The Influence of Media Frames on the Public's Perception

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Influence of Media Frames on the Public's Perception THE INFLUENCE OF MEDIA FRAMES ON THE PUBLIC’S PERCEPTION OF THE 2015-16 ETHIOPIAN PROTEST TESFAGEBRIEL TEKOLA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND COMMUNICATION IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN JOURNALISM AND COMMUNICATION ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA JUNE, 2017 ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND COMMUNICATION THE INFLUENCE OF MEDIA FRAMES ON THE PUBLIC’S PERCEPTION OF THE 2015-16 ETHIOPIAN PROTEST BY TESFAGEBRIEL TEKOLA ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA JUNE, 2017 Addis Ababa University School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared by Tesfagebriel Tekola, entitled “The Influence of Media Frames on the Public’s Perception of the 2015-16 Ethiopian Protest” and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Journalism and Communication complies with the regulations of the University and notes the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the Examining Committee: Examiner________________________________ Signature_____________ Date____________ Examiner________________________________ Signature_____________ Date____________ Advisor__________________________________ Signature_____________ Date____________ ________________________________________________________________ Chair of the Department or Graduate Coordinator ii Acknowledgement First and foremost, I am grateful to the God, for the good health and wellbeing that were necessary to complete this thesis. I would also like to forward my sincere thanks to my advisor, Professor Debashis Chakrabarti, for his continuous encouragement, valuable guidance, constructive comments and suggestions through the making of this research. My gratitude to my mom, Almaz Tesema, is unique. Her encouragement has always been instrumental for my success, and she has always been source of inspiration. I also thank my sisters Banchiayehu, Tarikua and my brother, Mintesnot for the unceasing encouragement, support and care throughout writing this thesis and my life in general. Selamawit Taffere, you are such a nice friend everyone would love to have around. I am deeply grateful to you for being there for me during those unbearable times. Similarly, I would like to thank all the respondents who filled the questionnaires, and all my friends who helped me in the data collection and coding process. Finally, I thank Mekelle University for granting me the opportunity to attend the MA class in Addis Ababa University. iii Acronyms AJE - Al-Jazeera English ANDM - Amhara Nationality Democratic Movement CNN - Cable News Network CSA - Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia EBC - Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation EPRDF - Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front ETV – Ethiopian Television EU - European Union FBC - Fana Broadcasting Corporate HRW - Human Rights Watch IGO - Intergovernmental Organization OAU - Organization of African Union OPDO - Oromo People Democratic Organization RTLMC - Radio Television Libre Mille Collines RVI - Rift Valley Institute SNNPR - Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region SPLF - Southern People Liberation Front TPLF - Tigray People Liberation Front WAIC - Wolkait Amhara Identity Committee WCC - World Council of Churches WPE - Workers Party of Ethiopia iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTENT PAGE Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................... iii Acronyms ................................................................................................................................. iv Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... v List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... viii ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. ix CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Background of the Study ................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................. 4 1.3. Objective of the Study....................................................................................................... 6 1.3.1. General Objective of the Study ................................................................................. 6 1.3.2. Specific Objectives of the Study ............................................................................... 6 1.4. Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 7 1.5. Hypotheses ...................................................................................................................... 7 1.6. Significance of the Study ................................................................................................. 7 1.7. Scope of the Study ........................................................................................................... 8 1.8. Organization of the Study ................................................................................................ 8 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ................................................................................... 9 2.1. Media and Politics ............................................................................................................ 9 2.1. Media and Movement .................................................................................................... 12 2.3. Background of the Protest ............................................................................................... 13 2.3.1. How it all began ..................................................................................................... 14 2.3.2. Escalation ............................................................................................................... 15 2.3.3. Causes of the Protest .............................................................................................. 16 2.3.4. The Protesters ........................................................................................................ 18 2.3.5. Reactions ............................................................................................................... 19 2.3.6. The Present Situation .............................................................................................. 20 2.4. Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation................................................................................ 21 v 2.5. Theoretical Framework: Framing ................................................................................... 22 2.5.1. Definition ............................................................................................................... 23 2.5.2. Functions of Frames ............................................................................................... 25 2.5.3. Frames’ Locations .................................................................................................. 26 2.5.4. Framing Process ..................................................................................................... 27 2.5.5. Type of Frames ...................................................................................................... 28 2.5.6. Studying Frames ...................................................................................................... 30 2.5.7. Factors Affecting Framing ...................................................................................... 30 2.5.8. Critiques of Framing Theory ................................................................................... 31 2.5.9. Framing Studies ...................................................................................................... 33 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY............................................................................................... 35 3.1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 35 3.2. Research Design ............................................................................................................. 35 3.3. Determining Media Frames through Content Analysis .................................................... 36 3.3.1. Selection of Media Outlet ......................................................................................... 36 3.3.2. Sample Unit of Analysis .......................................................................................... 37 3.3.3. Sampling Technique and Sample Size ..................................................................... 37 3.3.4. Intercoder Reliability ............................................................................................... 38 3.3.5. Definition of Variables and Terms ............................................................................ 39 3.4. Determining Audience Frame through Survey................................................................. 40 3.4.1. Study Area .............................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • 6. Oromo Liberation Front
    Country Information and Policy Note Ethiopia: Opposition to the government Version 1.0 December 2016 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information The COI within this note has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve our material. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this note, please email the Country Policy and Information Team.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia COI Compilation
    BEREICH | EVENTL. ABTEILUNG | WWW.ROTESKREUZ.AT ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & Asylum Research and Documentation Ethiopia: COI Compilation November 2019 This report serves the specific purpose of collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. It is not intended to be a general report on human rights conditions. The report is prepared within a specified time frame on the basis of publicly available documents as well as information provided by experts. All sources are cited and fully referenced. This report is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. © Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD An electronic version of this report is available on www.ecoi.net. Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD Wiedner Hauptstraße 32 A- 1040 Vienna, Austria Phone: +43 1 58 900 – 582 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.redcross.at/accord This report was commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Division of International Protection. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it endorse, its content. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of abbreviations ........................................................................................................................ 4 1 Background information ......................................................................................................... 6 1.1 Geographical information .................................................................................................... 6 1.1.1 Map of Ethiopia ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopian Democracy Comes of Age
    1 ETHIOPIAN DEMOCRACY COMES OF AGE Ezana Sehay 3/28/2015 Twenty years ago, Ethiopians went to the polls to elect their representative legislators and so was born the country’s democratic parliamentary governance. With the country going to the polls in less than two months, it is as good a time to reflect on what has been achieved so far in the democratization process and what lessons are learned to meet the challenges. Ethiopia’s venture in to democracy is relatively young [four elections old]. The previous elections have been anything but smooth, yet each has become a turning point in the voyage towards democratic society. Today though there is strong evidence that the country’s democratization process is entering in to the formative stage. Why Democratic Election Matters? Democracy, as defined by the Oxford Dictionary, “is a form of government in which the power resides in the people and is exercised by them either directly or by means of elected representatives” In the history of democracy there are three major turning points: Direct democracy, Representative democracy, and Mass democracy. Direct or Participatory democracy was born in Athens in 500 B.C. In that era of kings and empires, the Athenians’ idea that the average, citizens should decide policy rather than the elites is one of the most important revolutionary innovations in the history of government. However, direct democracy on the Athenians model had one major flaw: once you get beyond certain size, it is not possible to put all your citizens atop a hill or around campfire. The British solved that problem by the next invention of governance - a Representative legislation; citizens wouldn’t decide issues individually, as in Athens, but they would elect representatives to do so on their behalf.
    [Show full text]
  • Title Pages Contents Acknowledgements
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/87603 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Tessema, Y.N. Title: Political discourses and the securitization of democracy in post-1991 Ethiopia Issue Date: 2020-05-07 Political Discourses and the Securitization of Democracy in Post-1991 Ethiopia Yinebeb N. Tessema Yinebeb N. Tessema Yinebeb N. Tessema & GVO GVO drukkers & vormgevers B.V., Ede Political Discourses and the Securitization of Democracy in Post-1991 Ethiopia ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. C.J.J.M. Stolker, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op donderdag 7 mei 2020 klokke 13 :45 uur door geboren te Borena, Ethiopië in 1987 Promotors Professor Dr Madeleine O. Hosli Professor Dr Mohamed. A. R. M. Salih Doctorate Committee Professor Dr Gerrit. J. Abbink Africa Studies Center Leiden University Professor Dr Wil Hout Erasmus University Rotterdam Professor Dr Alanna O ‘Malley Leiden University Dr Asnake Kefale Adegehe Addis Ababa University 2 Dedication To my late father, Nigatu Tessema Gemechu, and my uncles, Amaha GebreKidan and Hailemichael GebreKidan, who fought on opposite warring sides during the civil war (1974-1991). This thesis is also dedicated to the many other Ethiopians who lost their lives or were affected by political violence in Ethiopia, which has continued unabated since the 1960s. 3 Acronyms and Abbreviations ..........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Amnesty International Public Statement
    AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT AI Index: 25/009/2014 10 December 2014 Ethiopia: Release protestors, stop crushing political opposition On 5 and 6 December, security services in Addis Ababa arrested an estimated 90 people during attempts to stage a demonstration by a coalition of nine opposition political parties. The arrests are the latest manifestation of the authorities’ hostility towards the political opposition ahead of the general election scheduled for May 2015. The Ethiopian authorities must ensure the immediate and unconditional release of those arrested for peaceful participation in, or the organization of, the demonstration, and all others imprisoned in Ethiopia for the peaceful expression of their political opinion. Amnesty International is concerned that in the period ahead of next year’s poll such instances of the authorities cracking down on political opposition will intensify. The nine-party coalition was attempting to stage a demonstration in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square on 6 December as the culmination of a series of activities calling for a free and fair election. The exact number of people arrested has not been established, but the political parties involved report that around 90 people arrested in relation to the demonstration have appeared in court remand hearings in recent days. The Semayawi (Blue) party, one of the coalition members, says that around 75 of its members and leadership were arrested, including its Chair, Engineer Yilkal Getnet, who is reported to have been injured as a result of beating by the police before he was arrested. The leaders of at least three other parties in the coalition were also arrested – Girma Bekele of the Omo People’s Democratic Union and Chair of the coalition, Erchafo Erdelo, Chair of the Kembata Peoples’ Congress and Alesa Mengesha, Chair of the Gedeo People’s Democratic Organization.
    [Show full text]
  • Amnesty International Report 2014/15 the State of the World's Human Rights
    Reports indicated that the provision of the population, including politicizing access legal aid and interpretation to asylum-seekers to job and education opportunities and had improved. development assistance, and high levels of physical and technological surveillance. COUNTER-TERROR AND SECURITY The politicization of the investigative branch In October, following a request from the of the police and of the judiciary meant that USA, the government agreed to accept for it was not possible to receive a fair hearing in resettlement a former Guantánamo detainee. politically motivated trials. Neither his identity nor the date of transfer Federal and regional security services were disclosed. were responsible for violations throughout the country, including arbitrary arrests, the use of excessive force, torture and extrajudicial executions. They operated with near- total impunity. ETHIOPIA Armed opposition groups remained in several parts of the country or in neighbouring Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia countries, although in most cases with small Head of state: Mulatu Teshome Wirtu numbers of fighters and low levels of activity. Head of government: Hailemariam Desalegn Access to some parts of the Somali region continued to be severely restricted. There were continuing reports of serious violations Freedom of expression continued to of human rights, including arbitrary arrests be subject to serious restrictions. The and extrajudicial executions. There were also government was hostile to suggestions multiple allegations of the rape of women and of dissent, and often made pre-emptive girls by members of the security services. arrests to prevent dissent from manifesting. Independent media publications were EXCESSIVE USE OF FORCE - subject to further attack.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Menu of Institutional Manipulations' and the 2015 Regional Elections
    Regional & Federal Studies ISSN: 1359-7566 (Print) 1743-9434 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/frfs20 EPRDF’s ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ and the 2015 regional elections Zemelak A. Ayele To cite this article: Zemelak A. Ayele (2018) EPRDF’s ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ and the 2015 regional elections, Regional & Federal Studies, 28:3, 275-300, DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2017.1398147 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2017.1398147 Published online: 10 Nov 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 134 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=frfs20 REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES 2018, VOL. 28, NO. 3, 275–300 https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2017.1398147 EPRDF’s ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ and the 2015 regional elections Zemelak A. Ayele Centre for Federal Studies, College of Law and Governance, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ABSTRACT Ethiopia is generally considered to have ‘a dominant party authoritarian’ system in which the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), along with its affiliates, enjoy electoral dominance. This contribution argues that EPRDF’s electoral dominance in the 2015 regional elections, indeed in all the elections held in the past two decades, is partly the result of the party’s use of what Schedler refers to ‘menu of institutional manipulations’ including electoral rules, government agencies, local authorities and even civil society organizations, to maintain its dominance. The semi-consociational system that guides the relationships of the constituent parties of EPRDF also provides the latter an electoral edge over the opposition parties which are often fragmented.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 51, February 16, 2015(*) Seven Days, Vol. 21
    No. 51, February 16, 2015(*) Seven Days, Vol. 21 Over 34.2 million of the 35 million eligible voters have so far registered for the upcoming 5th general elections, the Natio- nal Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) said. Of the total voters who received their cards, over 16.4 million are women. The total number of the registered people is 95.4 percent of the eligible voters expected to get voter IDs for the elections. The 52-day deadline set by the Board for voter registration will end on 19 February (ENA, Feb. 11). The registration of political party candidates for the upcoming national elections ends on Feb. 11. According to informati- on obtained from the National Electoral Board (NEBE), a total of 38 political parties have registered over 1,306 of their candidates up until Feb. 10. Ten independent candidates out of whom one is a woman have also been registered. The EPRDF has registered 457 candidates for the House of People’s Representatives and 1,222 candidates for the regional council. Other parties that registered their candidates include the Semayawi Party, Medrek and the Ethiopian Democratic Party (Sendek, Feb. 11). Semayawi Party has complained that the allocation of media time for contesting political parties is not fair or just. The party told VOA that the media campaign time timetable gives more time for the EPRDF and meager time for others. A party spokesman told that a large number of members of Andinet party are now joining Semayawi Party. Some of them have said that both parties have virtually the same political program and so should not operate separately (Yegna Press, Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • Detained Opposition Members Risk Ill-Treatment
    UA: 235/16 Index: AFR 25/4984/2016 Ethiopia Date: 14 October 2016 URGENT ACTION DETAINED OPPOSITION MEMBERS RISK ILL-TREATMENT Ethiopian security forces have arrested Aweke Tezera, Blen Mesfin, Eyasped Tesfaye, Abebe Akalu and Tena Yitayew for exercising their freedom of expression to criticise the government. This comes after a state of emergency was declared in Ethiopia following a week of protests in Oromia region. Ethiopian security forces arrested several members of the political opposition Semayawi (Blue) Party on 9 October. The police took Aweke Tezera from his home on 9 October to Kirkos Sub-City Police Station. Abebe Akalu was arrested on 10 October from his workplace in Addis Ababa. He remains detained at the Lege-Tafo Police Station. Relatives of Blen Mesfin found her at Lazarist Police Station in Gulele Sub-City on 11 October in a search following her failure to return home. Aweke Tezera, Blen Mesfin and Abebe Akalu have all been charged with ‘incitement of violence’ due to speaking publicly against the government. Eyasped Tesfaye was arrested from his office on 11 October and taken to Amichae Police Station in Bole Sub- City. The police have not yet brought Eyasped Tesfaye to court. Tena Yitayew was arrested on 13 October and taken to Amichae area in Bole Sub-City. Tena Yitayew has not yet been charged. A state of emergency was declared on 9 October 2016 after week-long protests took place in several locations in Oromia and Amhara regions. The protests ensued after at least 55 people were killed in a stampede at the Irrecha ceremony in Bishoftu in Oromia region, which protestors believe was caused by security forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia: Opposition to the Government
    Country Policy and Information Note Ethiopia: Opposition to the government Version 2.0 October 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia 2014 Human Rights Report
    ETHIOPIA 2014 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Ethiopia is a federal republic. The ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnically based parties, controls the government. In 2012, following the death of former prime minister Meles Zenawi, parliament elected Hailemariam Desalegn as his successor. In national parliamentary elections in 2010, the EPRDF and affiliated parties won 545 of 547 seats to remain in power for a fourth consecutive five-year term. Although the relatively few international officials allowed to observe the elections concluded technical aspects of the vote were handled competently, some also noted an environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place prior to the election. Authorities generally maintained control over the security forces, although Somali Region Special Police and local militias sometimes acted independently. The most significant human rights problems included restrictions on freedom of expression, including continued restrictions on print media and on the internet, and restrictions on freedom of association, including through arrests; politically motivated trials; and harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists. The government continued restrictions on activities of civil society and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) imposed by the Charities and Societies Proclamation (the CSO law). Other human rights problems included alleged arbitrary killings; alleged torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees
    [Show full text]
  • 1 MEDIA STATEMENT 2 June 2016 Ethiopia: End Use of Counter
    MEDIA STATEMENT 2 June 2016 Ethiopia: End use of counter-terrorism law to persecute dissenters and opposition members The Ethiopian Government must end its escalating crackdown on human rights defenders, independent media, peaceful protestors as well as members and leaders of the political opposition through the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP) says a group of civil society organisations (CSOs). “The government’s repression of independent voices has significantly worsened as the Oromo protest movement has grown,” said Yared Hailemariam, Director of the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE). “The international community should demand the end of this state- orchestrated clampdown and the immediate release of peaceful critics to prevent the situation from deteriorating further.” The recent escalation in the use of the ATP to prosecute peaceful protesters, journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, and opposition leaders and members is indicative of the Ethiopian Government’s growing intolerance of dissent. Largely peaceful protests began in November 2015 against the dispossession of land without adequate compensation in the Oromia region. In response to the protests, the Ethiopian authorities have arbitrarily arrested thousands of people and several hundred people have been summarily killed by the security services while participating in the protests. While the bulk of those arrested since February 2016 have not been charged, several are currently being prosecuted under the ATP. These include Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Tesfaye Regassa (former head of public relations for the opposition Semayawi Party), Bekele Gerba (Deputy Chair, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)) and Dejene Tufa (Deputy General Secretary, OFC) and Gurmesa Ayana (secretary, OFC).
    [Show full text]