43. Fleming, The Sword and the Cross, pp. 156–66. 8. Rapports annuels (White Fathers), no. 1 (1905–6): 39. 44. Ibid., pp. 25–131. 9. Jean Tiquet, Expérience de petite colonisation indigène en Algérie—les 45. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 97 (1903), Supplement, pp. 9–14. colons arabes-chrétiens du Cardinal Lavigerie (Algiers: Maison-Carrée, 46. Charles de Foucauld, Lettres et carnets, ed. Jean-François Six (Paris: 1936). Editions du Seuil, 1966), p. 160. 10. Lavigerie, Instructions aux missionnaires, pp. 99–100. 47. Ibid., pp. 168, 198; Fleming, The Sword and the Cross, pp. 180–81, 187–88. 11. Renault, Cardinal Lavigerie, pp. 178–84; Ossilia Saadia, “Catholiques 48. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 137 (1907): 183. et Musulman Sunnites, discours croisés, 1920–1950: Approche 49. Charles de Foucauld, Correspondences sahariennes, ed. Philippe Thiriez historique de l’alterité religieuse” (doctoral thesis, Univ. of Lyon, and Antoine Chatelard (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1998). 2001), pp. 91–97. Reference UE 1007 in the Archives of the Generalate 50. Guérin to Livinhac, June 3, 1903, in de Foucauld, Correspondences of the Missionaries of Africa, Rome (henceforth AGMAfr.). sahariennes, p. 188. 12. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 64 (1894): 524. 51. Guérin to de Foucauld, June 29, 1903, in de Foucauld, Correspondences 13. Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 51–73; Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique,” sahariennes, pp. 196–97. pp. 3–4. 52. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 101 (1903): 261. 14. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 57 (1893): 19. The remark was made at the 53. De Foucauld, Lettres et carnets, p. 160; Saadia, Catholiques et Musulman College of St. Charles at Tunis, but it reflects the attitude in Algeria. Sunnites, pp. 290–95. 15. Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique,” p. 4, quoting Cuoq. 54. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 148 (1908): 279; Fleming, The Sword and the 16. Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 85, 92. Cross, p. 214. 17. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 121 (1905), Annual Statistical Table for 55. Guérin to de Foucauld, March 3 and April 21, 1904, in de Foucauld, Algeria Province. There were 995 infant baptisms in extremis. Correspondences sahariennes, pp. 252, 336–38. 18. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 76 (1897): 459. 56. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 139 (1907): 391. 19. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 57 (1893): 58; also no. 101 (1903): 239; no. 57. General Council Minutes, February 15, 1909, p. 830, AGMAfr. 148 (1908): 327. 58. Notices necrologiques, 3:29–36, AGMAfr. 20. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 97 (1903), Supplement, p. 27. 59. Fleming, The Sword and the Cross, pp. 278–79. 21. Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 39, 90; Chronique trimestrielle, no. 68 (1895): 2. 60. De Foucauld, Correspondences sahariennes, pp. 941–52. 22. Rapports annuels, no. 9 (1913–14): 73. 61. Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique,” p. 5. 23. Rapports annuels, no. 6 (1910–11): 81–83. 62. Ibid., p. 6. 24. See discussion in Saadia, “Catholiques et Musulman Sunnites,” pp. 63. Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 76–77; Jean-Marie Gaudeul, Encounters and 91–97. Clashes: Islam and Christianity in History (Rome: PISAI, 2000), p. 310. 25. Extra ecclesiam nulla conceditur gratia; Lavigerie, Instructions aux 64. Ceillier, “Les Missionnaires d’Afrique,” p. 7. missionnaires, pp. 71–72. 65. Ibid., pp. 9–10. 26. Chronique trimestrielle, no. 101 (1903), Sahara Province Report, pp. 66. This account is based on Cuoq, Lavigerie, pp. 74–110; Ceillier, “Les 233–40. Missionnaires d’Afrique,” pp. 9–11; and Saadia, “Catholiques et 27. See Renault, Cardinal Lavigerie, pp. 185–94, 257–62. Musulman Sunnites,” pp. 299–36. 28. Ibid., p. 262. 67. , Chrétiens en Algérie, un partage d’espérance (Paris: 29. Fergus Fleming, The Sword and the Cross (London: Granta Books, Desclée de Brouwer, 2002), pp. 47–48; Armand Duval, C’était une 2003), pp. 177–78, 223–25, 239–41. longue fidélité à l’Algérie et au Rwanda (Paris: Mediaspaul, 1998), 30. General Council Minutes, 1897, p. 445, AGMAfr. quoting Bishop , p. 136.

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