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INDIAN AGRICULTURE, WHITE REMOVAL, and the UNLIKELY CONSTRUCTION of the NORTHERN CHEYENNE RESERVATION, 1876-1900 James R

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INDIAN AGRICULTURE, WHITE REMOVAL, and the UNLIKELY CONSTRUCTION of the NORTHERN CHEYENNE RESERVATION, 1876-1900 James R University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Spring 2012 BEYOND THE VIOLENCE INDIAN AGRICULTURE, WHITE REMOVAL, AND THE UNLIKELY CONSTRUCTION OF THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE RESERVATION, 1876-1900 James R. Allison III University of Virginia Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the American Studies Commons, Cultural History Commons, and the United States History Commons Allison, James R. III, "BEYOND THE VIOLENCE INDIAN AGRICULTURE, WHITE REMOVAL, AND THE UNLIKELY CONSTRUCTION OF THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE RESERVATION, 1876-1900" (2012). Great Plains Quarterly. 2780. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2780 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. BEYOND THE VIOLENCE INDIAN AGRICULTURE, WHITE REMOVAL, AND THE UNLIKELY CONSTRUCTION OF THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE RESERVATION, 1876-1900 JAMES R. ALLISON III Upon first glance, a specific act of vio­ commit, the killing of another Cheyenne. lence seemed to fix the particular location Blood spilled within the tribe polluted the of the Northern Cheyenne Reservation. On Mahuts, the four sacred arrows the Creator December 12, 1880, the prominent Northern gave to the Cheyenne people to mark them as Cheyenne chief, Little Wolf, staggered into a distinct from other mortals and forever bind white-owned trading store near Fort Keogh, them to him.! As one of the four Old Man Montana Territory, and, in a drunken stupor, Chiefs of the tribe, Little Wolf understood shot and killed a fellow Cheyenne named that defiling the Mahuts disrupted the unity Starving Elk. Enraged at Starving Elk for gam­ between the Cheyenne and their Creator, bling with his daughter, Little Wolf commit­ creating trouble for his people. Immediately ted the most atrocious act a Cheyenne could sobered and embarrassed, and understand­ ing that custom demanded retribution from Starving Elk's kin, Little Wolf dropped his rifle and reportedly declared, "I am going up on that Key Words: American Indian sovereignty, federal government, Indian-White relations, Little Wolf, hill by the bend of the creek. If anybody wants Powder River Basin, Montana me I'll be there."2 Although disgraced and initially cast James Allison is a PhD Candidate in History at out by much of the tribe, the pull of Little the University of Virginia completing a dissertation Wolf remained strong, and within a year, entitled "Sovereignty and Survival: American Energy Development and Indian Self-Determination." A eighty-six Cheyenne families followed Little former energy and environmental attorney, his Wolf to his self-imposed exile near Rosebud scholarship focuses on global energy development and Creek.3 To most observers, this blind loyalty local indigenous communities. A fellowship from the to a fallen leader required little explanation. Buffalo Bill Historical Center in Cody, Wyoming, After all, Little Wolf had recently led his made this project possible. people in a costly yet courageous escape from Indian Territory, fighting through the dead [GPQ 32 (Spring 2012): 91-1111 of winter back to the Northern Cheyenne's 91 92 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 2012 ancestral Montana homeland, and in the martial hero whose violent acts dictated the process attained a cultlike status. Thankful locale of their new home, those families that to have survived their deadly encounters in joined Little Wolf did so because the land upon the Northern Plains, these obedient followers which he settled offered greater opportunities appeared simply to cast their lot with their for sustenance, and by extension, control over military and spiritual leader, following him to their lives. The sheltered and fertile river val­ wherever his violent acts led. When this small leys surrounding Rosebud Creek not only sup­ community soon prospered to the point that ported ample game for traditional Cheyenne just four years later President Chester Arthur subsistence hunting, but more importantly declared a Northern Cheyenne Reservation to securing a reservation, provided an ideal in the specific area surrounding Little Wolf's setting for irrigated farming and ranching, exile, the amazing story of the resilient and practices the Cheyenne adopted with great defiant Northern Cheyenne seemed complete.4 success while imprisoned at Fort Keogh. There, Little Wolf guided his people through the har­ under Little Wolf's pragmatic leadership, the rowing escape back to Montana, and his final Cheyenne learned the value of providing their act of violence dictated the specific location of own subsistence in ways acceptable to federal their federally sanctioned home. authorities, noting that the less they depended This explanation for the ultimate location upon federal rations, the more daily freedom of the Northern Cheyenne Reservation fits well they had to continue indigenous traditions within the narrative of violence that too often vital to their community. Understanding that dominates accounts of this and other nine­ subsistence and sovereignty were intimately teenth-century Plains Indian tribes. Typically entwined, the Northern Cheyenne selectively framed as tales of heroic or bloodthirsty whites incorporated certain agricultural practices to combating noble or savage Indians, popular retain control over their own existence'? understandings of current reservation locations In addition to maintaining this control, are either a depressing tale of Indians being adopting Anglo subsistence practices that herded onto undesired wastelands or a romantic conformed to federal mandates and cultural saga of perseverance and violence where Indian expectations for "civilizing" western Indians groups are ultimately awarded a small piece of also secured important federal allies, such as their ancestral homeland as a token for past sac­ Fort Keogh commander and Cheyenne cham­ rifices.s The Northern Cheyenne historiography pion Colonel Nelson Miles. In fact, by the time is as guilty as any other in perpetrating these Cheyenne families began leaking out of Fort tales of violence that overshadow other impor­ Keogh after Little Wolf's violent act, Indian tant aspects of frontier life, most notably the efforts to farm and ranch had so pleased federal many pragmatic adaptations Indians undertook officers that the military actually supported this in their search for subsistence and sovereignty. otherwise illegal migration, supplying farming Inevitably fore grounding the improbable escape supplies and manpower to assist the burgeoning from Indian Territory to their Montana home­ agricultural community. This federal support land and concluding with Little Wolf's final act would continue through the settlement's early of violence, these Northern Cheyenne histories years when local whites protested-sometimes proudly explain that militant Indian defiance violently-the notion of Indians possessing the eventually produced a reservation where there area's best land, and culminated in a successful was none, and then the tribe fought passionately petition for the reservation's establishment. In to defend and expand this refuge by the dawn of the end, the Northern Cheyenne's willingness the twentieth century.6 to adopt Anglo agricultural practices-which As with most tidy narratives, however, the they understood could provide subsistence, reality of the Northern Cheyenne is more greater freedoms, and key federal allies-best complicated. More than blindly following a explains the creation of the reservation. © 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln BEYOND THE VIOLENCE 93 To the Northern Cheyenne's white support­ the mobile and hungry Cheyenne and fearful ers, the 1884 reservation was a crucial step in ranchers protecting their livestock. While the project to settle this "most fierce and war­ historians have seized upon these recurring like tribe," circumscribing the Cheyenne in a episodes to justify the narrative of violence tightly controlled spatial logic that segregated driving explanations for the 1900 expansion the tribe from the wild and chaotic frontier of the Northern Cheyenne Reservation, these conditions so they could be managed to meet encounters are understood best not as the prod­ white expectations. Trusting that a systematic uct of militant Indian defiance, but within the ordering of the reservation would enhance context of diverse groups struggling to possess the Northern Cheyenne's safety, increase pockets of highly desirable land in a region agricultural production, and bring important short on such attractive options. The result was civilizing benefits, Cheyenne allies supported a clash of mutually exclusive claims to the land, Superintendent John Tully's 1891 explanation neither of which allowed room for the presence that what the Indians really needed was the of the other in this contested space. Thus, "boundering [sic] of lines on the East [of the even when the Northern Cheyenne seemed reservation] ... and that all the whites be to accept white patterns of subsistence like bought off and a wire fence be built all around farming and ranching, local whites engaged in the Reservation hog tight and cattle strong."s those same practices refused to see Indians as Clearly demarcated lines segregating
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