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Requerimento N° 485, De 2013
Atividade Legislativa Requerimento n° 485, de 2013 Autoria: Senador Ricardo Ferraço (MDB/ES), Senador Eduardo Suplicy (PT/SP), Senador Jarbas Vasconcelos (MDB/PE), Senador Jorge Viana (PT/AC), Senador Mozarildo Cavalcanti (PTB/RR), Senador Paulo Paim (PT/RS), Senador Pedro Taques (PDT/MT), Senadora Vanessa Grazziotin (PCdoB/AM) Iniciativa: Ementa: Requer, nos termos do art. 218 combinado com o art. 221 do Regimento Interno do Senado Federal, a inserção em ata de voto de pesar pelo falecimento do jornalista Ruy Mesquita, ocorrido no dia 21 de maio de 2013, apresentando condolências a seus familiares. Assunto: - Data de Leitura: - Tramitação encerrada Decisão: Aprovada pelo Plenário Último local: - Destino: - Último estado: 22/05/2013 - APROVADA TRAMITAÇÃO 11/07/2013 SF-SARQ - Secretaria de Arquivo Ação: PROCESSO ARQUIVADO; 27/06/2013 SF-SEXP - SECRETARIA DE EXPEDIENTE Ação: Anexadas as cópias e enviado o voto. Ao Arquivo. 22/05/2013 SF-SEXP - SECRETARIA DE EXPEDIENTE Ação: Recebido neste órgão às 17h10. 22/05/2013 SF-ATA-PLEN - SUBSECRETARIA DE ATA - PLENÁRIO Situação: APROVADA Ação: Lido e aprovado nesta oportunidade. ************* Retificado em 22/05/2013************* Lido e aprovado nesta oportunidade, tendo usado da palavra os Senadores Ricardo Ferraço, Jarbas Vasconcelos, Eduardo Suplicy, Paulo Paim, a Senadora Vanessa Grazziotin, os Senadores Cristóvam Buarque, Pedro Taques e Aloysio Nunes Ferreira. Publicado no DSF Páginas 28205 Publicado no DSF Páginas 28201 22/05/2013 SF-PLEG - PROTOCOLO LEGISLATIVO Ação: Este processo contém 02 (duas) folhas numeradas e rubricadas. pg 1 Atividade Legislativa Requerimento n° 485, de 2013 TRAMITAÇÃO DOCUMENTOS RQS 485/2013 Data: 22/05/2013 Autor: Senador Ricardo Ferraço (MDB/ES), Senador Eduardo Suplicy (PT/SP), Senador Jarbas Vasconcelos (MDB/PE), Senador Jorge Viana (PT/AC), Senador Mozarildo Cavalcanti (PTB/RR), Senador Paulo Paim (PT/RS), Senador Pedro Taques (PDT/MT), Senadora Vanessa Grazziotin (PCdoB/AM) Local: null Descrição/Ementa: Requer, nos termos do art. -
Brazil Ahead of the 2018 Elections
BRIEFING Brazil ahead of the 2018 elections SUMMARY On 7 October 2018, about 147 million Brazilians will go to the polls to choose a new president, new governors and new members of the bicameral National Congress and state legislatures. If, as expected, none of the presidential candidates gains over 50 % of votes, a run-off between the two best-performing presidential candidates is scheduled to take place on 28 October 2018. Brazil's severe and protracted political, economic, social and public-security crisis has created a complex and polarised political climate that makes the election outcome highly unpredictable. Pollsters show that voters have lost faith in a discredited political elite and that only anti- establishment outsiders not embroiled in large-scale corruption scandals and entrenched clientelism would truly match voters' preferences. However, there is a huge gap between voters' strong demand for a radical political renewal based on new faces, and the dramatic shortage of political newcomers among the candidates. Voters' disillusionment with conventional politics and political institutions has fuelled nostalgic preferences and is likely to prompt part of the electorate to shift away from centrist candidates associated with policy continuity to candidates at the opposite sides of the party spectrum. Many less well-off voters would have welcomed a return to office of former left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who due to a then booming economy, could run social programmes that lifted millions out of extreme poverty and who, barred by Brazil's judiciary from running in 2018, has tried to transfer his high popularity to his much less-known replacement. -
The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System*
The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System* Carlos Ranulfo Melo Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other “connected” electoral disputes—both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition. Keywords: Presidential elections; competition structure; Brazilian party system. magine a country with little political party tradition, where parties are I relatively recent and organizationally fragile; where the majority of the electorate is more accustomed to valuing individual candidates than the available party labels and do not identify with any of them. Now add to this the fact that for the sixth consecutive time, the same two parties dominated the presidential election and one of them won the last four disputes. There is something strange about these two things. It would not be so strange if the parties, in this case the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), were also the two largest national parties; however, they (*) http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212014000200004 The author would like to express his thanks for the comments and suggestions of anonymous colleagues of the Brazilian Political Science Review. -
The Week in Review on the ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: the Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) Announced That GDP Growth for the Second Quarter Totaled 1.5%
POLICY MONITOR August 26 – 30 , 2013 The Week in Review ON THE ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: The Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) announced that GDP growth for the second quarter totaled 1.5%. This year, GDP grew by 2.1%. Interest Rate: The Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) of the Central Bank unanimously decided to raise interest rates by 0.5% to 9%--the fourth increase in a row. The Committee will hold two more meetings this year. Market analysts expect interest rates to rise by at least one more point to 10%. Strikes: Numerous groups of workers are under negotiations with the government for salary adjustments. Among those are regulatory agencies, national transportation department (DNIT), and livestock inspectors. DNIT workers have been on strike since June and livestock inspectors begun their strike on Thursday. On Friday, union workers will hold demonstrations throughout the country. Tourism: A study conducted by the Ministry of Tourism showed that the greatest cause of discontent for tourists coming to Brazil was high prices. The second most important reason was telecommunication services. Airport infrastructure, safety, and public transportation did not bother tourists as much and were ranked below both issues. Credit Protection: The Agency for Credit Protection Services (SPC Brasil) announced that the largest defaulting groups are in the middle class (Brazilian Class C). Forty-seven percent of all defaults are within Class C, 34% in Class B, and 13% in Class D. Forty-six percent of respondents claim to have been added to the list of default due to credit card payment delays and 40% due to bank loans. -
2002 22 a 26 De Outubro, CAXAMBU – MG GT 14 – Políticas Públicas Política E Gestão Municipal Nas Grandes Cidades Brasile
2002 22 a 26 de Outubro, CAXAMBU – MG GT 14 – Políticas Públicas Política e Gestão Municipal nas grandes cidades brasileiras. Um Estudo da Rota trilhada por Recife e Salvador ( 1986 – 2000) Antônio Sérgio Araújo Fernandes 1 Política e Gestão Municipal nas grandes cidades Brasileiras. Um Estudo da Rota trilhada por Recife e Salvador (1986-2000) Antônio Sérgio Araújo Fernandes1 Introdução Este artigo se propõe analisar comparativamente os governos locais de Salvador e Recife, no que se refere à tentativa simultânea das duas municipalidades de implementar políticas similares de participação e controle social na gestão pública, durante o período compreendido entre os anos de 1986 a 2000. O trabalho insere-se no tema da democratização dos governos locais das grandes cidades brasileiras. A democratização do governo local no Brasil ocorreu concomitante à democratização no nível nacional. Ao final dos anos 70 e início dos 80, verifica-se nas grandes cidades do país, sobretudo nas capitais, a emergência dos movimentos sociais de bairros, assessorados pela Igreja Católica e grupos técnicos de profissionais liberais ou ONGs, que passam a reivindicar do Poder Público Municipal, melhores condições de infra- estrutura urbana, serviços públicos e moradia, assim como participação nas decisões de governo. Nessa época, no que tange a problemática urbana em áreas pobres das metrópoles brasileiras, a discussão entre os governos locais das capitais e grandes cidades do país e a sociedade civil organizada girava em torno da criação de novos mecanismos de gestão pública municipal que visassem fundamentalmente: 1. O tratamento objetivo da questão social pela esfera de governo municipal – por meio de obras de urbanização e habitação popular, bem como pelo provimento de serviços públicos; e 2. -
Myths and Images in Global Climate Governance, Conceptualization and the Case of Brazil (1989 - 2019)
Article Myths and images in global climate governance, conceptualization and the case of Brazil (1989 - 2019) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201900205 Revista Brasileira de Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 62(2): e005, 2019 Política Internacional ISSN 1983-3121 Abstract http://www.scielo.br/rbpi Countries have a self-image of their role in global climate governance. If that image does not correspond to the country’s actual level of climate power, 1 Matias Alejandro Franchini commitment and leadership, it becomes a myth. In this article, we define climate 1Universidad del Rosario - Political Science, Government and International self-images/myths and analyze comprehensively the Brazilian case between Relations, Bogotá, Colombia 1989 and 2019. For most of this period, Brazil’s self-image was a myth. ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Keywords: Global Environmental Governance; Brazilian Foreign Policy; orcid.org/0000-0002-6831-5944 International Political Economy of Climate Change 2Eduardo Viola 2Universidade de Brasília, Institute of International Relations, Brasília, Brazil Received: April 30, 2019 ([email protected]). ORCID ID: Accepted: July 14, 2019 orcid.org/0000-0002-5028-2443 Introduction uring the second half of the 2000s, the Brazilian D government consolidated an official narrative of the country as a major reformist power in the governance of climate change. This self-image had three central dimensions: Brazil as a major agent in the global carbon cycle; a key player in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations, and a developing country that far exceeded its obligations to contribute to stabilizing global Copyright: greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, thus becoming a role model • This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons in terms of mitigation actions. -
Resumo Abstract
No princípio era o verbo: a imprensa antecipa as eleições Dacier de Barros e Silva Carlos Peres de Figueiredo Sobrinho Resumo Abstract Este artigo apresenta um estudo feito entre agosto de This article presents a research made between August 2005 e julho de 2006 sobre o poder da mídia em cons- 2005 and July 2006 about the mass media power to truir a realidade social, mostrando como as eleições construct the social reality. This work shows how the pernambucanas se tornam o principal tema do notici- elections in Pernambuco became newspapers’ leading ário político dois anos antes de começar a campanha issue two years before the oficial campaing beginning, 153 oficial, construindo uma imagem da política baseada constructing a politcs image that is based on conflict no conflito partidário. between parties. Palavras-chave: Key words: Jornalismo político, Eleições, Construção social da realidade Political journalism, Elections, Social construction of reality O principal objetivo da pesquisa “A An- As mídias Democracia, imprensa e espaço tecipação do Debate Eleitoral na Imprensa: possuem um público Motivações e Interesses”, que deu origem ao forte poder de Democracias representativas e meios presente artigo, é compreender como os jor- de comunicação de massa estão forte- nais pernambucanos alimentam o espaço pú- mediação entre mente ligados na contemporaneidade. O blico num período de estabilidade democráti- o receptor e os envolvimento político dos cidadãos é mui- ca, ao mesmo tempo em que estão inseridos bastidores da to influenciado pela atuação das mídias, num mercado mais moderno e competitivo, política pois estas possuem um forte poder de dentro de uma estrutura de produção indus- mediação entre o receptor e os bastido- trial de notícias, uma experiência recente res da política. -
BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS and POLITICS in BRAZIL Analysis of Interferences Made by Automated Profiles in the 2014 Elections
POLICY PAPER BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL Analysis of interferences made by automated profiles in the 2014 elections The action of bot networks This study shows the use of automated profiles that shared contents of Aécio’s, Dilma’s and Marina’s campaigns. Evidence of interference The analysis revealed the presence of Russian bots in the dissemination of campaign material. DAPP.FGV.BR Alert for 2018 elections The risks identified warn against the use of public resources in online FGV.DAPP campaigns conducted by political parties for the 2018 presidential elections. FGVDAPP MARCH, 15TH 2018 Policy Paper • BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL • Analysis of interferences made by automated profiles in the 2014 elections Rio de Janeiro FGV DAPP 2018 Contents • 1. Executive Summary 4 2. Introduction 6 Flow chart - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 9 Flow chart - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 10 3. Identification of bots 11 CASE 1 - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 12 CASE 2 - Marina Silva’s Campaign 14 CASE 3 - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 15 4. Identification of foreign influence 18 5. Public policies recommendations 33 6. Appendices 35 CASE 1 - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 36 CASE 2 - Marina Silva’s Campaign 51 CASE 3 - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 52 References 57 FGV DAPP 3 1. Executive Summary 1.1. The use of bots and automated profiles in the political debate are risks known to the democratic process since at least 2014, according to the FGV DAPP’s study from August 20171. The study which showed the presence of “bots” acting in favor of the main political fields on Twitter during elections that year. -
BRAZIL NEWS BRIEFS July 2011
4 BRAZIL NEWS BRIEFS July 2011 POLITICS Marina Silva leaves the Green Party Transport minister resigns Photo: Jose Cruz/Agencia Brasil Photo: Renato Araujo/Agencia Brasil Photo: Macello Casal Jr/Agencia Brasil Former Senator Marina Silva The ground continues shifting for oppo- sition parties. Former Senator Marina Transport Minister Alfredo Nascimento (left) steps down, and new minister Paulo Sergio Silva, who last year gave an impressive Passos (right) takes over the task of overhauling transport infrastructure. performance as a presidential candidate (20% of the votes), has left the Green Party. Brazil’s transport minister has resigned daunting task of overhauling Brazil’s Although she avoided harsh criticism of over a corruption scandal. Alfredo Nas- transport infrastructure to support the party, she left because, among other cimento stepped down over allegations Brazil’s economic growth and prepare reasons, she failed to convince José Luiz that staff at his ministry were skimming the country for the 2014 World Cup. Penna, party president for 12 years, to call off money from federal infrastructure Nascimento was the second senior offi- a convention to choose a new direction. contracts. So far 20 staff members have cial to resign since Rousseff took office Silva said, “We can achieve the democracy left the ministry. President Rousseff in January. Her chief of staff, Antonio we want if we are willing to continue the named Paulo Sergio Passos as Nasci- Palocci, left on June 6 amid charges of walk, which is why I and many others are mento’s replacement. Passos has the corruption. (July 12) leaving.” (July 8) NATIONAL SECURITY FOREIGN POLICY Brazil and Colombia work Brazil and Argentina celebrate Brazil and U.S. -
Dados Biográficos Da Ministra Marina Silva
Dados biográficos da Ministra Marina Silva Eleita pela primeira vez para o Senado em 1994, Marina Silva (PT do Acre) foi naquela ocasião, aos 36 anos, a senadora mais jovem da história da República, tendo sido a mais votada entre os candidatos de seu estado. Em 2002 foi reeleita com uma votação quase três vezes superior à anterior. Foi designada Ministra de Estado do Meio Ambiente pelo Presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e tomou posse em 1º de janeiro de 2003. Marina nasceu em 8 de fevereiro de 1958, na colocação (espaço explorado por uma família dentro do território do seringal) Breu Velho, no Seringal Bagaço, a 70 quilômetros de Rio Branco, capital do estado, para onde foi aos 16 anos. Seu primeiro emprego foi de empregada doméstica. Nessa época, alfabetizou-se pelo antigo Mobral, fez supletivo e, aos 26 anos, formou-se em História pela Universidade Federal do Acre. No mesmo ano – 1985 – filiou-se ao PT. Participou das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, de movimentos de bairro e do movimento dos seringueiros. Em 1984 foi fundadora da CUT no Acre. Chico Mendes foi o primeiro coordenador da entidade e Marina, a vice-coordenadora. Nas eleições municipais de 88 foi a vereadora mais votada em Rio Branco e conquistou a única vaga de esquerda na Câmara Municipal. Em 1990 candidatou-se a deputada estadual, sendo novamente a mais votada. Uma pesquisa da Universidade Federal do Acre mostra que Marina teve a melhor atuação parlamentar naquela legislatura. No Senado Federal, é vice-presidente da Comissão de Assuntos Sociais e membro titular da Comissão de Educação. -
A Morte De Eduardo Campos E a Narrativa Do Espetáculo Político Midiático: Do Jornalismo À Propaganda Eleitoral
A morte de Eduardo Campos e a narrativa do espetáculo político midiático: do jornalismo à propaganda eleitoral Carla Montuori Fernandes Genira Chagas Introdução o Brasil, a corrida presidencial de 2014 ensejou novos rumos dois meses antes do primeiro turno eleitoral, realizado em 05 de outubro do mes- Nmo ano. Desde a oficialização das candidaturas, o cenário da campanha veiculado por órgãos de pesquisa, como o Instituto Brasileiro de Opinião Pública e Estatística (IBOPE), e Datafolha, entre outros, mostrava uma polarização em torno da então presidente e candidata à reeleição Dilma Rousseff, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), e do candidato Aécio Neves, do Partido da Social Democra- cia Brasileira (PSDB). No início da campanha, a candidata do PT aparecia nas pesquisas com aproximadamente 36% das intenções de voto, seguida de 20% do segundo colocado, o candidato Aécio Neves. O candidato Eduardo Campos, do Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB), estava na terceira colocação e oscilava entre 6% e 8% na preferência do eleitorado1. Em quase todos os cenários previstos pelos institutos, Dilma Rousseff (PT) se reelegeria no segundo turno2. A morte precoce de Eduardo Campos (PSB), no dia 13 de agosto, em um acidente aéreo, quando seguia para um compromisso de campanha em Guarujá (SP), mobilizou diversos setores da mídia jornalística, em uma cobertura que se transformou em espetáculo político-midiático. Para Weber (2011), a transformação de um acontecimento público em espetáculo político-midiático está associada ao potencial do evento em mobilizar instituições políticas, a sociedade e, por isso, atrair a atenção da imprensa. Importante ressaltar que, após a morte de Eduardo Campos, a mídia cons- truiu uma agenda de comoção, capaz de mobilizar diferentes setores da sociedade. -
Campaign Strategy for Brazilian 2014 Presidential Elections- Campos/Silva Ticket
21A.506 MITTask Student5- final campaign strategy Campaign Strategy for Brazilian 2014 Presidential elections- Campos/Silva ticket My campaign strategy is for Eduardo Campos, who will be running for president in the Brazilian elections this October. The candidate is part of the Brazilian Socialist Party, not to be confused with the Brazilian Social Democracy party, and has recently announced his vice-presidential nomination for the famous politician and environmentalist, Marina Silva. Marina Silva gives an otherwise unlikely winner a fighting chance to upset the two parties that have been dominating Brazilian politics for the past two decades. I will review the recent political landscape in Brazil and why Brazilians will be looking for a change in the recent political dynamic through voting on the Campos/Silva ticket. I will then outline the target population who my campaign for Campos/Silva will be targeting, why this is the most effective group to target and the strategy that will be used to reach and effect the votes of the most people possible. To understand current Brazilian politics, we must first look at the political trends that have followed the reinstatement of Democracy in Brazil in the 80’s after the end of 20 years of military dictatorship. In the early ‘80s, the military government, noticing increasing tension in the citizens for greater freedom, began a slow and controlled process of democratization. In 1989, Fernando Collor was the first to be elected president under the new Constitution. After a corruption scandal, his vice president, a member of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, took over.