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The influence of fashion on the dress of Afirican-American w o m e n in Georgia, 1870—1915
Hunt, Patricia Kay, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1990
C o p y r i ^ t © 1 9 9 0 by Hunt, Patricia Kay. All rights reserved.
UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd Ann Arbor, MI 48106
THE INFLUENCE OF FASHION ON
THE DRESS OF AFRICAN AMERICAN
WOMEN IN GEORGIA, 1870-1915
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of the Ohio State University
By
Patricia Kay Hunt, B.S., M.S.
*****
The Ohio State University
1990
Dissertation Committee: Approved by
Lucy R. Sibley Henry L. Taylor Hazel Jackson Kathryn Jakes . Nancy Rudd Adviser Department of Textiles & Clothing Copyright by
Patricia Kay Hunt
1990 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My sincere appreciation is extended to Dr. Lucy R.
Sibley, Major Professor, for her support, guidance, and expertise throughout the planning and execution of this research project. The author also wishes to thank
Dr. Henry Taylor, Jr. for his encouragement, guidance and support from the inception of this project to its completion.
Gratitude is extended to Dr. Hazel Jackson, Dr. Kathryn
Jakes, and Dr. Nancy Rudd, all of whom have contributed to the completion of this project by serving on my Graduate
Committee.
Special gratitude is extended to Mr. Alfonso Biggs,
Atlanta University, Spelman College, The Herndon Home, The
Spencer Home and the Vanishing Georgia Collection of the
Georgia State Archives for the use of photographs within each collection.
A special thanks to my parents who have supported me in various ways throughout my Ph.D. program and the completion of the dissertation. Also special thanks to Rob Redmond and
Charlotte Headrick who edited portions of the dissertation and also provided support and encouragement towards the completion of this research project.
ii Special appreciation is extended to Beverly Gray for her patience and typing expertise.
Xll VITA
July 28, 1954 ...... Born-Wurzburg, Germany
1977 ...... University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia.
1977-1978 ...... High school teacher. Home Economics, Hepzibah High School, Hephzibah, Georgia
1981-1983 ...... Graduate Assistant, Department of Textiles and Clothing, College of Home Economics, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia.
1983...... M.S. Department of Textiles and Clothing, College of Home Economics, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia.
1983-1984 ...... Instructor, Department of Textiles and Clothing, College of Home Economics, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia.
1984-1986 ...... Graduate Associate, Department of Textiles and Clothing, College of Home Economics, The Ohio State University.
1987-1989 ...... Assistant Professor, Department of Apparel, Interiors & Merchandising, Oregon State University, Corvallis, Oregon
1989-Present ...... Assistant Professor, Department of Textiles, Merchandising and Interiors, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia.
XV PUBLICATIONS
Hunt, P. K. & Sibley, L. R. (1987). 'Chitchat on fashion'> 1859-1869. Advice from Godev * s and Peterson ' s Magazines on the construction of day dresses. In R. H. Marshall (Ed.), ACPTC Proceedings, (pp. 24).
Hunt, P. K. (1986) . An investigation of fabric fragments recovered from a slave cemetary in South Carolina. In Mainfort, Jr., R. C., Southeastern Archaeological Conference. Bulletin 29, (pp. 33-34).
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Textiles & Clothing
Minor Fields— Historic Costume African American History
v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... i ü
VITA ......
LIST OF TABLES ...... viii
LIST OF PLATES ...... ix
CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Statement of the P r o b l e m ...... 4 Obj ectives ...... 6 Limitations ...... 7 Definitions ...... 7
II. REVIEW OF L I T E R A T U R E ...... 9
African Americans in Georgia, 1865-1915 9 The Meaning of Clothing ...... 33 Costume Characteristics, 1870-1915 44
III. METHODOLOGY ...... 58
Photographs as Histocial Evidence . 58 Identification of Photograph Collections ...... 61 Classification of Photographs . . . 61 Recording of the Attributes of Dress from the Photographs . . 62 Analysis of D a t e ...... 62
IV. PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS. 65
Collections with Photographs of African American Women .... 65 Classification of the Photographs . 70 Analysis of African American Dress by Time-Fashion Period .... 73
vi Identification of the Degree of F a s h i o n ...... 133 Comparison of Urban Versus Rural S e t t i n g ...... 138
V. SUMMARY AND I M P L I C A T I O N S ...... 166
S u m m a r y ...... 166 Implications ...... 176 Further Research ...... 177
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 179
APPENDICES
A. Photographs from the Vanishing Georgia Collection ...... 189
B. Glossary of Costume Terms ...... 191
V l l LIST OF TABLES
TABLES PAGE
1. Number of photographs from each c o l l e c t i o n ...... 66
2. Photographs used in the present study . . . 69
3. Photographs included in the study. Breakdown by Time-Fashion Periods and Location ...... 72
4. Type of photograph by fashion period and geographic location ...... 74
5. Number of women per Collection ...... 75
6. Fashion rating by time period and location (fashionable) ...... 134
7. Fashion rating by time period and location (unfashionable) ...... 135
8. Fashion rating by time period and location (one-item fashionable) ...... 139
9. Fashion rating by time period and location (not enough visible) ...... 140
10. Fashion rating for date range photographs ...... 141
vixi LIST OF PLATES
PLATES PAGE
I. VGC-CTM-219 ...... 76
II. Herndon 27.108...... 78
III. Spelman 1266 ...... 79
IV. Spelman 1267...... 80
V. V G C - C O W - 8 1 ...... 81
VI. Spelman 466 ...... 83
VII. Spelman 375 ...... 84
VIII. VGC-WAS-278 ...... 85
IX. VGC-BEN-255 ...... 88
X. VGC-THO-176 ...... 89
XI. VGC-THO-169 ...... 90
XII. VGC-BEN-136 ...... 91
XIII. Spelman 5 1 1 ...... 92
XIV. Spelman 5 1 8 B ...... 93
XV. VGC-DGH-100 ...... 94
XVI. VGC-BAL-129 ...... 98
XVII. VGC-LAU-172 ...... 99
XVIII. VGC-GOR-438 ...... 100
XIX. VGC-MUS-139 ...... 101
XX. Spelman 622 ...... 102
XXI. Spelman 464 ...... 103
XXII. VGC-JON-115 ...... 105
rx XXIII. AU 1900 106
XXIV. Spelman 5 6 3 ...... 107
XXV. Spelman 1 2 4 1 ...... 108
XXVI. Spelman 1337 109
XXVII. VGC-LUM-92 ...... 110
XXVIII. VGC-CAR-189 ...... 111
XXIX. VGC-JON-39 ...... 112
XXX. VGC-GLY-188 ...... 114
XXXI. VGC-JON-51 ...... 117
XXXII. VGC-LAU-149 ...... 118
XXXIII. VGC-GLY-164 ...... 119
XXXIV. VGC-GLY-205 ...... 120
XXXV. VGC-GLY-175 ...... 121
XXXVI. VGC-GLY-196 ...... 122
XXXVII. VGC-RAB-169 ...... 123
XXXVIII. VGC-GOR-483 ...... 125
XXXIX. VGC-GLY-195 ...... 126
XL. VGC-RAN-103 ...... 127
XLI. VGC-GLY-246 ...... 128
XLII. VGC-BAK-2 ...... 129
XLIII. VGC-GLY-206 ...... 131
XLIV. VGC-MÜS-147 ...... 147
XLV. Herndon 2 . 1 3 ...... 148
XLVI. Herndon 2 . 1 1 ...... 149
XLVII. Herndon 2 . 8 ...... 150
XLVIII. Hemdon 2 . 7 7 ...... 151
IL. H e m d o n 2 . 7 3 ...... 152
X L. Herndon 2 . 6 2 ...... 153
LI. Herndon 4 . 5 ...... 154
LU. Hemdon 2.6 ...... 155
LIU. VGC-GRA-52 ...... 156
LIV. VGC-GWN-82 ...... 157
LV. H e m d o n 2 . 1 ...... 158
LVI. Hemdon 2.4 ...... 159
LVII. VGC-SAP-93 ...... 160
LVIII. VGC-SAP-94 ...... 161
LIX. VGC-GEO-95 ...... 162
XI CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Historic articles of clothing are artifacts of past cultural activity which provide the historian with an opportunity to examine the statuses, personalities, and values (both moral and religious) of an individual or
individuals from an earlier period of time. As constructed
objects they are relatively easy to obtain and can alter as the individuals environment or surroundings alter (Chapman,
1986). According to sociologist Ernst Harms (1938), dress
"most intimately expresses man's relation to the
environment" (p. 239). Schwarz (1979) states.
Taking the position that what men make may
be as important as what they say in defining a
relationship with their environment (socio-cultural
as well as natural), the study of clothing and
adornment becomes rather significant as an
anthropological enterprise. It is not just the
fact that only humans adorn themselves, but that
more than anv other material product, clothing plavs
a svmbolic role in mediating the relationship between
nature, man, and his socio-cultural environment [Italics his]. In dressing up, man addresses himself, his fellows, and his world (p. 30-31).
Since the late nineteenth century, psychologists,
sociologists, anthropologists, and more recently scholars in
the field of textiles and clothing have studied dress as it
functions as personal adornment and its use as an expression
of social and economic status. Dress has been examined for
its information about personality, self-concept, and self
esteem of an individual. Dress has also been investigated
as an expression of beauty and aesthetic values of an
individual or of a group of people.
Clothing, as it reflects the history of a people
through actual garments, through photographs, or through
diaries and letters, provides important information about
people. It may tell how people valued themselves, how they
valued dress, and how dress served in the struggle to
achieve social, political, and economic equality.
As a reflection of history, clothing is an intimate
object of people, representing a unique aspect of culture.
It is unique because it can express numerous factors:
individuality, group cohesiveness, and specific time period.
It may also reveal social, economic, and political factors
which influence a particular time period and a particular
people. According to Hurlock (1929),
Perhaps in no phase of life is the general trend
of thought and feeling so clearly shown as in
dress. Glancing over costume plates of a certain 3
period, one would be able to tell with a high degree
of accuracy what have been the characteristic ideas
and events of the time (p. 213).
Clothing cannot be studied without taking into consideration the factors which influenced the lives of the
individual or individuals who wore the garments. The study
of clothing history generates interpretations of the
significance of a dress, a headdress, a hairstyle, a coat or
some other element of dress. These items provide a rich
source of information (Frye, 1977). They supply insight
into the uses and meanings of a particular garment in the
life of a particular person or group of people, as well as
provide information about the garment itself. Hurlock
(1929) found that clothing objects exist as "records of
ideas which have shaped nations and which have left their
indelible mark on the history of mankind" (p. 213).
Although extensive clothing history studies have been
investigated on European dress, only a few exist concerning
the history of dress in the United States. Studies of the
dress of minorities have been conducted in the area of
native American dress and of selected religious groups such
as the Amish (Gurel, 1979; Maurer, 1979). Few studies exist
of other American minorities and their dress. In a 1977
discussion of costume as history, Fyre emphasizes the value
of studying the dress of minorities. She states, "Today as
minority groups search openly for their roots, garments that 4 reflect their respective heritages will become as important as they are rare" (p. 40).
African American women have been and continue to be an exceptional group in American society. Wares (1981) believes that African American women are a unique section of
American society because they have existed in a world of racism, poverty, and institutional subordination. According to Watkins and David (1970, p. 52), the African American woman has historically "borne the weight of inferior status and prejudice derived from her sex as well as her color."
Clothing is a form of material culture. According to
Merritt (1986), "material culture can effectively pull us into history, bridging the gap of time and heightening our sense of place" (p. 219). As a form of material culture, items of clothing should provide new information and new interpretations of the experiences of African American women.
Ryan (1966) notes that "undoubtedly, the most evident influence on choice of clothing is derived from the particular society or cultural group to which we belong" (p.
57). Therefore, clothing or dress may reflect the social, economic, and cultural influences which affected the lives of African American women and thus should give the historian new insight into the past of African American women.
Statement of the Problem
The specific focus of this study was to investigate the impact of fashion on the dress of rural and urban African 5
American women in the state of Georgia, 1870-1915. Types and styles of garments illustrated in photographs of the period were identified and compared to fashionable dress of the time in order to explore (1) the degree of participation by African American women in fashion, and (2) the impact of geographic location (rural and urban) upon clothing.
It was assumed that differences in dress would be related to socioeconomic levels which can be found in rural and urban areas and the availability of fashion items in the two distinct areas. Since a greater variety of occupations were available to African Americans in the urban areas which might pay higher wages than rural area occupations, it was
assumed that a higher socioeconomic status existed in the urban areas.
Significance of this Study
Despite the presence of studies in the area of historic
costume, additional information is needed to expand the
knowledge of American dress and, in particular, such
specific groups of Americans as the clothing worn by African
American women. The present study will investigate the
clothing of African American women about which little is
known. Second, it compares dress of rural and urban African
American women to identify and determine any locational
and/or cultural differences. It also extends the knowledge
of fashionable American dress of the time period, 1870-1915.
Finally, the research is important for its documentation of
the dress of African American women. The documentation 6 obtained will provide a more complete history of American dress, by including another group of Americans who previously have been excluded from the study of the history of American dress.
Few studies (Ordonez, 1982; Tandberg, 1981; Wares,
1981) exist which document the dress of African American women. Ordonez (1982) concentrated her study on clothing availability and production for African American slaves in
Leon County, Florida. Tandberg (1981) conducted a study of
African American slave clothing using photographs of extant clothing to examine the design and construction of slave clothing.
Wares' 1981 dissertation focused on African cultural influences, dress worn during slavery, and some discussion of dress worn up to 1935. She provided a review of theories of dress and its symbolism, with discussion of specific types of garments worn after 1865, but gave little emphasis to silhouette, design, fabric, and workmanship. Wares' study was not limited to one area of the country or one specific state but was a broad study of the dress of African
American women from 1500-1935.
Obj ectives
The following objectives were developed for this study:
1. To identify the clothing of African American women in Georgia as illustrated in photographs during the period,
1870-1915. 7 2. To compare the dress worn by African American women in Georgia with the fashionable dress of the period, 1870-
1915.
3- To compare the dress of African American women in the rural areas with those of African American women in the urban areas of the state of Georgia during the time period,
1870-1915.
Limitations
1. This study was limited to photographs of African
American adult women.
2. This investigation was limited to the state of
Georgia. The state of Georgia was investigated because it was a major slave holding state and therefore a state with a large African American population after the Civil War.
3. The time period was limited to 1870-1915. The earliest photograph available for examination was dated
1878, therefore the study begins with that decade. The year
1915 was chosen as a concluding time for the study because
it was the beginning of the "great" migration of large
scores of African Americans to the cities of the
northeastern and midwestern United States.
Definition of Terms
The following definitions are provided for
clarification purposes.
African American - individuals of African ancestry who
reside in the United States. 8 Clothing - "articles used by people to cover and to decorate themselves" (Horn & Gurel, 1981, p. 11).
Dress - a term used synonymously with clothing through out this research.
Economic svmbolism - refers to the use of objects to signify an individual's wealth or monetary value.
Fashionable dress - apparel that is widely accepted at a point in time.
Rural - areas "residing outside of such incorporated places" (13th Census of the United States, 1910).
Social svmbolism - refers to the roles of an individual or people and those objects utilized to represent or signify those roles. These roles include: gender, occupational, public, and/or cultural roles.
Urban - "incorporated places of 2,500 inhcüaitants or more" (13th Census of the United States, 1910). CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
There is not an extensive collection of literature about the dress of African Americans, although there is an extensive collection of literature devoted to African
American history. Drawing upon the sources, the investigator sought to study the dress of African American women in urban and rural settings in Georgia 1870-1915.
This chapter includes a review of the primary and secondary sources of literature on African Americans in the south and specifically in the state of Georgia immediately after the
Civil War through the year 1915. It also provides a review of the literature focusing upon the meaning of clothing as it applies to communication, symbols of economic and social status, fashionable clothing as a symbol of socioeconomic status and the diffusion of fashion. The last section includes a discussion of the costume characteristics common to each of the time fashion periods pertinent to this study:
1870-1879, 1880-1889, 1890-1899, 1900-1908, and 1909-1915.
African Americans in Georgia. 1865-1915
The lives of African Americans were shaped by the political, social, and economic circumstances which influenced the lives of all Georgians during the period. 10 More importantly African American lives were influenced by the prejudice and discrimination which surrounded them.
From this situation, African Americans banded together to form a "collective spirit." This spirit created a unique culture, one influenced by the world around it and by the social and political segregation laws of this world.
In order to grasp the circumstances which influenced their lives in Georgia, one must understand the history of this period which emphasizes the harsh situation in which
African Americans lived. In 1863 Abraham Lincoln issued the
Emancipation Proclamation, a declaration which established a new course in the lives of African Americans. The
Proclamation was not a law but a "statement of intent"
(Cotton, 1960, p. 252) which only applied to states or areas under Confederate control. As Union troops occupied
Confederate territory, slaves would leave plantations for
Union headquarters. Perman (1987, p. 5) indicates since they were not legally free, the fugitives were known as
'contraband of war.' This left their status as free undecided, but enabled the slaves to stay with the troops
rather than return to the plantations. (Thompson, 1921;
Wingo, 1969; Matthews, 1970; Perman, 1987).
Legally African Americans were freed at the end of the
Civil War and the passage of the 13th amendment; they were
granted citizenship with the passage of the 14th amendment
in 1866. Yet slavery lingered on in some areas of the South
where planters had refused to notify slaves of their freedom 11 (Clemons, Hollitz, & Gardner, 1865; Bergman, 1969; Perman,
1987). As slaves either realized or were notified of their freedom, they faced the problems of finding a job and finding a place to live (Clemons, Hollitz & Gardner, 1965;
Franklin, 1981).
Slave codes had prevented most African Americans from obtaining any type of education; therefore slavery left nearly all African Americans illiterate. According to
Harris (1982), this situation and the actuality that most slaves worked on plantations as agricultural laborers caused
African Americans to come "to freedom with absolutely no capital, possessing neither cash nor land. They had only the ability to work" (p. 8).
Immediately after the Civil War, Black Codes were decreed throughout the South to deny citizen rights to
African Americans (Clemons, Hollitz, & Gardner, 1965; Wingo,
1969; Wotton, 1973). According to Bacote (1958), "Slavery
left a heritage so deeply rooted in the minds of the white
Southerners that they could not grant willing to the Negro
those rights and privileges that accompany first-
citizenship" (p. 186). These Black Codes like the earlier
Slave Codes were "designed to define the place of the Negro
in the Southern society" (Bacote, 1958, p. l) and
ultimately dictated most aspects of African American life in
Southern states (Bacote, 1958; Bergman, 1969; Franklin,
1981). 12 Some of these codes attempted to limit the areas in which African Americans could rent or purchase property, and others defined vagrancy laws which impressed heavy fines or other penalties on unemployed or homeless African Americans.
"Numerous fines were imposed for seditious speeches, insulting gestures or acts, absence from work, violating curfew, and the possession of firearms" (Franklin, 1981, p.
232) .
Black Codes, according to Bacote (1958), were eliminated during Reconstruction partly due to the existence of the Freedmen's Bureau which was an agency, during and after the Civil War, designed to assist the freedmen in obtaining land, in finding jobs, and in protecting the rights which had been newly granted to them (Thompson, 1921;
Wotton, 1973; Franklin, 1981). The Bureau was established in 1865 to 'control all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen' (Bergman, 1969, p. 244). It had the authority to set aside abandoned land that could be leased to the freedmen at a low rental fee, issue provisions of clothing, food, and fuel, and provide medical care. The Bureau was also instrumental in establishing schools and hiring teachers (Thompson, 1921; Bergman, 1969; Cimbala, 1985).
The protection and aid provided by the Freedmen's
Bureau ended with the demise of the Bureau in 1872. African
Americans then faced the reestablishment of white southern political power and the activities of the Ku Klux Klan
(Bacote, 1958). Although the old Black Codes were 13 supposedly obliterated during Reconstruction, new ones similar to the old were established. These did not occur immediately after the end of Reconstruction and the demise of the Freedmen's Bureau but occurred to a large extent in the 1890's. Some of these laws were stronger and provided more stringent regulation than the previous Black Codes
(Perdue, 1973).
Between 1890 and 1930, social segregation was legalized throughout the United States. The state of Georgia continued the attempt to rule the lives of African Americans through the passage of segregation laws. In 1872 Georgia instituted school segregation. By the 1890's, the state issued several segregation laws which mandated separate facilities for African Americans. These included: segregated streetcars, restaurants, theatres, public parks, and residential areas (Moore, 1967; Bergman, 1969; Meier &
Rudwick, 1970; Dittmer, 1977).
These segregation laws were known as Jim Crow laws:
According to Woodward (1955, p. 7), "the origin of the term
Jim Crow applied to Negroes is lost in obscurity." Like
Black Codes, these laws were utilized to force African
Americans to respect what many white southerners considered their superior position (Bacote, 1958). According to Toppin
(1971),
With Supreme Court sanction, segregation now became
the way of life in the South. When before segregation
had been by custom or by laws primarily on schools 14 and marriages, now Southern states passed a mass of
laws requiring Jim Crow facilities in every sphere
imagincible (p. 147).
In the first decade of the twentieth century, the largest race riot occurred in Atlanta in 1906. The riot resulted from discussion in newspapers about prohibition of the sale of liquor to African Americans, the disenfranchisement of African Americans, the revival of the
Ku Klux Klan, and a call of some white Atlantans for a
'lynching bee' (Crowe, 1968; Bergman, 1969, p. 348). After weeks of tension, a mob of men began harassing and assaulting African Americans in the streets of Atlanta.
Policemen looked on as African American men and women were pulled from streetcars. As the riot continued, groups of
African American men organized and set up ambushes as white mobs approached African American residential areas. The riot ended by morning. There were 20 African Americans dead and many more wounded (Dittmer, 1977). According to Crowe
(1968) the 1906 riot was not an isolated incident but one of more than 40 riots which occurred in Atlanta from 1898 to
1908. This riot was simply the worst one from 1898 to 1908.
After the Civil War, the majority of African Americans
remained in the rural areas in which they had lived as
slaves (Dittmer, 1977). Some African Americans left the
rural communities for the cities and towns of Georgia and
other areas of the South (Coulter, 1965; Matthews, 1970;
Meier & Rudwick, 1970; Franklin, 1981). Those who did not 15 find work in the cities returned to the rural areas (Jones,
1985). African Americans who remained in the cities helped to create communities which began to serve the needs of the newly freed African Americans.
Just as African Americans left the rural areas of
Georgia and other Southern states for the cities of the
South, they also left the rural south for Northern cities.
In the period prior to and during World War I, thousands of
African Americans left for the North, "the promised land," in search of better paying jobs, housing, and in search of social, political, and economic equality (Gaston, 1957;
Dittmer, 1977; Franklin, 1981). This movement was known as the "great migration'^ (Franklin, 1981). It was brought about by the need for laborers in Northern cities during
World War I as the number of European immigrants decreased.
The call for southern black laborers enabled African
Americans to leave the low wages, racial repression, and lynchings of the south for the hopes of better homes and better lives in the cities of the north and midwestern
United States. Toppin (1971) states.
This northward migration betokened the great shift
in the black population that was to take place during
the century from basically Southern and rural folk
to urban ghetto dwellers divided evenly between
North and South (p. 149). 16 African Americans in Rural Georgia
According to Jones (1985), the vast majority of freedmen and women remained in rural areas. Those who remained worked as sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and laborers on some of the same plantations which had recently enslaved them. The only difference was that they were now working for wages (Thompson, 1921; Harris, 1982; Drago,
1983) or other compensation (i.e. rent, or the land to grow their own food).
In Georgia, most African Americans remained in the black belt and coastal counties. The agricultural black belt known for its cotton production, extended over both middle and southwest Georgia (Gaston, 1957; Dittmer, 1977).
Black belt counties were those cotton producing counties with a population that was at least half African American
(Gaston, 1957; Drago, 1983).
In the coastal region of the state, cotton, rice, and c o m were cultivated. By 1890, a large number of African
Americans had settled in the wiregrass section of southeast
Georgia (Gaston, 1957; Dittmer, 1977). This area was known for its pine forest and sandy soil and was made more productive in the 1890's with the introduction of commercial
fertilizer (Dittmer, 1977).
Very few African Americans owned their own farmland.
Some acquired economic independence but most sharecropped on
former plantations or rented small farms which had been
created from the division of a former plantation (Bacote, 17 1958; Dittmer, 1977; Drago, 1983). They lived in one or two
room cabins, similar to those they had lived in as slaves
(Dittmer, 1977).
Many rural African American women were farm laborers,
working in the fields along with their husbands, brothers,
and fathers. Those living in the coastal areas of the state
often worked in truck farming and oystering (Drago, 1983;
. Jones, 1985).
Since most earnings were invested in farm equipment and
animals, few families owned more than the essentials of
furniture and other household items. Their households also
"lacked artifacts of middle-class life, such as a wide
variety of eating and cooking utensils, books, papers,
pencils, brick-a-brack, and clocks" (Jones, 1985, p. 86).
And although most African Americans were involved with
cotton cultivation, few had equipment for textile and
clothing production. Therefore, clothing was usually
purchased from the local white merchant. According to Jones
(1985), few African American women in the rural areas could
actually afford a new cotton dress.
Beyond the daily work, African Americans in the rural
areas had specific activities for leisure and entertainment.
These included weddings, church functions, and quilting and
sewing bees. Some areas had mutual-aid societies which were
maintained by minimal dues from its members. These
societies provided insurance, medical care, and burial
seirvices (Dittmer, 1977; Jones, 1985). 18 African Americans in Urban Areas
African Americans fled to the cities in search of jobs, housing, education, social equality, and political justice
(Thomberry, 1977; Franklin, 1981; McCoy, 1984). Franklin
(1981, p. 240) states that many African Americans left the
rural areas "because of a repugnance to plantation life which they still associated with slavery." What they often
found in the southern cities was an even more tense racial
situation (Meier & Rudwick, 1970). Jones (1985) indicates
that African Americans also found chances for self
enhancement and growth. These chances evolved from the
white supremist attitudes which advocated racial
segregation. As a result of this attitude, African
Americans established businesses, fraternal orders, mutual
aid societies, churches, and colleges to serve the needs of
their people (Bacote, 1958; Perdue, 1972; Dittmer, 1979).
Half of the black urban population in Georgia lived in
such cities as Atlanta, Savannah, Macon, Columbus, and
Augusta. These cities included a large black middle class,
important intellectual and political leaders, and most of
the four year colleges established for African Americans
(Dittmer, 1977; Reilly, 1982).
Housing in the cities was a problem for all migrants,
black and white (Matthews, 1970; Franklin, 1981). Due to
the influx of freedmen to the cities, there was a shortage
of housing. This fact was compounded since few African
Americans could afford to buy or even rent a home 19 (Thomberry, 1977) and by the reluctance of some land and property owners to rent or sell to the freedmen (Thurmond,
1978). Therefore, many African Americans lived in the open or in shelters of log and bush (Thompson, 1921).
Finding employment was also a difficult task. It was believed that there would be a greater variety of jobs in the cities. But what African Americans found was prejudice
(Rabinowitz, 1978). "Prejudice and discrimination contributed to the black man's low economic status" (Toppin,
1971, p. 153). Thus, most African Americans ended up with low paying jobs as unskilled laborers and domestic servants
(Frazier, 1967; Hopkins, 1972; Rabinowitz, 1978). Some jobs were classified as predominantly African American. These included: barber, janitor, drayman, hackman, teamster, boot black, and brick and stone mason (Gaston, 1957; Bacote,
1958). Other jobs included: blacksmiths, longshoremen, stevedores, porters, waiters, painters, and carriage drivers
(Gaston, 1957). Very few African Americans of either sex during this time period could work on the production line in the new and growing textile industries of the state (Gaston,
1957; Meier & Rudwick, 1970; Jones, 1985).
Lower class migrants, artisans, and others arrived from the rural areas in search of jobs. Some would aspire to become the professional and business class of the cities, while others would continue to struggle for better paying jobs and better housing (Matthews, 1970; Franklin, 1981). 20 Meier and Rudwick (1970) indicate that the number of
African American artisans deteriorated during this period as whites turned to other whites for those services. Johnson
(1972) states, that "any position that implied any dignity or status was usually denied to blacks" (p. 73). Artisans because of their skill were regarded with dignity. Jones
(1985) believes that this lessening of the number of skilled
African Americans was due to the creation of city ordinances which imposed licensing fees only on black artisans.
Matthews (1970) indicates that some African Americans relinquished their trades in order to own their own land rather than work for white men. In 1865 there were an estimated 100,000 African American artisans in the South, but by 1890 the skilled African American worker had all but been eliminated because of their competition with Southern w hites.
Many service type occupations catered to white trade and therefore were located in the main business centers of a city. The African Americans in these service type occupations were able to retain their jobs and thus improve their economic situation. From this a black business class was created (Bacote, 1958; Thomberry, 1977). These African
Americans, through their own resourcefulness and astuteness,
accumulated great fortunes (Bacote, 1958; Lerner, 1979).
Successful entrepreneurs included: barbers, caterers,
restauranteurs, and tailors (Meier & Rudwick, 1970;
Thomberry, 1977). Many of these African Americans would 21 become the elite or bourgeoisie of the black community
(Meier & Rudwick, 1970; Dittmer, 1977).
The businesses catered to white clientele, but this changed as African American businesses strove to serve
African Americans exclusively (Perdue, 1972; Dittmer, 1977;
Thomberry, 1977). Many businesses were small owner operated establishments. These included: grocery and general merchandise stores or service establishments like barber shops (Bacote, 1959; Matthews, 1970).
Often African Americans were denied the opportunity to try on shoes, hats, and other clothing items in white owned retail stores. As a result of such actions, African
Americans opened their own retail businesses. For example
Robert G. Brightwell had a business in old clothing.
According to Carter (1894), "At his place of business old clothes can be made new, soiled made clean, at a little cost" (p. 230). The People's Shoe Company stated, "We fit on all of our patrons shoes; no discrimination. At our store you receive highest quality of goods and polite attention. Reasonable prices. The only shoe store in the city owned by colored people" (The Atlanta Independent.
March 17, 1906, p. 15).
In the cities, African American women could usually obtain jobs faster and keep them longer than African
American men (Meier & Rudwick, 1970; Perdue, 1972). Because
of this, a larger number of women than men were attracted to
the cities. Single mothers who remained in the rural areas 22 soon left when they found it difficult to support themselves and their children (Jones, 1985).
Women held such domestic and personal service jobs as maids, cooks, laundresses, and nurses. These jobs were dominated by African American women (Matthews, 1970;
Blassingame, 1973; Thomberry, 1977; Hornsby, 1980; Harris,
1982; Jones, 1985).
Like most African American men, women tended to hold jobs which were at the bottom of the pay scale. "The wages paid the Negro laboring woman are so paltry as to scarcely provide for her the necessities of life" (Hunton, 1904, p.
280). Some African American women waged a strike against this situation in 1881, as a group of laundresses in Atlanta went on strike to demand the higher wage of $1 for 12 pounds of laundiry. The strike lasted for two weeks with over 3,000
African American women of various occupations joining the strike. Due to pressure by white landlords to raise the rent of the strikers, the city council's threat to require a
$25 license fee, and due to the refusal of employers to pay higher wages, the strikers disbanded without receiving higher wages. What they did as strikers was to show themselves and others that they would not stand idle in the
face of mistreatment.
W. E. B. Dubois (1924, p. 262) states, "The Negro woman
as laborer, as seamstress, as servant, and cook, has come
into competition with the white male laborer and with the
white woman worker." Dubois (1924, p. 262) continues that 23 like men, African American women were "independent and approaching economic freedom.
Many women turned to their special talents and skills for employment. The seamstress or dressmaker was the most prestigious job held by African American women. In fact, seamstresses and dressmakers "comprised the skilled women workers of all colors" (Reilly, 1982, p. 395). These jobs were valued because it put the dressmaker in close proximity to the white elite (Noble, 1978; Jones, 1985). In 1890 there were eight black dressmakers in Atlanta, zero in 1900 but by 1910 there were 19 (Porter, 1974) - In her article titled "Paying Professions for Colored Girls", Katherine
Tillman, (January, 1907, p. 54) indicates that dressmaking is a good paying profession for African American women because "first class work" brings in all the work one needs from both black and white customers.
A dressmaker's wage depended on her skill, experience, and the racial composition of her customers. According to
Jones (1985), racial composition affected a seamstress' wages because white customers could usually pay more and would spend more than most black customers of the time period.
Millinery was another effective paying profession for
African American women. Tillman (January, 1907) indicates that African American women ran their own successful shops, conducted parlor millinery, or taught millinery classes.
The April, 1906 issue of The Voice of the Negro contains an 24 advertisement for Mays Millinery Company, located at 158
Auburn Avenue in Atlanta. The advertisement reads, "The only colored millinery store in the city. Hats equal to other high class milliners. Polite attention to all. We invite your patronage and guarantee satisfaction " (p. 15).
Teaching was considered a "genteel employment for
African American women" (Jones, 1985, p. 143). Some African
American teachers would hold another job such as sewing or taking in laundry to compensate their salaries during months when they were not teaching. Teaching, to African Americans was not only, in most cases, a high occupational position but it also "constituted a special category of black women's work... for it implicitly involved a commitment to social and political activism" (Jones, 1985, p. 143).
Social and Economic Status. Dittmer states that
African Americans in Georgia were divided into socioeconomic classes which included the elite, or upper class, the middle class, the unskilled worker, and the poor. Occupation and wealth were the major criteria for class affiliation (Meier
& Rudwick, 1970), but color, ancestry, and education were also important (Dittmer, 1977). This class structure developed as African Americans acquired property and
increased their personal wealth (Matthews, 1970).
According to Noble (1978, p. 121), mulatto women
occupied "a highly visible place in the social structure of
the black community after the Civil War." Light skinned
African Americans seemed to have had a "passport" to 25 economic and social mobility (Noble, 1978; Brownmiller,
1984). Social status, therefore, was sometimes linked to lightness of skin as well as to fcunily ancestry and education (Noble, 1978; McCoy, 1984).
The black elite were a product and a factor in black economic development (Bennett, 1975). Class affiliation for this upper class was more often based on mixed ancestry and education (Matthews, 1970). The upper class included preachers, teachers, doctors, lawyers, and owners of businesses, while the middle class included skilled workers, postmen, and some female domestic workers. The mass of the population was represented by laborers, maids, and laundresses who formed the large working class (Matthews,
1970; Dittmer, 1977).
As the nineteenth century ended and the twentieth century began, the upper class increased in size. As
Bennett (1975, p. 316) states, it "became the conscience and more or less organized structure of action and thought" within the African American community. This class usually provided the social and political leaders of the black community (Blassingame, 1973).
The Black elite in the urban areas "dressed conservatively, practiced an elaborate and formal etiquette, cultivated the arts, and, in short, led lives characterized by gentility and refinement" (Meier & Rudwick, 1970, p.
101). Women set the style for morals and acceptable behavior (Noble, 1978). Noble (1978) observes that there was 26 "a rigid morality code and a genteel tradition of culture and refinement of manners" (p. 121), ideals that African
Americans sought.
Middle class values regarding wealth and upward mobility were adopted from white Americans, but Meier and
Rudwick (1970) surmise that "their ideologies and institutions differed from those of the whites because blacks had to cope with the reality that democracy, economic opportxinity, and social acceptance were not extended to them" (p. 101). Home ownership, hard work, thrift, and moral respectability were also valued.
Social and Cultural Institutions and Functions. The institutional organization of the black community was centered around churches and fraternal organizations
(Frazier, 1967; Meier & Rudwick, 1979; Mine, 1981). The church was the social center of African American life
(Matthews, 1970; Dittmer, 1977). "Its worship service and social functions organized the residents and gave them a sense of community" (Thomberry, 1977, p. 26) .
The church was an important facilitator for establishing and maintaining group cohesiveness and providing self help from within the community (Frazier,
1967). "In the church. the principal support in members and
in means comes through the women of the congregation"
(Jones, 1985, p. 633). At church, African American women
"wore their most fashionable clothes" (Dittmer, 1977, p.
5 1 ). 27 African American women were essential and active participants in the social and political struggles of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Lerner, 1979).
They were instrumental in organizing educational, charitable, and mutual aid societies. They founded kindergartens, nursery schools, orphanages, nursing homes, and day care centers (Matthews, 1970; Lerner, 1979; Jones,
1985). Through these facilities they sought to solve many of the social problems occurring in African American communities (Matthews, 1970).
On all social and economic levels, African Americans belonged to social clubs. Such clubs sponsored parades, festivals, picnics, and concerts (Matthews, 1970;
Thomberry, 1977). According to Frazier (1967), social and cultural segregation was mare important to maintain than economic segregation. Some clubs were very exclusive and select. One's membership may have been based on one's wealth, skin color, education, and religious membership
(Dittmer, 1977). Therefore, membership indicated a specific social standing in the community (Lemer, 1979).
Women's Clubs were organized for such distinctive purposes as education, community improvement, and self enhancement (Jones, 1985). Mother's Clubs were formed to provide discussion on child care, sewing, and vegetable gardening (Lemer, 1979). Other clubs were formed for the study of art, literature, and music (Jones, 1985). 28 Always race pride and race enhancement were emphasized
(Loewenberg & Bogin, 1976; Lemer, 1979) . According to
Lerner (1979), the clubs were led by educated and often middle class women who "successfully bridged the class barrier and concerned themselves with issues of importance to poor women, working mothers, and tenant farm wives" (p.
93).
There were societies which supplied aid and insurance.
These societies collected weekly dues which went to provide medical care and burial facilities for its members
(Matthews, 1970; Perdue, 1972; Franklin, 1981). These organizations were also "training grounds for business experience and helped develop habits of self-help that seemed to be more imperative as the new century opened"
(Franklin, 1981, p. 289).
Fraternal organizations provided social activities while also contributing to the betterment of the community
(Bacote, 1958; Frazier, 1967; Perdue, 1972). Organizations for men included: the Masons, the Odd Fellows, and the
Knights of Pythias. Women joined The Order of the Eastern
Star and Sisters of Calathe (Bacote, 1958; Franklin, 1981).
In summary, following the Civil War, former African
American slaves sought jobs, housing, and education. Many left the rural areas of Georgia for towns and cities. While some found jobs and places to live in the urban areas, others returned to the rural areas, sometimes working on the same plantations in which they had been slaves. As the 19th 29 Century progressed to the 20th Century African Americans observed the issuance of more and more laws to regulate their lives. As a result, whether in the urban or rural areas, African Americans worked together to form communities of support for themselves through churches, fraternal organizations, and mutual aid societies.
The Dress of African American Women. Wares (1981) states that the clothing styles of this era worn by African
American women reflected their subcultural identity. Yet
Jones indicates an expression of freedom in dress. In the section of her book titled "New Dresses, Defiant Words, and
Their Price", she indicates that African American women identify with their new status of freedom through the discarding of clothing worn in slavery. She says, "even for the women who never attended school,the old forms of dress- plain, drab, and heavy, serving only a practical and not an expressive function were scorned in favor of more colorful, elaborate garments" (Jones, 1985, p. 69). Quotes from slave narrative reveal the types of clothing worn by African
American slaves. Some give evidence to Jones' statement on
"plain, drab, and heavy, serving only a practical and not an expressive function...", other quotes indicate that
"special" items were worn for church and social activities within the slave community. Cicely Cawhon of Toccoa,
Georgia recalled, "I had a white pique bonnet with bottons.
I thought bonnets looked mighty pretty when they done them up with flour starch" (Killion & Waller, 1973, p. 37). 30 Another slave recalled.
De white ladies had nice silk dresses to wear
to church. Slave womans had new calico dresses
what dey wore with hoopskirts de made out of
grapevines (Yetman, 1970, p. 267).
These quotes give evidence to the fact that some African
American slave women even in servitude and submission participated in fashion, tc some degree.
Many times clothing was handed down from the plantation owner's family to house servants or to other slaves as rewards or gifts. According to Boles (1983), the clothing was never simply accepted as it was. The slaves, even when the clothing was worn out or out of fashion, cut up and reassembled the pieces to create something unique or to add a touch of finery or color to their own dress.
Present literature indicates that African American women in the rural areas had little time and money for clothing experimentation. According to Harris (1982), "They possessed a bare minimum of the most simple clothing, and they went barefoot most of the year" (p. 14).
Literature also indicates that urban, elite women had more of a fashion interest or concern about dress. This concern is evident in the comments and articles published in
African American newspapers and periodicals. The following quote was taken from a late nineteenth century AME church
review as quoted by Dorothy Sterling in her book. We Are
Your Sisters Black Women in the Nineteenth Century. It 31 recounts one African American woman's observation of other
African American women.
Our society women are lively, charming and unusually
well bred. They observe the same laws of etiquette
that are observed by devotees of fashion the world
over. They call, receive and dress according to
their means, just as other women do. She requires
dainty morning gowns, elaborate dinner dresses and
stylish street costumes, just like the rest of the
feminine world (Sterling, 1984, p. 426).
African American author Fannie Barrier Williams (1904) notes that dress was a concern of the day for elite African
American women, but not only in what was worn but how much money was spent on clothing. Williams states, "The art of living well without spending all our income is one of the most important problems of our everyday." She continues to note that women need to know how to obtain the most from their money and not be controlled by their milliner or dressmaker. She goes on to say, "In our wearing apparel, for excunple, we are more or less at the mercy of the modiste and the milliner." Williams continues.
We go to them with all our vanities, our social
ambitions and our envies, but seldom with any
independent judgement or individuality of taste
as to our pocket book limitations or to what becomes
us (p. 23). 32 She clarifies with the following.
Every woman has an inherent right to be well gowned,
and since it is for some man, as well as for the
other woman, that becoming dress is coveted, it is
man's primal duty to make fitting acknowledgement
of her success (p. 23).
Fashion information was disseminated through African
American newspapers like The Atlanta Independent, published during the early 20th Century. In its "Timely Fashion
Hints" in the July 30, 1904 issue, fashion of the period was illustrated with a brief discussion of fashion items. The dissemination of such information gives us clues to the availability of fashion knowledge for African American women in both rural and urban areas. Although both The Voice of the Negro and The Atlanta Independent were published in
Atlanta, they had circulations outside the metropolitan
Atlanta area.
This section indicates the limited scope of literature availeüDle on the dress of African Americans after the Civil
War. It also indicates that a difference exists between the dress worn by African American women in rural and urban areas.
Jones' (1985, p. 69) statement that "...the old forms
of dress-plain, drab, and heavy, ...were scorned in favor of more colorful elaborate garments", gives clothing as
physical objects meaning that may symbolize a new status for
African American slaves. This new status was freedom. 33 The meaning of clothing
The term clothing has been defined as any item used to adorn or cover the body (Horn & Gurel, 1981). Roach and
Musa (1980) use the term dress to refer to all forms of clothing and all other media used as a means of body decoration or adornment. These media include: makeup, hairstyle, headwear, jewelry, and other accessories.
Clothing has been studied by anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, and scholars in the field of Textiles and
Clothing to determine its meaning as a cultural symbol as it functions as protection from the physical environment, and as it serves as an extension of personality and as a means of communication. The following discussions summarize the meaning of clothing.
Clothing, consciously or unconsciously, is a vital part
of the everyday life of people. Clothes serve as cultural
symbols in which all people indulge or participate (Kuper,
1973; Roach & Richer, 1973). These symbols are influenced
by the social, economic, and political factors which occur
during a time period. Therefore the clothing worn is
affected by the events which surround the individual or
group of people (Harms, 1938).
Roach and Musa (1980) expand the above with their
functional classification of clothing which divides the
functions into two basic components: clothing functions as
a physical environment and as a means of communication,
within the context of physical environment. Roach and Musa 34 (1980) refer to clothing as a "microenvironment" and a
"macroenvironment". Microenvironment refers to the interaction between clothing and the body. Macroenvironment refers to the interface of clothing between the body and biological, physical systems, and supernatural beliefs.
Other scholars indicate that clothing serves a variety of purposes, e. g., utilitarian, aesthetic, symbolic, adornment, protection, comfort, and modesty (Harms, 1938;
Flugel, 1950; Barber and Lobel, 1952; Horn & Gurel, 1981;
Morris, 1979). These and other reasons are a part of why people wear clothing. But all functions do not apply to all people at the same time in any given situation. In other words, one or two functions may hold precedence over others at any certain time and any occasion.
Since clothing, in addition to its basic function as body covering, is a form of communication, it allows the individual to express his/her personality to others (Lauer &
Lauer, 1979; Rosencranz, 1962). This particular expression facilitates the interaction of individuals within a group and is referred to as the social psychology of dress. As
Holley (1919) states, "dress is not a mere protection against wind and rain and cold, nor a mere passive badge denoting wealth or class, but an extension of . . . personality" (p. 749).
In 1938 Harms indicates that a person's environment
affects the clothing worn but continues to point out that it
is a person's own characteristics and personality traits 35 which determine the form of that clothing. Therefore a person's innermost personality traits and the influences which affect his/her personality can be expressed through his/her clothing.
Lauer & Lauer (1981) indicate that clothing as an extension of personality has social meanings which are understood by others. To Harms (1938), the concept that dress has social meaning indicates that people use dress to fit into their environment and to suit them as individuals.
To Roach and Musa (1980) the aspect of clothing which identifies a person's mood, identity, knowledge, personal skill, and beliefs is that which communicates. In other words, clothing functions as a means to communicate who a person is or who a person wants to be.
Clothing as a form of communication
Clothing symbolizes the individual's identity and this identity is shared through nonverbal communication with others (Stone, 1969; Gurel, 1979; Roach & Musa, 1980;
Kaiser, 1985). According to Gurel (1979), clothing is "read by others and interpreted in forming their impression of us"
(p. 92). Clothing affects the behavior and actions of the wearer as well as how the wearer is understood or evaluated
by others (Gurel, 1979; Lauer & Lauer, 1979). Stone (1962)
states that "One's clothes impart value to the wearer, both
in the wearer's own eyes and in the eyes of others" (p.
224) . 36 For clothing to be a symbol of communication, it must be understood by the observer. In other words, the observer must understand the message being communicated by the attire. If clothing symbols are misunderstood,then inaccuracies occur in communication (Stone, 1962; Storm,
1987). It is also up to the wearer to convey his/her message correctly (Horn, 1979). The wearer may intentionally give information through his/her dress which is the opposite of the wearer's values, group membership, social roles, gender, occupation or economic status (Lauer &
Lauer, 1981).
As a "tangible and visible symbol" that has meaning for the wearer and the observer, clothing serves to communicate who a person is and who a person wants to be (Kaiser, 1985, p. 185; Steele, 1985). Clothes can provide such information about the wear as gender, religion, socioeconomic class, nationality, and roles (occupational, family, and social)
(Flugel, 1950; Kuper, 1973; Horn, 1979; Lauer & Lauer, 1979;
Roach & Musa, 1980). Clothes may also provide information about the groups to which people belong; and they may provide information about the general state of the society.
Items of clothing communicate the multiple identities of an individual. According to Roach & Musa (1980), these identities include social status roles, group affiliation, and personal identify (one's distinctiveness or differentiation from others). 37 Clothing also functions to communicate identity through the communication of social status. Social status may be indicated by a person's occupational role (e.g., teacher, seamstress, field laborer) or their status as reflected in their socioeconomic standing. According to Roach and Musa
(1980) as a means of communication, dress may identify the roles that are associated with social status.
Clothing as it functions to symbolize socioeconomic status
Status is the value placed by society on a role or group of roles (Storm, 1987). It is often symbolized by such status symbols as, articles or styles of clothing
(Linton, 1936; Harms, 1938; Goffman, 1951; Linton, 1936;
Storm, 1987). Goffman (1951) states that these symbols are
"cues which select for a person the status that is imputed to him and the way in which others are to treat him" (p.
294) .
Clothing can be used not only to signify status but
also to maintain a status, to attempt to achieve a new
status, or to avoid being placed in a lower status. People
of a lower status may even use clothing to enhance their
status or create a mock or pseudo-status (Linton, 1936;
Lauer & Lauer, 1981).
Roach and Musa (1980) note that status can be assigned,
relatively fixed, or transitory in duration. Assigned
statuses are those that come with age and sex. Those
statuses which are relatively fixed are those related to
one's religion, marital status, occupation, and social 38 class. Transitory statuses are those that remove a person for a period of time from his/her normal routine (e.g., bride, altar boy, occupational status).
Clothing as a symbol is often a subtle indicator of social position (Barber & Lobel, 1952; Kuper, 1973; Horn,
1979, Morris, 1979). According to Morris (1979), "It is impossible to wear clothes without transmitting social symbols (p. 7). Therefore, as the symbol is communicated by the wearer and interpreted by the viewer, a social role or position may be signified and understood. According to
Roach and Musa (1980), this results because some social positions over time have created for themselves rigid social class lines. These class lines are often inherited rather than acquired and with this inheritance comes a rigid conformity to the dress of this particular status.
Clothing is an easily attainable symbol, but only the
"correct" clothing can facilitate an interaction while incorrect clothing limits it. "Correct" clothing refers to a particular mode of dress worn by the group to which an individual belongs or desires to associate. Wearing the norm in clothing, what is acceptable for one's social level, makes one feel comfortable and accepted (Roach & Eicher,
1973). Wearing the "correct" clothing may also help to alleviate feelings of fear associated with wearing the wrong type of clothing for a particular occasion or out of style clothing (Hurlock, 1929). Allen (1965) elaborates this idea with the following statement, "The consciousness that one is 39 set apart by one's appearance is a great divider; the consciousness that one is not set apart is a great remover of barriers" (p. 163).
The signals it provides are an array of non-verbal
symbols that are part of a total system of verbal
and non-verbal communication fundamental to the
creation, maintenance, and change of society"
(Roach & Musa, 1980, p. 110) .
Clothing was and continues to be an obvious symbol of wealth or the lack of wealth. One method of symbolism is the wearing of money. This might be conspicuously done with the wearing of fashionable dress, furs, and jewels or less conspicuously done by a dressmaker or tailor's skill and the quality of the faibric (Lurie, 1918) . "Dress because of its symbolic nature, provides cues that reinforce individuals' learning of roles appropriate to social statuses" (Roach &
Musa, 1980, p. 110).
In summary, clothing serves to protect, cover, and adorn. Through these functions items of clothing express roles, personality, and status which can be indicated by particular styles, types, or other aspects such as the
fashionableness of the garments worn.
Fashionable dress as a means to express socioeconomic status
Fashion refers to the mode of clothing most popular at a point in time. It is a "social phenomenon involved with the why of human behavior" (Anspach, 1967, p. vii). Both
professional and popular authors have proposed that 4U fashionable dress arises from the need of people to be different from others (individuality) and also out of the need to be alike or conform to others (conformity) (Simmel,
1957; Lauer & Lauer, 1981). People desire to be different but not so different that they do not belong; thus people will conform and adopt fashionable dress (Hurlock, 1929).
People wear fashionable dress in order to imitate other people, usually those people regarded as socially or economically superior. At the same time those "superiors" are finding or creating new fashions so that they will be unlike or different or more fashionable than those imitating them (Hurlock, 1929; Flugel, 1965; Lauer & Lauer, 1981).
Lauer and Lauer (1979) quote an article in an 1869 issue of
The Ladies* Repository.
To sum up people follow the fashion: Because they
desire to appear well; and they desire to appear
well that they may have the good opinion, the
respect and deference of others: Because they like
to be thought at least as good as other folks
(p. 312).
In the nineteenth century, it was believed that only
the elite wore fashionable dress (Steele, 1985). Economist
Thorstein Veblen (1899) termed the phrase "conspicuous
consumption" to mean that dress is display and that women in
the late nineteenth century exhibited theirs and their
husband's social and economic standing through their dress.
Veblen (1899) states that "apparel is always in evidence and 41 affords an indication of our pecuniary standing to all observers at the first glance" (p. 119). Roach (1979) goes further with Veblen's theory, stating that a woman not only displayed wealth and social standing through her dress, but as a participator in fashion changes, displayed her knowledge of fashion and her ability to discriminate among available fashions. Banner (1983) notes that the wearing of fashionable dress in the nineteenth century indicates that not only did a woman not work, but she was also the wife or daughter of a successful man.
The very nature of fashion implies adoption or imitation of the dress of others. This is most evident in fashion diffusion, a phenomenon present in fashion theory.
Fashion Diffusion
The above discussion about the role of fashion in indicating socioeconomic status leads to fashion diffusion which is the distribution or spread of fashion. Fashion occurs as styles of dress shift from an old style to a new style.
According to Brenninkmeyer (1952) fashion involves imitation and differentiation. It is the desire of the social and economic elite to choose styles of clothing that are new and different from that being worn by those of lower social and economic statuses. It is the desire of those of lower social and economic statuses to imitate the elite and one form of imitation is fashion (Simmel, 1957). 42 Nystrom (1928), discusses fashion in a similar context to Simmel. Nystrom indicates that there are dominating groups that affect the movement of fashion. These dominating groups include people who occupy positions of power or leadership, groups that occupy the "in" group for the time period, and groups that possess wealth. For the groups that possess wealth, fashion expresses the presence
of wealth. This idea relates to the "Trickle Down" Theory
of fashion which proposes that a new style is introduced and
adopted by the upper classes and then imitated by the lower
classes. As soon as the lower classes adopt the style of
the upper classes, the upper classes discard the accepted
styles of dress and replace them by a new style. This
adoption of a new style differentiates the upper class once
again from the lower classes until such time as the new
style is adopted by the lower classes and the cycle begins
again.
Blumer (1979, p. 115) believes that fashion is a social
happening, not created by the upper class but the need of
the upper or elite class to set itself apart in dress takes
place "inside of the movement of fashion." Blumer also
believes that the people of other classes who adopt or
follow fashion do so because it is the fashion and not
because it attaches them to the elite or upper class by
imitating them. Blumer states,
"the fashion mechanism appears not in response
to a need of class differentiation and class 43 emulation but in response to a wish to be
in fashion, to be abreast of what has good standing,
to express new tastes which are emerging in a
changing world (p. 115).
Fashion diffusion occurs as a result of fashion availability and fashion propaganda. Availability occurs as a result of the proximity of fashion to those groups which desire it. Propaganda involves the spread of fashion through newspapers, advertisements, and fashion magazines
(Brenninkmeyer, 1952).
According to Sproles (1979), the fashion process occurs
in six phases from creation to obsolescence. These six phases include: introduction or creation of the object,
fashion leadership where a small group of fashion conscious
consumers adopt and introduce fashion to the public,
increasing social visibility through the adoption of the
fashion by more and more fashion conscious consumers,
conformity within and across social groups which gives the
fashion "social legitimacy", social saturation where the
fashion becomes overused and thus begins to decline in
fashion, and finally the decline and obsolescence where new
fashions are introduced and the old fashion declines in
fashionability.
Fashion as realized in dress displays regular and
identifiable changes during a time period. The following
section discusses the major clothing styles for each time-
fashion period pertinent to this study. The major styles of 44 clothing were compiled from primary and secondary costume sources on European American dress for the time periods pertinent to this study.
Costume Characteristics
The following section includes a discussion of costume characteristics common to each fashion period. The discussion is divided into five subsections; 1870-1879;
1880-1889, 1890-1899; 1900-1908, and 1909-1915. Appendix A
includes a glossary of dress elements.
1870-1879
The major skirt silhouettes of this fashion period were
influenced by the bustle, a device used for pushing out the
upper back fullness of skirts on ladies' dresses. Bustles
were either constructed as part of the hooped petticoats,
were separate pads of horsehair, or were wire basket devices
with strings which tied the bustle around the waist. The
bustle rested upon the derriere and the skirt fitted over
the bustle (Boucher, 1937; Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
The 1870's was represented by two major bodice
silhouettes: the polonaise and the cuirass. The polonaise
was characterized by a fitted bodice with a hiplength skirt
which formed an overskirt. The overskirt was draped at the
sides into swags and pulled to the back to drape over the
lower skirt in puffs to enhance the bustle effect. The
underskirt was full, floor length in front, and ended in a
train behind (Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987;
Tortora & Eubank, 1989). 45 The cuirass unlike the polonaise had a lengthened line which fit snugly over the hips and fell below in the back in a cascade of ruffles, pleats, or shirred puffs, unless it was a short bodice. Peterson's Magazine (January, 1876) indicated that short cuirass bodices were "cut square, back and front, and shorter on the hip" (p. 76). Since the cuirass was a narrow fitting bodice the skirt worn with it was close fitting through the hips to the knees. Below the knees the skirt ended like the bodice in a cascade of ruffles and flounces. With the cuirass bodice, the bustle was smaller and worn lower on the back of the figure (Payne,
1965; Waugh, 1968; Worrell, 1979; Buck, 1984; Boucher,
1987) .
Bodices of the 1870's had high necklines with short standing band collars or were opened in a v or low square shape. Low necklines for day wear were often edged with a lace ruffle or worn with a gilet with a high neckline
(Payne, 1965; Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987;
Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
Bodices usually fastened at the center front in the jacket bodice style. Plastrons often decorated the front of the bodices. These were vertically pleated or gathered panels of a different fabric and color than the bodice.
Bodices might also be decorated with fichus or bertha collars (Payne, 1965; Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Boucher,
1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989). 46 Sleeves were close-fitting, straight coat sleeves either three quarter or full in length. Some sleeves ended in cuffs. The three quarter length sleeves were often wider at the lower end and heavily trimmed with a flounce or ruffled cuff (Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1981).
Hats were tall with narrow brims which often curved up in back and worn tilted to the front over the forehead.
Other hats typical of this fashion period included: bonnets with a diadem or flat brim, large crown hats with medium brims which turn up at the back, and brimless toques with high crowns. The Gainsborough, a round crowned hat with a wide brim turned up at one side, and sailor hats with a round crown and turned up brim, were also popular.
Fashionable trim included lace, ribbon, feathers, and flowers (Payne, 1965; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987; Tortora &
Eubank, 1989).
Hair was parted in the center, pulled to the back where it was worn long, hanging down the back between the shoulders. It was either arranged in a loose braid or in curls. False hair was used extensively to add to the mass of curls at the back. Hair might also be arranged up at the sides with a low chignon at the nape of the neck. With hats, high chignons were worn inside the crowns (Payne,
1965; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987).
Accessories included drop earrings, bracelets, necklaces, folding fans, gloves, and parasols. High 47 buttoned boots with square toes were worn for daywear
(Payne, 1965; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987).
1880-1889
The cuirass bodice and tied back skirt silhouette of the late 1870s continued into the early 1880s. Skirts
remained tight over the hips with draperies of fabric around
the hips and vertical pleats below (Tortora and Eubank,
1989).
This tight fitting style would last until 1883 when the
bustle reappeared, "holding the skirt out horizontally
behind the waist" (Boucher, 1987, p. 394). By 1885 skirts
with vertical pleats began to compete with draped skirts as
skirts became less trimmed. At the beginning of the decade
skirt lengths were to the ground, but by the end of the
1880s skirts were shorter and rarely trained (Worrell, 1979,
Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Bodices continued to fit the figure closely and have
high standing collars often finished by a narrow white
frill. The bodice was often cut with a point in front
(Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987).
Although the emphasis in the 1880s was towards plain,
untrimmed tailored dresses, some bodices were trimmed to
create a yoke effect or trimmed with revers. Jabots of lace
and plastrons were also worn. According to Waugh (1968), as
skirts became plainer, bodices became more ornate. Trim
included: braid, ball fringe, chenille fringe, and
froggings (Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Boucher, 1987). 48 Sleeves of the 1880s were generally fitted and long, ending in a cuff. By 1889 sleeves would begin to show slight fullness at the shoulder as sleeves began to rise above the shoulder in a puff (Buck, 1984).
Hats had high crowns and narrow turned up brims. Small sailor hats with low, shallow crowns and flat stiff brims were also worn. These hats were often trimmed with a wide grosgrain ribbon band. Other hats included the postilion or post-boy, which had a high crown and brim much like an inverted flower port, the Gainsborough, and toques. Hats were usually trimmed high with feathers and ribbon. Bonnets were high in the mid 1880s with a brim which created a pointed shape over the forehead (known as the gable) (Payne,
1965; Worrell, 1979; Buck, 1984; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Hair was worn in soft waves with frizzed or curled bangs over the forehead. Small curls around the face were
also typical. As high boned collars on bodices became
fashionable, hair was worn high on the head in a chignon or
curls to accommodate the high collar (Worrell, 1979; Tortora
& Eubank, 1989).
Accessories included lace-up boots and pumps with
pointed toes and medium high heels. Gloves, netted mittens,
folding fans, large parasols with ornate handles, and
various kinds of jewelry were other fashionable accessories
(Tortora & Eubank, 1989). 49 1890-1899
After 1891 the skirt silhouette changed from the bustle silhouette of the 1870s and 1880s to a plain, gored skirt.
Skirts were flat at the waist and spread out gradually toward the ground with fullness centered at the back in large pleats (Payne, 1965; Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Boucher,
1987). Tortora and Eubank (1989) indicate that photographs of women in the 1890s reveal women in skirts that are three or four inches from the floor.
Bodices continued to fasten in the front and were
fitted with high standing collars (Payne, 1965; Arnold,
1977). The collars were at their highest during this
period.
Bodices continued to be trimmed with revers or trimmed
to create a yoke or v-shape on the front. Drapery, gathered
fronts, or separate plastrons were also popular. Bodices
usually ended at the waist and had round or slightly pointed
waistlines (Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984; Tortora & Eubank,
1989). The Jordan, Marsh and Company catalog (Spring/Summer
1896) illustrate bodices with "yoke effect front and back"
(p. 3), "large revers elaborately trimmed with crochet gimp"
(p. 5), and "jacket effect trimmed with lace" (p. 15).
White blouses known as shirtwaists became popular with
the 1890s as an informal bodice worn with a contrasting
skirt. These garments were tailored to look like a man's
shirt with leg of mutton sleeves or were of styles covered 50 with lace, embroidery, ruffles, and frills (Buck, 1984;
Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
Sleeves continued to increase in fullness at the
shoulder reaching the exaggeration of the leg of mutton, balloon, or gigot shapes by 1895. The leg of mutton was a
long sleeve with fullness at the upper half and fitted below. The balloon sleeve was a short, full puff. The
gigot was full from shoulder to wrist. Epaulettes or
shoulder frills often decorated the top of sleeves to
emphasize the fullness. Sleeves would begin to lose the
fullness by 1897. (Payne, 1965; Waugh, 1968; Buck, 1984;
Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
Both bonnets and hats were worn in the 1890s. Bonnets
were small, trimmed with ribbon bows, flowers, feathers, and
lace. The bonnets fastened at the back with narrow ribbon
sashes (Buck, 1984).
A variety of hats were worn; straw boaters, felt
sailor hats, hats with pointed crowns, and hats with crowns
that widened at the top. Trilby hats like men's homburgs
were also worn. These were usually plain except for a
ribbon band around the crown (Payne, 1965; Buck, 1984).
Hair was worn up with a knot or bun on the crown of the
head. Small, soft curls around the face were also worn.
Center parts were also fashionable with puffs on either side
of the part (Payne, 1965; Worrell, 1979).
Shoes of the 1890s had very pointed toes or slightly
rounded toes and medium high heels. These were cut high and 51 buttoned or laced up the front (Payne, 1965; Worrell, 1979;
Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
Other accessories included tiny earrings, small bracelets, short white gloves, and fans. Watches pinned to dresses were also fashionable (Payne, 1965; Worrell, 1979;
Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
1900-1908
The clothing styles during the eight years of this
fashion period were dominated by the s-silhouette or s-shape
curve. Skirts continued to rest smoothly over the waist and
to emphasize a rounded hipline. Below the knee the long
skirt fell in circular flounces and had a train at the back
(Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Skirts were tucked, ruffled, flounced, or decorated
with lace frills. Pleats, decorative stitching, and braid
trim also served to ornament skirts of this fashion period
(Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987; Tortora and Eubank, 1989).
Tailored suits were commonly seen in the full bodice
and fitted skirt which flared out at the ground. Suit
jackets were either short or long. Short jackets were
fitted while long jackets were looser, resembling a man's
sack coat (Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Bodices of this fashion period had front fullness or
blousing which created a softer, looser look. The bodice
pouched out over the waistline as a result of this fullness.
Collars continued to be high standing bands. Since most
fabrics were light in weight the collars were often boned. . 52 Jabots of lace were often seen with the high standing band collars (Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank,
1989).
Popular bodice trimmings included: velvet, lace, tiny tucks, ruffles and flounces. Bolero jackets or bolero effects were created by trim (Waugh, 1968). Toward the later years of this fashion period, square cut necklines, v- shape necklines with or without collars were typical, along with the mannish sailor collar (Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
In the early 1900s sleeve fullness moved from the shoulders to the elbow and wrist, where fullness gathered into a wrist band or cuff (Waugh, 1968). By 1906, sleeves with a full top puff were indicated by magaunis such as the
Delineator (March, 1906).
Hats had large flat brims and were heavily trimmed with
feathers, flowers, ribbons, lace, and bird wings (Buck,
1984; Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989). Some were worn with the front turned up. Toques with high crowns were
also typical for this period. Hats were often worn tilted
forward over the face (Worrell, 1979; Buck, 1984; Boucher,
1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Hairstyles were high, full, and loose around the face,
pulled into a chignon or bun at the nape of the neck. The
fullness was usually created by back combing the hair and
adding pads to increase the height. These styles were often
worn pushed toward the face with the bun or chignon fastened 53 at the crown (Worrell, 1979; Boucher, 1987; Tortora &
Eubank, 1989).
Shoes were 2 to 2-1/2" high with pointed toes and curved Louis heels. Boots were less fashionable than shoes but still worn high and buttoned or laced up the front
(Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Accessories include lace or silk parasols trimmed with
fringe, fabric or ostrich feather fans, brooches, pendants, dog collars, and long necklaces. Lace mitts came back into
fashion during the early 1900s (Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987;
Tortora & Eubank, 1989). According to Waugh (1968, p. 232),
"fresh flower sprays were worn with dressy afternoon frocks
and evening gowns."
1909-1915
The silhouette of this period was straighter and
narrower. Waistlines were higher, bodices decreased in
fullness and skirts were shorter. Dresses by this time were
usually made in one piece rather than having a separate
bodice and skirt (Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987; Tortora &
Eubank, 1989).
Sleeves had no gathers at the armhole and therefore
fitted smoothly. Kimono sleeves, cut in one piece with the
bodice were popular as well as close fitting elbow or wrist
sleeves (Waugh, 1968; Boucher, 1987; Tortora & Eubank,
1989) . The Kimono sleeve was popular because it was easy to
cut and construct (The Modem Priscilla. March, 1912). 54 High collars were worn but newer necklines were lower and usually trimmed with a collar. Fashionable necklines included v-shapes, bateau, and low square shapes.
Hats emphasized height and width with short crowns which were extensively decorated with feathers and ribbons
(Worrell, 1979; Tortora & Eubank, 1989). Popular styles
included wide brim hats, hats with turned down brims, tricornes, and turbans or bandeaus.
Hairstyles consisted of fullness at the side and pulled back in a bun. These styles were less bouffant than previous periods with soft waves around the face and rolls
at the back of the head as well as in buns and chignons
(Worrell, 1979; Tortora & Eubank, 1989).
Shoes continued to have a 2-2 1/2 inch heel with Louis
pumps. After 1910 pumps with straps were popular and boots
were less fashionable (Barton, 1964; Tortora & Eubank,
1989).
Other accessories included handbags, fans, watches
pinned to the bodice, and earrings. Small bar pins and pins
in the shapes of crescents or clover were also popular
(Barton, 1963).
Summary
The end of the Civil War saw African Americans with
little education and income. Thousands moved to the cities,
obtained education and jobs, started businesses or served as
domestic servants. An elite class of African Americans
developed in the cities. It was made up of successful 55 businessmen, teachers, and preachers who led the African
American communities in social, political, and educational
improvements.
African Americans in the urban areas strove to serve
the community and each other. One of the greatest support
systems was the church. Through the church mutual aid
societies, mother's clubs, and fraternal organizations were
established. These organizations not only provided aid to
the community but served as social and cultural outlets.
The African Americans who remained in the rural areas
to live and work, also established a bonding of support
among themselves. The African American church was the
spiritual and social center in the rural areas.
In both geographic locations, African Americans
continued to be pressured with social and economic
prejudice. The prejudice further instilled the need for
support within their own communities and in a sense helped
to create strong and successful businesses, organizations,
and educational institutions for African Americans.
African American women in both the rural and urban
areas had opportunities to interact with each other through
religious, occupational, and social roles. They also had
opportunities to interact with women outside of their
communities, mainly through occupational roles. Whatever
the situation or role, African American women utilized
clothing to communicate the role. 56 As a form of nonverbal communication the items of clothing worn inform a person's role to an observer. If a woman was a member of the elite class of African Americans, then her role as the wife or daughter of a successful businessman might be expressed through the fashionable clothes that she wore. A woman who was employed as a
"nurse" or other domestic servant might express her role
through the wearing of a "mob cap", kerchief, apron, or some
other form of functional dress. A woman receiving a
teacher's diploma might express her role and status through
the wearing of well made, fashionable attire. Therefore,
the dress of African American women should provide clues to
occupational roles and socioeconomic status.
Scholars of fashion theory reveal that the upper or
elite classes of a community adopt fashionable dress to set
themselves apart from the lower classes. Consequently, as
the lower classes adopted these styles, then new styles
became fashionable and adopted by the upper class.
Literature also indicates that women in the urban areas
had easier access to fashionable dress; through greater
disposable income, through the accessibility of fashion
knowledge (newspapers, magazines, retail stores, and other
women), and the opportunity to wear fashionable dress in
social or occupational settings. If this is true then women
in the urban areas would wear fashionable dress and women in
the rural areas would not. One of the objectives of this 57 study is to determine whether this is the situation among
African American women in Georgia, 1870-1915. CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
The specific focus of this study was to investigate and compare the dress of rural and urban African American women in the state of Georgia, 1870-1915. A central thesis of this study was that urban African American women in the period 1870-1915 wore more fashionable dress than those in the rural areas of the state of Georgia during the same time period.
Essentially descriptive in nature the present study uses an historical methodology to achieve its objective.
Analysis of primary sources in the form of historical
photographs were employed to investigate the dress of
African American women. This chapter is organized in the
following discussion sections: 1) photographs as historical
evidence, 2) identification of photograph collections, 3)
classification of photographs, 4) recording of the
attributes of dress from the photographs, and 5) analysis of
data.
Photographs as historical evidence
Photographs have rarely been used as primary sources to
arrive at conclusions cd>out the past. Photographs have been
used more often to illustrate past events rather than to 58 59 serve as a means to interpret them (Peters & Mergen, 1977;
Borchert, 1981; Johnson, 1984; Mayo, 1984). Borchert (1981) indicates that since photographs are not quotes that contain a vast amount of information, photographs present unique problems in the various ways that images may be interpreted.
According to Borchert (1981), another problem is the bias inherent in the photographs through the photographer.
He goes on to state that "like any kind of raw data, photographs do not speak to the researcher except in the most general way, the presentation of the message or point of view of the photographer" (1981, p. 32). Borchert
suggests, the best way around this bias is by collecting the
largest number of photographs possible and by obtaining photographs whenever possible from the people included in
the study.
In his analysis of historical photographs, Borchert
(1981) warns that the conclusions drawn can only be
tentative since the researcher cannot interview the people
represented in the photographs. He suggests that other
sources should be used to strengthen and support the
conclusions reached by the researcher.
Another problem with using photographs as primary data
is indicated by Daniels (1986). He notes that the
researcher should be aware of the 19th century practice of
renting clothing from photographers for studio portraits.
Even though this did occur, Daniels (1986) indicates that a
photograph still provides clues into the self-concept of an 60 individual or group of people through their poise or posture. He notes that these are images that are evoked by the people themselves and thus serve to express self- concept .
Borchert (1980) utilized photographs to document alley life in Washington, D. C. He conducted his photoanalysis by determining the following: location of photograph collections, randomness of the sample available, sample size, and the information available on the context of the photographs.
He recommended the use of a card file system to assist
in organizing and cross referencing the photographs, after
first having established separate categories for the
analysis. Borchert states that the categories are important
for resolving bias and for determining accuracy and validity.
Wass and Eicher (1980) utilized photographs to analyze
dress in a study of Nigerian women's clothing. Their study
was based on methods for analyzing languages. The analysis
was carried out by listing all items worn then calculating
the frequency that each item appeared. Further analysis was
conducted by identifying any associations made with items
worn most frequently, and determining if any relationship
was made to time period worn. Wass and Eicher (1980) also
identified items which differed from typical modes worn and
identified any relationship between social roles and status
of individuals to the types of dress worn. 61
Identification of Photograph Collections
According to Borchert (1981), the first step in using historic photographs as primary evidence requires identification of pertinent photograph collections. For the present study a preliminary search was conducted in
November, 1987. Letters were sent to museums, colleges, and other institutions known to house artifacts and documents of
African Americans in Georgia. Twenty-eight institutions were contacted. Of the 17 who responded, seven institutions indicated that the institution housed photographs and other artifacts of African American women in Georgia during the time period included in this study. These seven institutions were contacted by telephone and arrangements were made for visits to examine the photographs.
Where possible, prints were purchased from the institutions, or photographs were copied utilizing a 35mm
Pentax camera, macro lens, and copy stand. Complete archival notes on the photographs were recorded. These included: archive number, caption, photographer (if available), date, location, and other pertinent information about the photograph.
Classification of Photographs
The photographs selected from the collections surveyed met the following criteria: condition of the photograph,
date of the photograph (1870-1915), and gender of the
subject(s) (female). The photographs were then organized by
a card file system as recommended by Borchert (1981). 62
Three xerox copies of each photograph were made, and then each copy was mounted on a 5" x 8” card. Included on the card were the collection name, archival number (where applicable), date (as indicated by the archivist or donor), photographer (when given), location where the photograph was taken, the caption (when included by the donor or archivist) and any other pertinent information.
Next, the photographs were classified according to the following: time period (1870-1879, 1830-1889, 1890-1899,
1900-1908, and 1909-1915), location (rural or urban), and type (studio or nonstudio). These three categories were generated from the central thesis and objectives of this study.
Recording of the Attributes of Dress from
the Photographs
The next step in this study was to record all costume characteristics observed in each photograph. Costume characteristics included: headdress, hairstyle, bodice and all its parts (i.e., sleeve, collar, trim), the skirt and all its parts (i.e., silhouette, length, trim), and accessories (i.e., shoes, gloves, parasols, jewelry, etc.).
Fabric color and pattern were also noted when discernible.
Analvsis of Data
Comparison of the observed costume characteristics to costume characteristics known to be fashionable for each decade followed. Fashionable costume characteristics had been compiled earlier from several costume history books 63
(Payne, 1965; Buck, 1981; Boucher, 1984; Tortora and Eubank,
1989). These served as a reference and insured a general knowledge of the major dress attributes for each fashion period.
The dress elements observed in the photographs were compared to fashionable elements from the time period in which the photograph was dated. As noted earlier these elements were compiled from primary and secondary sources on the costume of the period. The fashionability of costume characteristics was verified by the date of the photograph as indicated by the donor or archivist.
In this comparison, the dress attributes observed in each photograph were given an index of fashionability using one of five classifications: fashionable (if two or more dress elements were in fashion), unfashionable (major dress elements were not in fashion for that time-fashion period), nonfashionable (dress elements were not fashionable at any time period pertinent to the study), one-item fashionable
(when one dress element is fashioneible and others are obscured from view), and not enough visible (when dress elements are obscured from view).
The final analysis involved the comparison of attributes by the location of the photograph, urban or rural. Urban areas were determined by the population definition provided in the 13th census of the United States:
"as incorporated places of 2,500 inhcdsitants or more" (13th
Census of the United States, 1910). In 1910 the major urban 64 areas of Georgia were Atlanta^ Augusta, Columbus, Macon and
Savannah. Rural was defined as that population "residing outside of such incorporated places" (13th Census of the
United States, 1910). Within each time period, the fashionability of dress was compared between the rural and urban area photographs using the fashion index previously discussed. These necessary data determined whether women in the urban areas wore more fashionable dress than women in the rural areas.
Both comparisons allowed the researcher to observe any distinct variations occurring in costume characteristics which were not generally considered western European or
American styles of fashionable dress as indicated in costume history books. Any variations might provide clues to cultural/regional characteristics of dress. CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to identify the dress of
African American women in Georgia, 1870-1915, using photographs to examine the types of dress worn during the pertinent time periods. In this chapter the results are presented and discussed; it is divided into 4 sections:
1)identification of the collections with photographs of
African Americans, 2) classification of the photographs,
3) presentation of findings, and 4) summary and discussion
of findings.
Collections with photographs of African American women
The photographs examined in this study are located in
six different collections in Georgia: one private
collection, two collections in historic homes, two in
historically African American colleges, and one from the
state archives. The private collection of photographs
belongs to Mr. Alfonso Biggs, a long time resident and
historian of African American life in Columbus, Georgia
(Personal interview, November, 1987). The Biggs' collection
included two photographs of his great-grand
mothers. These photographs were not dated and, therefore,
were not used in this study (see Table 1). Photographs used 65 Table 1
Number of Photographs from each Collection
Collection Number of Undated Photographs Dated Number Photographs Photographs After 1915 Used
Biggs 2 2 0 0
Herndon 18 8 0 11
Spencer 14 0 14 0
Spelman 20 6 3 11
Atlanta University 1 0 0 1
Vanishing Georgia 37 1 0 36
Total 92 17 17 59
a\ 67 in this study were selected on the basis that they were
dated by an archivist or donor, 2) of African American
women, 3) of African American women assumed to be Georgians,
and 4) within the time period pertinent to this study, 1870-
1915.
The two historic homes with photographs of African
American women were the Herndon Home in Atlanta, Georgia and
the William Spencer Home in Columbus, Georgia. The Herndon
Home was built in 1910 by Alonzo Herndon who was born a
slave, spent much of his youth as a field laborer, and as a
young man learned the trade of bartering. He eventually
. owned three barber shops in Atlanta. In 1905 he founded the
Atlanta Life Insurance Company. His first wife, Adrienne
McNeil, grew up in Savannah and attended Atlanta University
where she later taught elocution. She trained in the
dramatic arts and was instrumental in establishing
Shakespearean productions at the University. In 1910
she died of Addison's disease. Two years later Herndon
married his second wife, Jessie Gillespie of Chicago. She
served as Vice President of Atlanta Life until her death in
1947 (Herndon Home brochure, n.d.). The eleven photographs
from Herndon Home include nine studio portraits of Adrienne
McNeil Herndon taken over the time period 1895-1910 and one
studio portrait of Jessie Gillespie Herndon.
Other photographs from the Herndon Home photograph
collection used in the present study were photographs from
the "unidentified Georgians" collection. Of those available 68 from this collection only one was dated; the remaining were not used (see Table 1). The Herndon Home Collection yielded a total of 11 photographs of African American women of the period. Table 2 indicates the actual number of photographs used in this study.
The second historic home collection examined was the
Spencer House in Columbus, Georgia. William H. Spencer was a well known educator in Columbus. He was instrumenta1 in persuading the Board of Education of Columbus to provide an accredited high school for African American children (The
Columbus Times. October 1981). The photographs were of his four daughters: Ann, Ethel, Pearl, and Martha.
Unfortunately, all photographs were of a time period after
1915 and therefore were not used in this study (see Table
1) • The two collections from historically African American colleges were from Spelman College and Atlanta University, both located in Atlanta, Georgia. Spelman was founded as
Spelman Seminary for Women and Girls in 1881. According to the 1901-1902 Spelman catalog.
Its aim is to furnish a broad, thorough, practical,
Christian education to Negro young women, to develop
Christian character, to send forth graduates who shall
be home-makers, educators, leaders in social reforms,
church workers, servants of Christ. Its motto is.
Our whole school for Christ" (p. 42). Table 2
Photographs Used in the Present Study
Type of Location of Photograph Photograph
Collection Number of Photographs Studio Non--studio Rural Urban
Herndon 11 11 11 0 11
Spelman 11 3 8 0 11
Atlanta University 1 0 1 0 1
Vanishing Georgia 36 7 29 33 3
Total 59 21 38 33 26
a\ KD 70 As Table 2 indicates there were a total of three studio and
11 non-studio photographs from the Spelman Archives used in this study.
Atlanta University was founded in 1867. It was established to "1) train talented Negro Youth, 2) educate teachers, and 3) disseminate civilization among the untaught masses" (Bacote, 1969, p. 16). The photographs examined were part of the Division of Special Collections and
Archives, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University
Center. This includes primary and secondary sources on
African Americans in the southeast (Robert W. Woodruff
Library Information sheet, n.d.). One photograph from this
collection was used in the present study.
The most significant collection examined for rural
photographs was the "The Vanishing Georgia Collection"
(VGC) housed in the Department of Archives and History in
Atlanta. The collection includes over 18,000 photographs.
Most of the collection documents Georgians and life in
Georgia from 1890 to 1930; only 36 met the criteria for in
clusion in the study (see Table 2). The photographs are
catalogued by each of the 159 counties in the state of
Georgia.
Classification of the Photographs
Ninety-two photographs depicting African American women
from the general time period were identified in the six
collections (see Table 1). Since they were copied for ease
of analysis, their condition and size were considerations. 71 The other criteria used were: that they were photographs of
African American women, that the women were from Georgia, and the photograph was dated within the time period, 1870-
1915.
Fifty-nine of the 92 photographs collected had been attributed to a specific time period by an archivist or donor and were used in this investigation (see Table 2).
The remaining 33 photographs will be used in later research where specific time and fashionability are not crucial considerations.
The photographs utilized in this study were catalogued following recommendations of Borchert (1981), as discussed in Chapter III, and were classified according to the following: time-fashion period, location (rural or urban), and type (studio or non-studio).
Five time periods were established by using the distinct periods of fashion, as identified in Chapter II.
They included: 1870-1879, 1880-1889, 1890-1899, 1900-1908, and 1909-1915. A sixth category was added to accomodate photographs not given specific dates by the archivist, but rather assigned a general range within the period of time
(see Table 3).
In addition to the time period, classification by
location was important in comparing fashionability of
African American women of the rural and urban areas and
delineating any cultural or regional differences in dress. Table 3
Photographs Included in the Study
Breakdown by Time-Fashion Periods and Location
1870- 1880- 1890- 1900- 1909- Date 1879 1889 1899 1908 1915 Range
Rural 0 2 5 8 13 5
Urban 1 5 2 7 0 11
Total 1 7 7 15 13 16
(O 73 As Table 2 indicates, 33 photographs were classified as rural, and 26 were classified as urban.
Type of photograph refers to studio or non-studio. Six of the rural photographs were studio and 27 were non-studio.
Fifteen of the urban photographs were studio, and 11 were non-studio (see Table 4).
Presentation of Findings
Analvsis of African American dress bv time-fashion
Period (Objective 11
Once the photographs were classified, the next step involved visual analysis of the dress elements observed in the photographs. The analysis was accomplished by recording all dress elements worn by women in the photographs. Dress elements included: headdress, hairstyle, bodice, skirt, and accessories.
There were a total of 218 women illustrated in the 59 photographs. Of that number, 158 women occured in the 26 urban photographs, and 60 women were depicted in the 33 rural photographs (see Table 5).
The dress features identified are presented by the
time-fashion period. The analysis is a general discussion
of the dress characteristics observed.
Time-Fashion period. 1870-1879
Only one photograph was available for examination in
the first fashion period, 1870-1879. This was an urban,
non-studio photograph, VGC-CTM-219, dated 1878 (see Plate Table 4
Type of Photograph by Fashion Period and Geographic Location
Rural Urban
Studio Non-studio Studio Non-studio
1870- 1879 0 0 0 0
1880- 1889 0 2 2 3
1890- 1899 2 3 0 2
1900- 1908 2 6 2 5
1909- 1915 0 13 0 0
Date Range 2 3 11 0
Total 6 27 15 11 1&. Table 5 Number of Women per Collection
Number of Women
Collections Number of Rural Urban Photographs
Herndon 11 0 11
Atlanta University 1 0 17
Spelman 11 0 127
Vanishing Georgia 36 60 3
Total 59 60 158
in Plate I VGC-CTM-219
%
####/ VJ ^1 M t v f e
•-J < T i 77 I). Although there were several women, men, and children in the photograph, one women's dress was more visible than the others because of her position at the front of the group.
She was wearing a small hat which has a low crown and
a medium brim. The hat concealed the full arrangement of the hair, but it was evident that the hair was pulled up at
the sides and back. The bodice appeared to be a polonaise
style worn over a long skirt which had a ruffle at the hem.
The skirt was arranged in the back in deep "poufs" of
fabric, giving a bustle effect, which fell in a short-train
at the back.
Time-fashion period. 1880-1889
For the second fashion period, there were two rural
photographs which included 3 women and five urban
photographs which included over 25 women (Table 2). The
photographs are discussed by major dress elements observed.
Headdress. The woman in urban photograph Herndon
27.108 (plate II) was wearing a hat. It is of the gabled
style and appeared to fasten in back. Two women in Spelman
1266 (plate III) are holding hats rather than wearing them.
The hats were of the sailor style.
Hairstvles. All of the women, except one urban woman
(Spelman 1267, plate IV), and two rural women (VGC-COW-81,
plate V), in the photographs for this fashion period, had
their hair swept up on top of their heads. Fronts were
center parted and arranged so that the hair is full on
either side of the center part, smoothed back flat, curled 78
Plate II Herndon 27.108
..
m m Kv?**SS'-S'iU ::: ; &- ! % 2
? ---V Plate III Spelman 1266
il ^ i fV vW W *; */w ««J VO 80
Plate IV Spelman 1267 Plate V VGC-COW-81
A
00 go or with fullness over the brow (Herndon 27.108, plate II;
Spelman 1266, plate III; Spelman 466, plate VI; Spelman 375, plate VII; and VGC-WAS-278, plate VIII).
The woman in Spelman 1267 (plate IV) had her hair
smoothed back with a low chignon visible at the nape of
her neck. The two women in rural photograph, VGC-COW-81
(plate V), had their hair arranged up in different styles
from the other women for this fashion period.
Bodices. All of the women, except the two rural women
in VGC-COW-81 (plate V) were wearing jacket bodices which
are fitted close to the body, fastened at the center front
and had a lengthened bodice line. The bodices had short
standing band collars either edged in white, trimmed with a
short white frill around the neckline, or plain. Bodice
treatments included plain or pleated fronts. Sleeves were
long and fitted close to the arm.
The two rural women in VGC-COW-81 (plate V) were
dressed differently from the other women. They were wearing
bloused bodices which have high necklines and long sleeves
exhibiting some fullness at the top of the sleeve.
Skirts. A variety of skirt treatments were observed.
The woman in Spelman 1267 (plate IV) was wearing a
vertically pleated skirt with bustle effect evident at the
back of the skirt. The women in Herndon 27.108 (plate II),
Spelman 1266 (plate III), Spelman 375 (plate VII), and VGC-
WAS-278 (plate VIII) were wearing long skirts that were
plain or had a horizontal pleated drapery of fabric over the Plate VI Spelman 466
00 w Plate VII Spelman 375
Si
i m
00 Plate VIII VGC-WAS-278
00 Ul 86 upper front or complete front. One skirt, as worn by a woman in Spelman 1266 (plate III), had two rows of vertical
pleats at the bottom of the skirt.
Skirt lengths were obscured in VGC-COW-81 (plate V),
but the upper portion of each skirt revealed fullness which
appeared in gathers at the waistline. The other skirts
observed for this fashion period were smooth across the top
except when horizontal drapery was observed (Spelman 375,
plate VII).
Accessories. High lace up boots were visible under the
dresses in VGC-WAS-278 (plate VIII), Herndon 27.108 (plate
II), and Spelman 466 (plate VI). The woman in VGC-WAS-278
(plate VIII) was wearing light colored laces which contrast
with the dark color of her boots.
Other accessories observed included parasols and
jewelry. Several of the women in the urban photographs were
wearing brooches, necklaces, and chain watches pinned to
their bodices (see plates II, III, and VI).
Time-fashion period. 1890-1899
The third fashion period included five rural
photographs all from the Vanishing Georgia Collection, and
two urban photographs from Spelman College (Table 2). There
were a total of seven rural women represented in the
photographs and 21 urban women.
Headdress. Six of the rural women were in some type of
headdress. Four were wearing kerchiefs wrapped around their
heads in various manners. Three of the kerchiefs were of light colored, solid fabric (see plates IX and X) , and one was of a paisley print fabric (see plate XI).
The other two rural women were wearing hats (see plate
XII) . One was wearing a wide brimmed hat. Specific details of the crown were not discernible due to the position of the hat. The second woman was wearing a hat with a soft crown and a bill. Both hats were without any decoration or trim.
Five urban women were holding hats in their laps. One woman in Spelman 511 (plate XIII) was holding a straw hat of a dark color. The hat had a medium wide, flat brim and a medium high crown. The hat was decorated with ribbons and flowers. One of the women in Spelman 518B (plate XIV) was holding a similar hat. Three other women in Spelman 518B were holding hats which had wide flat brims and shallow crowns. The hats were of a crocheted construction rather than a woven construction. All three hats were trimmed with
flowers.
Hairstvles. Hairstyles for the women wearing hats or kerchiefs were hidden by their headdresses, therefore obscured from view. Various hairstyles were observed on
the other women for this fashion period. All of the
hairstyles were variations of the popular styles for this
fashion period. The women in Spelman 518B (plate XIV), one
woman in Spelman 511 (plate XIII) , and the rural woman in
VGC-DGH-100 (plate XV) had their hair dressed plainly back
at the sides with fullness above the forehead. The back of
the head was not visible but it was assumed that the Plate IX VGC-BEN-255
à5f$e%î
m m m m m
00 0 0 Plate X VGC-THO-176
\T^,'^j)Sx
0 0 vo 90
Plate XI VGC-THO-169
. A [ J ( I S
.•■V ' < J.A-- Plate XII VGC-BEN-136
■ ù wÀL : ■ I mm
/ ' ':r.
1 * Â* il *tl» KO Plate XIII Spelman 511
j m
I
VO N> Plate . XIV Spelman 518B
i ïM PS - r O m k i * * KO W 94
Plate XV VGC-DGH-100
, . % V- V 95 hair was arranged up since no hair is evident at the back of the neck. One woman in Spelman 518B (see plate XIV) had her hair arranged in a high side part with small puffing of hair on either side of the part. The rest of the women in
Spelman 511 (plate XIII) were wearing their hair center parted with a chignon evident at the crown of the head or on top of the head. One woman was wearing this same style with a low chignon evident at the back of her neck.
Bodices. The rural woman in VGC-BEN-255 (plate IX) was wearing a bodice similar to the bodices worn by the urban women in Spelman 511 (plate XIII). The bodices had large sleeves with a full upper puff and a fitted, straight lower sleeve which reached to the wrist. The front of the bodice worn by the woman in VGC-BEN-255 (plate IX) was obscured.
The bodices worn by the women in Spelman 511 (plate
XIII) had high necklines and various front trim treatments.
The bodices worn by the women in Spelman 518B (plate
XIV) and one woman in VGC-BEN-136 (plate XII) were similar only in sleeve treatment; slight fullness at the upper sleeve, long, and fitted below. The bodices observed in
Spelman 518B (plate XIV) were close fitting and front buttoning with different front trim treatments. Both rural women in VGC-THO-176 (plate X) were wearing similar bodices but without puffing at the upper sleeve. Exact collar styles were difficult to discern. 96 The rural women in VGC-DGH-100 (plate XV), VGC-THO-169
(plate XV) and one of the women in VGC-BEN-136 (plate XII) was wearing bodices different from the other women represented in the photographs for this time period and distinct from each other. The rural woman in VGC-DGH-100
(plate IX) bodice was obscured except for the evidence of a high neckline with a bow and lace jabot. A front buttoned bodice with a ruffled edge to a high neckline was worn by the rural woman in VGC-THO-169 (plate XI). Specific sleeve details were difficult to discern. The bodice worn by the other woman in VGC-BEN-136 (plate XII) was not discernible.
Skirts. Full length skirts were observable only on the two women in VGC-BEN-136 (plate XII). One woman was wearing a light colored apron over her dark skirt while the other was wearing a print skirt with the hem of a gingham petticoat showing below. Both skirts were long and had fullness across the front waist and widened to a moderate flare at the hemline.
Another apron was worn by one of the women in VGC-THO-
176 (see plate X). All other skirts observed were plain, without trim or other decoration, except for one worn in
Spelman 518B (plate XIV), which had a small pleated flounce at the hemline. It was difficult to determine whether skirts were of a gored style or not, which would have been characteristic of this time-fashion period.
Accessories. Other than headdresses, the accessories observed were worn or carried by the urban women. Fans, 97 parasols, and various types of jewelry were observed (see plates XIII and XIV).
Time-fashion period. 1900—1908
The fourth fashion period, 1900-1908, was represented by eight rural photographs and seven urban photographs.
There were 11 women depicted in the rural photographs and
68 women in the urban photographs.
Headdresses. Three rural women and two urban women were wearing headdresses. The woman in VGC-BAL-129 (plate
XVI) was wearing a black scarf or small hat over the top of her head with fabric radiating from a point in the back.
The woman in VGC-LAU-172 (plate XVII) was wearing a wide brim, shallow crown hat.
A third type of headdress observed was worn by the
rural woman in VGC-GOR-438 (plate XVIII). She was
identified as a "nurse”. On her head was a white fabric cap with a ruffled edge, known as a "mob" cap (Worrell, 1979).
In an urban photograph (VGC-MUS-139, plate XIX) another woman was identified as a "nurse". Her headdress was
difficult to discern; since she appeared to be wearing
either a mob cap or a white kerchief.
Unlike the "nurses", the Spelman college woman in urban
photograph, Spelman 622, (plate XX) was wearing a light
colored bow atop her head and several of the women in
Spelman 464 (plate XXI) were holding hats. Straw boaters,
felt sailor hats, and a trilby were observed. 98
Plate XVI VGC-BAL-129
O' 99.
Plate XVII VGC-LAU-172 100
Plate XVIII VGC-GOR-438 Plate XIX VGC-MUS-139 102
Plate XX Spelman 622
•^evoK Plate XXI Spelman 464
O U) 1U4 Hairstvles. Hairstyles for three of the women were obscured by their headdresses (plates XVII, XVIII and
XIX). Others had their hair arranged on top of their heads or off their necks in various manners. The rural woman in
VGC-JON-115 (plate XXII), the urban woman in Spelman 622
(plate XX) 7 and one of the women in both urban photographs
AÜ1900 (plate XXIII) and Spelman 563 (plate XXIV) had their hair arranged in the characteristic pompadour of the period.
The other women had their hair parted in the center
and arranged smoothly back at the sides. Although the back
of the head was not visible, there was no indication of hair
hanging down on the neck; therefore it was assumed that
the hair was arranged up in some manner in the back. Others
had their hair smoothed back at the sides with slight
fullness over the brow or smoothed back on top and at the
sides with a chignon on top (see plates XXI, XXIII, XXIV,
XXV, XXVI and XXVII).
The woman in VGC-BAL-129 had curly bangs which extended
out from under the black scarf on her head (plate XVI).
Other women had their hair pulled back at the sides and
smoothed back with one curl or braid falling over the
forehead (see plates XXVII and XXVIII). The rural woman in
VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX) had her hair arranged in a braid
over her forehead and at the side.
Bodices. Eight of the rural women and all but two of
the urban women were wearing bodices that had fullness
across the front (see plates XVII, XX, XXI, XXII, XXIII, 105
Plate XXII VGC-JON-115 Plate XXIII AU 1900
« 1
1 Plate XXIV Spelman 563
m w e
O Plate XXV Spelman 1241
o 00 109
Plate XXVI Spelman 1337
• >.- ; ■ • > • ... X >'> ' ■■••• - - ? r A A
o Plate XXVII VGC-LUM-92
m
^ÿiM- » 1^:1 m
"llfcïîT m & Plate XXVIII VGC-CAR-189
i Plate XXIX VGC-JON-39
ï
S«
"if/: w r
to 113 XXIV, XXV, XXXVII, XXVIII and XXX). Both of the women in
Spelman 1337 (see plate XXVI) and VGC-BAL-129 (plate XVI) were wearing fitted bodices. The bodice worn by the rural woman in VGC-BAL-129 (plate XVI) fastened center front and had a diagonal stitching treatment on one side of the bodice front. The bodice worn by the urban woman in Spelman 1337
(plate XXVI) had a bib front closure. The bodices worn by the women in plates XVIII, XIX, and XXIX were obscured from view.
All bodices except the one in VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX) had high necklines with standing band collars. The women in VGC-GLY-188 and VGC-LUM-92 (plates XXVII and XXX) were wearing bodices which had small Peter Pan collars while the bodice worn by the woman in VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX) had a large flat collar. Collars were obscured in VGC-GOR-438
(plate XVIII) and VGC-MÜS-139 (plate XIX).
Sleeves observed were full and reached to the wrist unless rolled up so that length and fullness were difficult to determine. This is the case with the woman in VGC-JON-
39 (plate XXIX), with one of the women in VGC-CAR-189
(plate XXVIII), and two of the women in VGC-LUM-92 (plate
XXVII). The rural woman in VGC-JON-115 (plate XXII) and the urban women in AU1900 (plate XXIII) ,Spelman 1241
(plate XXV) and Spelman 464 (plate XXI) had sleeves with fullness evident at the shoulders. Although the length of the sleeve was obscured in Spelman 1337 (plate XXVI), it was evident that the sleeves had fullness ax. the shoulders. Plate XXX VGC-GLY-188
# ■ ü
Jtecv;'..
4^ 115 Fullness at the lower sleeve was seen in Spelman
622 (plate XX) and VGC-GLY-188 (plate XXX). In addition, a long, fitted sleeve was identified in VGC-BAL-129
(plate XVI).
Skirts. Skirts were obscured in VGC-GOR-438 (plate
XVIII), VGC-MÜS-139 (plate XXIX), Spelman 1337 (plate XXVI), and VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX). Those skirts with full lengths visible were all floor length.
Two skirt styles were observed. One woman in VGC-CAR-
189 (plate XXVIII) and one of the women in VGC-LUM-92 (plate
XXVII) were wearing skirts that appeared to be smoothly fitted at the waist and over the hips where the skirt begins to flare out to a moderate sweep at the hem.
The second skirt style appeared to have fullness around the waist as evidenced by gathers across the front.
The skirt gradually widens from the waist to a moderate width at the hem (plates XXIV, XXV and XXVII). This second
style was trimmed with a deep flounce and other
ornamentation at the hem or lower skirt (plates XXIV, XXV,
and XXVII). The rural women in VGC-GLY-188 and VGC-LAU-172
were wearing aprons that concealed the skirt style (plates
XVII and XXVII).
Accessories. Both urban and rural women were
observed wearing jewelry. These included the rural
women in VGC-BAL-129 (plate XVI), VGC-JON-115 (plate XXII),
VGC-CAR-189 (plate XVIII) and the urban women in Spelman 563
plate XIV), and Spelman 1337 (plate XXVI). 116 Time-fashion period-1909-1915
The fifth fashion period, 1909-1915 included 14 rural photographs and no urban photographs. There were a total of 22 women represented in the 14 photographs.
Headdress. Of the 22 rural women represented in this period, 16 were wearing some form of headdress. Four were wearing kerchiefs. Unlike the other women in kerchiefs
(VGC-LAU-149, plate XXXII, one woman in VGC-GLY-164, plate
XXXIII, and VGC-GLY-205, plate XXXIV), one woman (VGC-JON-
51, plate XXXI) had her kerchief folded over her head rather than wrapped smooth over her brow.
Nine women were in brimmed hats of various sizes. Two women in VGC-GLY-175 (plate XXXV) and one woman in VGC-GLY-
196 (plate XXXVI) were wearing sailor style hats with medium crowns and flat brims of medium width.
One of the women in VGC-GLY-164 (plate XXXIII) was wearing a soft hat with the brim turned down over her brow.
One of the women in VGC-GLY-175 (plate XXXIV) appeared to have on a similar hat with a scarf wrapped over it and tied under her chin.
In VGC-RAB-169 (plate XXXVII) one of the women appeared to have two narrow ribbons of some kind arranged over her hair. From the photograph, specific details of this headdress were difficult to discern.
Hairstyle. Specific hairstyles were obscured for all of the 16 women in headdresses except for the women in VGC-
RAB-169 (plate XXXVII). Both women in this photograph had 117
Plate XXXI VGC-JON-51
i Plate XXXII VGC-LAU-149
I
00 Plate XXXIII VGC-GLY-164
i
VlP«'> %
kO Plate XXXIV VGC-GLY-205
m î
N) O Plate XXXV VGC-GLY-175
e
to Plate XXXVI VGC-GLY-196
kg
A* M Ni Plate XXXVII VGC-RAB-169 mmm
■ W ' 1 C <3;i'
K> W 124 their hair parted on the side with a fullness of hair concentrated on one side of the part. One woman in VGC-GOR-
483 (plate XXXVIII) had a similar style. The other two women in VGC-GOR-483 (plate XXXVIII) and the woman in VGC-
GLY-195 (plate XXXIX) had a center fullness over the brow.
Bodices. The women in VGC-RAN-103 (plate XL), VGC-GLY-
246 (plate XLI), VGC-GLY-196 (plate XXXVI), and VGC-LAU-149
(plate XXXII) were in bodices with fullness across the front and blousing over the skirt waistline. Each bodice had a high neckline with some type of collar. Sleeves were long to the wrist and full. The rest of the women were in distinctly different bodices. The three women in VGC-GOR-483
(plate XXXVIII) and one of the women in VGC-BAK-2 (plate
XLII) were in bodices with v-necklines with various collar treatments observed. The woman in VGC-GLY-195 (plate XXXIX) was also wearing a v-neckline bodice which had a flat sailor collar trimmed in two rows of ribbon around the edges of the collar. The v-neckline appeared to be filled in with a gilet or dickey with a high standing band collar.
The second woman in VGC-BAK-2 (plate XLII) was wearing a bodice with a high round neckline. The bodice front was trimmed with narrow bands and three large buttons on one side front.
One woman in VGC-RAB-169 (plate XXXVII) was in a dress with a bodice that has a high neckline worn underneath a low
square neckline, short sleeve dress. The second woman in
this photograph was wearing a bodice with fullness at the Plate XXXVIII VGC-GOR-483
i
k m
tn Plate XIXXX VGC-GLY-195 a
fO
L
K.'r,
to -J Plate XLI VGC-GLY-246
N) 00 Plate XLIII VGC-BAK-2
ï 1
N VD 130 lower front- It had a high neckline and a triangular panel over the front.
The woman in VGC-JON-51 (plate XXXI) was wearing a white blouse, with a small peter pan collar and what appeared to be a flange over the sleeve. Sleeves were rolled up over the elbow, so that length was not discernible.
Two of the women in VGC-GLY-164 (plate XXXIII) were wearing bodices with long sleeves and high necklines.
Specific bodice treatment was not discernible. The bodices worn by the other two women in this photograph were obscured. Although one appeared to be wearing a bodice with fullness at the lower front. The specific details of the bodice worn by the women in VGC-GLY-205 (plate XXXIV) , VGC-
GLY-206 (plate XLIII), and VGC-GLY-175 (plate XXXV) were not discernible due to their poses.
Skirts. Various skirt silhouettes and treatments were observed in these photographs. All of the women were in floor length skirts except for the three women in VGC-GOR-
483 (plate XXXVIII). Their skirts were ankle length or higher, therefore revealing the shoes.
All skirts, except for one woman each in VGC-RAB-169
(plate XXXVII) and VGC-BAK-2 (plate XLII), were fitted
through the waist and flared out toward the hem. The skirts
hang straight from the waistline. Six women were wearing
aprons over their skirts (see plates XXXII, XXXIII, XXXV and
XLII). Plate XLIII VGC-GLY-206
i 132 Summary of Characteristics
The analysis of costume characteristics was accomplished by the examination and recording of dress elements observed in each photograph for each time-fashion period. A variety of dress elements were worn by African
American women in the rural and urban areas of the state of
Georgia during the time periods pertinent to this study,
1870-1915. Various hairstyles, headdresses, bodice styles, skirt styles, and accessories were observed among women in the rural and urban areas of the state of Georgia, during each time-fashion period. The investigator then proceeded to compare the dress identified in each photograph to the fashionable dress of each time-fashion period. 133 Identification of the Degree of Fashion
(Objective 2)
Dress elements for each woman were rated by degree of fashion. A fashionable rating was given when the dress elements observed were fashionable for the time period in which the photograph was dated. A one-item fashionable rating was given when the major dress element observed was fashionable and all other dress elements were obscured.
An unfashionable rating was given when the dress elements observed were not fashionable for the time period in which the photograph was dated, but were fashionable at some time prior to or after the time period in which the photograph was dated. A nonfashionable rating was given when dress elements observed were never fashionable within the time period in which the photograph was dated or within the time period of the study. See Tables 6, 7, 8, and 9 for comparison of fashionable ratings for each time-fashion period.
Fashionable. There were a total of 14 urban photographs depicting dress which received fashionable ratings. These 14 photographs included approximately 146 women. There were a total of nine fashionable rural photographs, which included 13 women in fashionable dress.
Nine urban women and one rural woman in the date range photographs were in fashionable dress.
The women with fashionable ratings wear headdresses, hairstyles, bodice styles, and skirt styles 134 Table 6
Fashion Rating bv Time Period and Location
FASHIONABLE
Date Photograph Type Location # of of women photograph
Fashionable
1870- 1879 VGC-CTM-219 non-studio urban 1
1880- 1889 Spelman 1267 studio urban 1 Herndon 27.108 studio urban 1 Spelman 1266 non-studio urban 6 Spelman 375 non-studio urban 9 Spelman 466 non-studio urban 4 0+
1890- 1899 Spelman 518B non-studio urban 13 Spelman 511 non-studio urban 8 VGC-DGH-100 studio uural 1
1900- 1908 AU 1900 non-studio urban 17 Spelman 563 non-studio urban 15 Spelman 1241 non-studio urban 13 Spelman 464 non-studio urban 20 Spelman 1337 studio urban 1 Spelman 622 studio urban 1 VGC-BAL-129 studio urbal 1 VGC-JON-115 studio rural 1 VGC-LAU-172 non-studio rural 2 VGC-LUM-92 non-studio rural 1 VGC-CAR-189 non-studio rural 1
1909- 1915 VGC-BAK-2 non-studio rural 2 VGC-GOR-483 non-studio rural 3 VGC-RAB-169 non-studio rural 1 135 Table 7 Fashion Rating bv Time Period and Location
UNFASHIONABLE
Date of Photograph Type Location # of Photograph women
1870- 1879 0 0 0 0
1880- 1889 VGC-COW-81 non-studio rural 2
1890- 1899 VGC-THO-176 non-studio rural 2 VGC-THO-169 studio rural 1 VGC-BEN-136 non-studio rural 2
1900- 1908 VGC-LÜM-92 non-studio rural 1
1909- 1915 VGC-GLY-175 non-studio rural 3 VGC-GLY-195 non-studio rural 1 VGC-GLY-246 non-studio rural 1 VGC-GLY-196 non-studio rural 1 VGC-RAN-103 non-studio rural 1 VGC-GLY-205 non-studio rural 1 VGC-RAB-169 non-studio rural 1 VGC-GLY-164 non-studio rural 4 VGC-LAU-149 non-studio rural 1 136 typical of the fashion periods in which the photographs were dated. Skirt silhouettes were often obscured but the upper skirt, if visible, revealed enough clues to discern fashionability. When dress elements were considered fashionable in a photograph, there were no features observed that were considered nonfashionable.
One-item fashionable. As table 8 indicates there were five rural photographs with one-item fashionable ratings.
These five photographs included five women. There were no one-item fashionable ratings among the urban photographs.
One date range rural photograph (VGC-GWN-82) also received a one-item fashionable rating (see Table 10). To receive a one-item fashionable rating there was one fashionable dress element with other elements obscured and/or nonfashionable.
For the five rural women, the one dress element that was fashionable was the bodice. In two cases, VGC-BEN-255
(plate IX) and VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX), the skirt silhouette was obscured so that specific styles could not be determined but the headdress or hairstyle was visible and nonfashionable or unfashionable.
The bodice worn by the woman in VGC-WAS-278 (plate
XIII) and skirt length were fashionable, but the back of her skirt and the silhouette were obscured and her hairstyle was unfashionable. The woman in VGC-GLY-188 (plate XXX) and one of the women in VGC-CAR-189 (plate XXVIII) were wearing fashionable bodices with unfashionable skirts and hairstyles. 137 Unfashionable. There were a total of 15 rural photographs including 23 women with unfashionable ratings
and three rural women in date range photographs with this
rating. None of the women in the urban photographs received unfashionable ratings, except for two urban women in two
date range photographs. The unfashionable ratings occured when women were wearing dress elements of a time period
other than when the photograph was dated. In two cases, the
two women in VGC-COW-81 (plate V) and one of the women in
VGC-BEN-136 (plate XII), the dress features were
characteristic of later time periods. In both cases this
indicated that the photographs were dated incorrectly. The
two urban women in date range photographs with unfashionable
ratings were wearing items of dress which were
characteristic of earlier dates than included in the date
range.
Nonfashionable. Certain elements of dress were
considered anomalies when considering fashion
characteristics. These included kerchiefs and aprons. Both
items were observed on women with other dress elements that
were either one-item fashionable or unfashionable, therefore
the dress elements were rated accordingly rather than
nonfashionable. These dress elements were observed in
plates IX, X, XI, XII, XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX, XXX, XXXI,
XXXII, XXXIII, XXXIV. One urban woman was wearing a
kerchief (VGC-MUS-139, plate XIX). 138 Not enough visible. The dress elements in two rural photographs (VGC-GOR-438, plate XVIII and VGC-GLY-206, plate
XLIII) and one urban photograph (VGC-MUS-139, plate XIX) were obscured, and therefore a fashion rating could not be given (see Table 9). In all three cases, the headdress was visible and was used in previous discussions.
Comparison of Urban versus Rural Setting
(Objective 31
This section includes the analysis and discussion of the similarities and differences of dress elements worn by African American women in the rural and urban areas of the state. The analysis was discussed by time-fashion period.
Time-fashion period. 1870-1879. For this period there was only one photograph available for examination, urban photograph, VGC-CTM-219. Therefore, there was no comparison to make between rural and urban.
Time-fashion period. 1880-1889. The similarity between urban and rural women rest in two elements, bodice and hairstyle. The bodice worn by the woman in rural photograph
VGC-WAS-278 (plate VIII) Was similar to those worn by the
women in the urban photographs (plates II, III, IV, VI, and
VII). All bodices had lengthened lines, high necklines with
standing band collars, and long fitted sleeves. The skirts
visible were long, pleated, draped, or plain. Both of the
women in Herndon 27.108 (plate II) and VGC-WAS-278 (plate 139
Table 8 Fashion Rating bv Time Period and Location
ONE-ITEMFASHIONABLE
Date of Photograph Type Location # of Photograph Women
1870- 1879 0 0 0 0
1880- 1889 VGC-WAS-278 non-studio rural 1
1890- 1899 VGC-BEN-255 non-studio rural 1
1900- 1908 VGC-GLY-188 non-studio rural 1 VGC-CAR-189 non-studio rural 1 VGC-JON-39 non-studi o rural 1
1909- 1915 VGC-JON-51 non-studio rural 1 140
Table 9 Fashion Rating bv Time Period
NOT ENOUGH VISIBLE
Date of Photograph Type Location # of Photograph Women
1870- 1879 0 0 0 0
1880- 1889 0 0 0 0
1890- 1899 0 0 0 0
1900- 1908 VGC-GOR-438 non-studio rural 1 VGC-MUS-139 non-studio urban 1 VGC-GLY-206 non-studio rural 1 141 Table 10
Fashion Rating for Date Range Photographs
Urban
Photograph Type # of women Rating
VGC-MUS-147 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 4.5 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.1 studio 1 unfashionable Herndon 2.4 studio 1 unfashionable Herndon 2.6 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.11 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.13 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.8 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.62 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.73 studio 1 fashionable Herndon 2.77 studio 1 fashionable
Rural
VGC-GWN-82 non-studio 1 1-item fashionable VGC-GRA-52 non-studio 13 fashionable VGC-GEO-95 studio 1 unfashionable VGC-SAP-93 non-studio 1 unfashionable VGC-SAP-94 non-studio 1 unfashionable 142 VIII) were wearing skirts that were short enough to show the shoes.
All of the women had their hair arranged up and smooth at the sides and top or with fullness on top. The women in rural photograph, VGC-COW-81 (plate V) were wearing styles different from any of. the other rural or urban women for this time period. The hairstyles were not typical for the
1880-1889 fashion period or any other fashion period included in this study.
Three urban women (see plates II and III) either had hats on or were holding hats in their hands or on their laps. Neither of the three rural women were wearing or carrying hats.
Time-fashion period-1890-1899. Rural and urban dress was similar in hairstyle and bodice treatment for this fashion period. The bodice worn by the woman in rural photograph (VGC-BEN-255, plate IX) had the high neckline and full puff upper sleeve with a lower fitted sleeve similar to the bodices worn by the urban women in Spelman 518B and 511
(plates XIII and XIV).
Bodice style and sleeve of one of the women in
VGC-BEN-176 (plate X) was similar to the women in Spelman
518B (plate XIV). The woman in rural photograph VGC-
DGH-100 (plate XV) was wearing a bodice with a jabot and large bow similar to those worn by some of the women in
Spelman 518B (plate XIV). 143 Hairstyles of the women in the rural and urban photographs were similar in arrangement. The women in the urban photographs had hairstyles with more extremity in puffing than the women in the rural photographs.
The dress element observed that exists as a major difference between the urban and rural women for this fashion period, was the kerchief. Four rural women were observed wearing the kerchief.
The women in rural photographs, VGC-THO-169 (plate XI),
VGC-THO-176 (plate X), and VGC-BEN-255 (plate IX) were all wearing kerchiefs. The woman in VGC-THO-169 kerchief is of a paisley print fabric, whereas the kerchiefs worn in VGC-
THO-176 (plate X) and VGC-BEN-255 (plate IX) are of a light, solid colored fabric. The arrangement of the kerchiefs were different for each woman. None of the urban women were wearing kerchiefs.
Time-fashion period. 1900-1908. Again, the dress elements which were similar for both the rural and urban women of this time-fashion period were the bodice and hairstyle. Of the four rural photographs which had women in costume characteristics typical of the period, the women in the rural photographs were in bodices with pronounced blousing at the front and high necklines (see plates XVII,
XCIII, and XXII). Two women were in bodices with high
standing band collars whereas two were in bodices with peter
pan collars edged with a ruffle (see plate XVII). Five of
the urban photographs rated fashionable also show bodices 144 with the blousing effect and high standing band collar (see plates XX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, and XXV). The rural women in
VGC-GLY-188 (plate XXX) and VGC-CAR-189 (plate XXVII) who received one-item fashionable ratings were also in bloused bodices with high standing band collars.
Differing from the monobosom bodice was the fitted tailored bodice worn by the woman in rural photograph,
VGC-BAL-129 (plate XVI). The bodice does have the high standing band collar and long fitted sleeves with slight puffing at the upper sleeve. These were similar to the dress elements worn by the woman in Spelman 1337 (plate XXVI) and some of the women in Spelman 464 (plate XXI).
Various headdresses were observed on the rural women for this time* period whereas only two urban women were in headdresses. Hairstyles for all the women
not wearing a hat or headdress were arranged up in some manner. The rural women in non-studio photographs hairstyles were generally smoothed back at the sides and top with less fullness than fashion suggested. The rural woman in a studio photograph had the fashionable hairstyle similar to those worn by the urban women.
The majority of women in the urban photographs were wearing the pompadour. Of the 68 women in the seven urban photographs of this fashion period, 53 were wearing puffed pompadours while one was obscured by her kerchief.
The rest have flatter styles which were pulled back and up. 145 The double braided hairstyle worn by the rural woman in VGC-JON-39 (plate XXIX) was not typical for this fashion period; nor was it evident on any of the other women, rural or urban, in this time-fashion period.
Time-fashion period. 1909-1915. Of the 21 women represented in the rural photographs, four were in kerchiefs
(VGC-JON-51, plate XXXI; VGC-LAU-149, plate XXII; VGC-GLY-
164, plate XXXIII; VGC-GLY-205, plate XXXIV), which were wrapped and arranged in various styles. Eleven of the other women were in various types of headdresses.
Of the women not wearing hats or other types of headdresses, the hairstyles observed represented styles typical for this fashion period. The three fashionable women in VGC-GOR-483 (plate XXXVIII) were in styles with more extreme fullness than the woman in VGC-GLY-195 (plate
XXXIX).
Only the five rural women with fashionable ratings were wearing similar dress elements. The rest of the women for this fashion period received unfashionable ratings, and therefore the styles varied except for the above mentioned headdresses.
Discussion and Summary
African American women wore the European American styles of fashion. This statement is based upon the
findings presented above and applies to the urban and rural
locations as well as the studio and nonstudio photographs.
However, urban women wore fashionable dress more . 146 consistently than did rural women. For example, the shelf bustle was identified in urban photographs of the 1880s but was not in the rural photographs. Another example was represented in the hairstyles. Urban women tended to wear their hair with more fullness than the rural women although in some photographs the rural women could be observed in extremely full hairstyles. This was true for studio and non-studio photographs.
That the women in the urban photographs were observed in fashionable dress more often than the women in the rural photographs may have been due to the access to fashion information (magazines, newspapers, and pattern books) and the economic resources available to the women in the urban areas. Jones (1985) indicates that rural women had little time or money to construct or purchase new dresses.
Table 10 indicates that these findings were consistent with the date range photographs as well. The dress elements observed in nine urban date range photographs received fashionable ratings (see plates ILIV-LII). The dress elements observed on the women in rural date range photograph (VGC-GRA-52 plate LIII) received fashionable ratings, and the dress elements observed on the woman in
VGC-GWN-82 (plate VIII) received a one-item fashionable rating.
Urban women were typically presented in academic class photographs, e.g. Spelman College and Atlanta University, or
in studio portraits. The investigator can not be certain 147
Plate XLIV VGC-MUS-147 148
Plate XLV Herndon 2.13 149
Plate XLV Herndon 2.11 150
Plate XLVII Herndon 2.8
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->'5 li.' ■ - I r.. . r ' - m h
r
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V ^ s i i i e 'm W 151
Plate VLVIII Herndon 2.77
i 152
Plate IL Herndon 2.73 153
Plate L Herndon 2.62 154
Plate LI Herndon 4.5 Plate L U Herndon 2.6
m j : . : i l !
in en Plate LIII VGC-GRA-52
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Ln Plate LIV VGC-GWN-82 158 Plate LV Herndon 2.1 %. 159 Plate LVI Herndon 2.4 160 Plate LVII VGC-SAP-93 161 Plate LVIII VGC-SAP-94 t 162 Plate LIX VGC-GEO-95 f îl 163 whether the women in the studio portraits rented clothing from the photographer; as indicted earlier, this was a common practice in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Rural women were usually photographed in occupational settings. The impact of fashion on occupational dress is of interest. Although the rural women were photographed in occupational settings, their dress may or may not have been occupational. There is no evidence of a uniform, i.e. same dress worn by everyone. Certainly the index of fashionability demonstrates adherence to fashion by rural women as well as by urban women since the dress elements worn by 14 rural women received fashionable ratings and six received one-item fashionable ratings. The dress element most often identified as fashionable was the bodice. Perhaps the bodice was an item of "best dress" worn for special occasions. If the women were aware that their photograph was beomg taken, they might have worn a special item of dress. Fashionable dress elements were observed in both studio and non-studio photographs for both the urban and rural areas; no pattern was discernible which suggests that "best" dress or the most fashionable dress was worn solely for studio portraits (see Table 6). Even in the studio portraits for rural women there was no clear evidence of occupational dress. Instead dress worn by rural women in studio portraits received fashionable or one-item fashionable ratings. 164 None of the dress elements observed in the urban photographs received unfashionable ratings except for two date range photographs. These were Herndon (plate W ) and Herndon 2.4 (plate W I ) . Both women were in styles of a time period not included in the date range of the photograph; therefore by definition the dress elements were labelled unfashionable. The dress element worn by 23 rural women received unfashionable ratings. Two women in two rural date range photographs also were wearing items of dress which received unfashionable ratings. These were the women in VGC-SAP-93 (plate LVII) and VGC-SAP-94 (plate LVIII). Unfashionable dress elements were observed in studio and non-studio rural photographs but predominated in the non-studio photographs. Nonfashionable dress elements such as kerchiefs and aprons were observed on 15 rural women. Two were wearing kerchiefs and aprons, seven were in kerchiefs only, and seven were in aprons only. One urban woman was wearing a kerchief only. These nonfashionable dress elements were observed in both studio and non-studio photographs. Kerchiefs and aprons were not used in the dominant American or European fashions during the time period of this study. But they were worn by the rural women in all but one time period, particularly in the two coastal areas represented in the photographs, Sapelo Island and Glynn County. Since the rural women were generally photographed in occupational settings one might assume that the kerchiefs 165 served an occupational function rather than a fashion purpose. Their use would have been functional in the sense that the kerchiefs served to protect the hair from dirt and sun while working or served to keep the hair out of the face or eyes while working. Among the African American women, the wearing of the kerchief and the wrapping of it may have had African American fashion connotations, i.e., a style accepted by African Americans as a specific group. The kerchief may also be linked to an older tradition for the rural African American women, which would imply a cultural connotation as well. The apron has not served a European American fashion purpose since the 17th century, therefore its use in the 19th and 20th century was more likely tied to an occupational function. The rural women observed in an apron were also photographed in occupational settings or listed by the archivist as a cook, nurse, or other domestic servant. Chapter X Summary and Implications The purpose of this study was to investigate and identify the dress worn by African American women in the state of Georgia, from 1870-.1915. It was undertaken in order to examine the dress of a group of American women generally ignored in American and European costume histories and to compile information about the types of dress worn by them. This study is important not only for the information it provides on the history of dress in the United States, but more importantly for the information it provides on a unique group of American women. A review of pertinent literature on the subject revealed that little research had been conducted on the dress worn by African Americans after the Civil War. Ordonez (1982) and Tandberg (1981) both investigated slave clothing while Wares (1981) conducted a broad study of the dress of African Americans from 1500-1930. None of the scholars focused on post Civil War dress in a particular state, such as Georgia, or on a particular time period. The influence of fashion on dress across geographic locations and time periods as worn by African American women was also not stressed in these studies. 166 167 The following research objectives framed the study. 1) to identify the types of dress worn, 2) to examine the differences in dress between rural and urban African American women, 3) to examine the degree of fashion of the dress worn. These objectives were examined with the underlying assumption that African American women in the urban areas of the state of Georgia wore more fashionable dress than the women in the rural areas of the state. This assumption was based on a fashion theory of fashion diffusion, i.e. that urban women with higher socioeconomic status would wear more fashionable dress as a result of their easier assess to fashion information through magazines, newspapers, and other women. The "Trickle Down" theory of fashion indicated that people of the upper classes dress in new styles to separate themselves from people of the lower classes. As people of the lower classes adopt these styles of fashion, then new styles are created and adopted by the upper class. In the urban areas, many African American women were members of the elite or upper class, either through their socioeconomic standing or their educational or occupational roles. This theory might serve to further support the assumption that African American women in the urban areas wore more fashionable dress than African American women in the rural areas. The research presented here was descriptive in nature and used photographs as primary sources to examine 168 the dress of African American women in Georgia- Findings indicated that photographs can be used to investigate the dress worn by African American women, as well as others. The investigator conducted a preliminary search for photograph collections in November, 1987. Letters were sent to museums, colleges, and historic homes known to house artifacts and documents of African Americans in Georgia. Photographs of African American women in four collections in the state of Georgia and from the time period 1870-1915 were collected and examined. Two of the institutions were African American colleges, one founded in 1867 and one in 1881. The third, now a museum, was the home of Alonzo Herndon, a successful African American businessman who resided in Atlanta. His home includes an archive of Herndon family photographs and other historical artifacts. The fourth collection is part of the state archives of Georgia which houses an extensive collection of photographs of Georgians. The photographs were selected using the following criteria: 1) dated by an archivist or donor 2) the inclusion of African American women from Georgia, 3) date of photograph within the time period 1870-1915. Each photograph was classified by time period, location (urban or rural), and type (studio or non-studio). Urban areas were determined by the definition provided by the 13th census of the United States, "incorporated places of 2,500 inhabitants or more" (13th Census of the United States, 1910). The major urban areas were the cities 169 of Atlanta, Augusta, Columbus, Macon, and Savannah. Rural areas were also determined by the definition provided by the 13th census; as the population "residing outside of such incorporated places" (13th Census of the United States 1910). Type of photograph was important to determine if fashionable dress was the choice of studio photographers or women wearing the dress. There were a total of 21 studio portraits and 38 nonstudio portraits. The elements of dress worn by African American women 1870-1915 and observed in each photograph were identified and recorded using a check sheet for categories of elements. The categories of dress incorporated into the check sheet were headdress, hair style, bodice, skirt, and accessories. Two considerations focused the comparison of information acquired by analytical techniques. One was the location of the photograph, i.e. urban or rural, and the other was the fashionability of dress. Previous study had suggested that the development of a multilevel socioeconomic system for urban African Americans by the end of the nineteenth century in Georgia. There was no suggestion in the period of a similar pheno menon in rural areas. So the location of the photograph was very important to any consideration of dress, and a comparison of elements by location was affected. It was assumed that the location of the photographs (and the African American women depicted in them) would 170 influence the degree to which women participated in fashion as expressed in the elements of dress. In order to rate the level of fashion expression on the part of African American women, the researcher compared the findings from the analysis of elements with the standard European-American fashions of the period. The resulting evidence was used to project the degree of fashionability of the dress of each woman. European-American fashionable dress was defined as apparel that is widely accepted at a point in time. The degree of fashionability was determined by whether the dress elements observed in the photograph were fashionable for the time period in which the photograph was dated. The following discussion is based upon the three research objectives established for this study. Objective 1 The first objective, to identify the clothing of African American women in Georgia as illustrated in photographs during the period, 1870-1915 was accomplished. Based upon the analysis of photographs, presented in Chapter IV, the investigator identified a variety of clothing worn by African American women in the rural and urban areas of the state over the time period pertinent to this study. The elements of dress included headdresses, hairstyles, bodices, skirts, dresses and accessories such as jewelry, gloves, fans, and parasols. A variety of bodices and skirts were worn, some appeared to be separates while 171 some wore one piece dresses (bodice and skirt attached). The most commonly occurring combinations was the bodice and skiirc. Accessories observed included jewelry, fans, parasols, and one woman wore gloves. Both rural and urban African American women wore headdresses. One urban woman wore a kerchief, while nine rural women were observed in kerchiefs. Fourteen urban women and fourteen rural women wore some type of hat, and one rural woman wore a "mob cap". These observations suggest that the wearing of hats was a dominant occurrence among both rural and urban women. Certainly this is not surprising since hats were a necessary item of apparel for women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The hats or headdresses observed in the photographs in this study revealed that the hats served a functional purpose as well as being a societal necessity. Objective 2 The second objective, was to compare the dress worn by African American women in Georgia with the European- * American fashionable dress of the period, 1870-1915. The dress elements observed in the photographs were compared to the dress elements known to be fashionable during the time period in which the photograph was dated. Fashionable dress information was reviewed from both primary and secondary sources. This information allowed the investigator to rate 172 dress elements as fashionable, one item fashionable, unfashionable, nonfashionable, and not enough visible. A fashionable rating was given when all dress elements observed were fashionable for the time period in which the photograph was dated. The one item fashionable rating was given when only one dress element was observed to be fashionable and all others were unfashionable, nonfashionable, or obscured from view. An unfashionable rating was given when the dress elements worn were fashionable in a time period other than the one in which the photograph was dated. A nonfashionable rating was given when dress elements were not fashionable any time within the time period pertinent to this study. When major dress elements were obscured from view, the dress elements were classified as not enough visible and, therefore, were not given a fashion rating. Fashionable For the most part, fashionable ratings predominated among the urban photographs since the dress elements of 146 women received this rating. At the seune time the dress elements of thirteen rural women received fashionable ratings. Three of the urban photographs were studio portraits, eight were non-studio group photographs of Spelman and Atlanta University graduates and one was a non-studio photograph taken at a picnic in Savannah, Georgia. The rural photographs included two studio and three non-studio 173 photographs. There is no pattern among type of photograph which supports the relationship between studio portraits and fashionable dress. In fact, fashionable dress was seen as frequently in nonstudio photographs as studio settings. This is important since photographers of the 19th and early 20th centuries often rented clothing for studio portraits. That a greater number of urban women received fashionable ratings than rural women supports the suggestion that urban women had access to greater economic resources than did rural women, based on these findings. Since income level for the women was not available the findings can not be confirmed. The urban women from Spelman and Atlanta University in the group photographs may be wearing fashionable dress because of their educational status and again, the availability of fashion information to those in the urban areas of the state. One-item fashionable The one-item fashionable rating was assigned in only five cases and these were all rural women. None of the urban women received the rating. Interestingly, the one item which was consistently observed to be fashionable was the bodice. In one case the woman wore a non-fashionable headdress and her skirt was obscured. In the other four photographs, a headdress was not worn and the skirts were obscured from view. Since the degree of fashionability of the dress elements was an important objective for this 174 study, a fashionable element received precedence over an unfashionable item. This rating was observed in non-studio photographs only. These findings indicate that rural women wore fashionable dress as well. Since these occurred in the nonstudio photographs the clothing was probably not rented. Unfashionable The dress of 23 urban women received unfashionable ratings, whereas none of the dress elements observed on the urban women received this rating except for two date range photographs. Thirteen of the photographs were nonstudio and one was studio. A variety of dress elements were unfashionable, no one element was consistently observed to be unfashionable. Nonfashionable Two types of garments, kerchiefs and aprons could not be classified as fashionable or unfashionable. Kerchiefs were not fashionable during any of the time periods covered in this study, nor were aprons. Nor were these two items considered unfashionable since they were never fashionable during any of the time periods pertinent to this study. When a woman in a photograph was observed in a kerchief or apron, her other dress elements were examined for their degree of fashion. The other dress elements considered were the bodice and skirt. If either or both were fashionable or unfashionable, then the dress elements were so rated. Bodice and skirts 175 were considered major dress elements whereas headdresses and aprons were considered accessories. There were a total of 19 women wearing non-fashionable dress items along with their other elements of dress. Seven of these were in kerchiefs only, ten were in aprons only, and two were in both kerchiefs and aprons. The women observed in nonfashionable dress elements were often pictured in occupational endeavors such as churning butter, working in a field, or they were listed by the archivist as a "nurse”, cook, or field laborer. Therefore, both the apron and kerchief appeared to have an occupational function. Not enough visible Fashion ratings were not given for the dress elements in three photographs since either bodices or skirts were obscured. In all three cases, the headdresses were visible. Objective 3 Objective 3 involved the comparison of the dress of African American women in the rural areas with those of African American women in the urban areas of the state of Georgia during the time period, 1870-1915. Urban women consistently wore fashionable dress for the time period in which the photograph was dated, whereas rural women were observed in fashionable, one-item fashionable and nonfashionable dress. 176 Although both urban and rural women were observed with headdresses, nine rural women wore kerchiefs, whereas only one urban woman was seen in a kerchief. In all cases, the women were observed in work activities or listed by the archivist as a laborer or domestic servant of some kind. This was also true for the apron which was observed on only rural women. The wearing of the kerchief which occurred mostly in the rural photographs may indicate an African American tradition or fashion. An occupational function for the wearing of kerchiefs is not completely supported by the photographs examined. Not all of the rural women depicted in work activities wore kerchiefs. Although the kerchief was observed only on rural women in work activities. Implications The following implications may be drawn from the foregoing study of the dress of African American women. 1. Photographs are a useful primary source to document the dress worn by African American women. From the photographs used in this study, the investigator was able to identify what was being worn by African American women in Georgia, 1870-1915. The collection of studio and non-studio photographs allowed the investigator to examine the question of the rental of fashionable dress. Findings indicate that the wearing of fashionable dress was not limited to studio photographs. And further this suggests that the individual woman exercised choice in her selection of dress. 177 2. The existence of nonfashionable dress items such as kerchiefs and aprons may imply an underlying African American cultural tradition or fashion. It may also represent an occupational function for the dress elements. That these dress items predominated among the rural women and those from the costal areas of Georgia suggest that the rural women were engaged in work related activities which may have required occupational clothing which represented cultural tradition or a departure from European American fashion. 3. African American women did wear fashionable dress, even in the rural areas of the state. This indicates that African American women in the rural areas had greater interest in fashion and/or more access to fashion information than had been assumed in the past. In some cases only one item was fashionable, and this was often the bodice. It was worn with an obscured or unfashionable skirt or kerchief. As an item of best dress worn for a special occasion it might have been used to demonstrate fashionability on the part of the wearer. Further Research 1. It is recommended that the present study be expanded to incorporate greater numbers of photographs of African American women in Georgia. 2. It is recommended that a continued study be conducted on the dress worn by African Americans in the United States after the Civil War. The study should compare 178 the dress observed in rural and urban areas of other states, both in the southeastern and northern states of the U. S. 3. Additional photographs should be collected and examined to determine the purpose of the nonfashionable dress elements as used by African American women. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, F. L. (1965). Trend to breakdown of class lines in clothes. In M. E. Roach and J. B. 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APPENDIX A Photographs from the Vanishing Georgia Collection fVCC) 1870-1879 CTM-219 (Chatham County; Savannzih, 1878) 1880-1889 COW-81 (Coweta Country, Ga. 1880) WAS-278 (Washington County, Ga. 1895) 1890-1899 BEN-255 (Ben Hill Co., Fitzgerald, GA 1895) THO-169 (Thomas Co., Circa 1895) THO-176 (Thomas Co., Ga 1895) DGH-100 (Dougherty Albany, late 1800*s) BEN-136 (Ben Hill, Fitzgerald, 1896) 1900-1908 LUM-92 (Lumpkin Co., Dahlonega, GA ca. 1900) GLY-188 (Glynn C o . , ca. 1900) LAU-172 (Laurens Co., ca. 1907) BAL-129 (Baldwin Co., ca. 1900) CAR-189 (Carroll Co., Whitesburg, Ga., ca. 1905) JON-115 (Jones Co., ca. 1905) GOR-483 (Gordon Co., Calhoun, Ga., ca 1908) JON-39 (Jones Co., ca. 1900) GLY-41 (Glynn Co., Brunswick, Ga., early 1900*s) MÜS-139 (Muskogee Co., Columbus, Ga., 1908) 1909-1915 JON-8 (Jones County, ca. 1910) JON-51 (Jones County, ca 1910) LAU-149 (Laurens Co., ca. 1915) GLY-164 (Glynn Co., before 1915) BAK-2 (Baker co., ca 1912) RAB-169 (Rabum Co., Clayton, 1912) RAN-103 (Randolph Co., Cuthbert, 1912) GLY-246 (Glynn, Co., ca 1910) GLY-206 (Glynn, Co., ca 1910) GLY-205 (Glynn, Co., ca 1910) GLY-196 (Glynn, C o . , ca 1910) 189 190 Date Ranges GLY-195 (Glynn, Co., ca 1910) GLY-175 (Glynn, Co., ca 1910) GOR-483 (Gordon Co., ca 1912) GWN-82 (Gwinnett County, 1870-1900) GRA-52 (Cairo, ca 1900-1920) GEO-95 (ca. 1910-1930) SAP-92 (Sapelo Island, 1915-1934) SAP-93 (Sapelo Island, 1915-1934) SAP-94 (Sapelo Island, 1915-1934) MUS-147(Columbus, ca 1900-1920 APPENDIX B Glossary of Costume Terms Bustle - a device used to push out the back of the skirts on women's dresses. Chemisette - a short underbodice, usually with a high neckline. Worn under day dresses with low necklines. Coat Sleeve - bodice sleeve like a man's coat sleeve, with an inner and outer seam. Cuirass - long bodice which ended in a point at the front and fit smoothly over the hips. Jobots - a ruffled or lace piece of fabric worn at the throat to decorate the front of a blouse. Jacket bodice - bodice which fastened center front with buttons or hooks and eyes. Plastron - a pleated or gathered panel of fabric worn on the front of bodices, usually of contrasting fabric. Polonaise - a front buttoning bodice with a hiplength or longer full skirt which covers the top half of the underskirt. Bodice fullness is pulled up at the sides and back and in swags and puffs of fabric. Revers - the turned back portion of a jacket; lapels. 191