Quechua Education in Peru: the Theory-Context Mergence Approach
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
EDUCATION in PERU
0E-14104 Bulletin 1964, No. 33 EDUCATION in PERU AgELA R. FREEBURCER Research Assistant, Wettern Hemisphere, collaboration with CHARLES C. HAUCH Acting Director, Comparative Education Branch U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WELFARE / Anthony J. Celebreeze, Secretary 4 Office of Education.' Francis Keppel, Commissioner CRO: DEPOSIIORY Contents Part I. BACKGROUND Page General Characteristics of Country and People _ - 1 Educational Development __ Administration anti Wititince _ esPart II.EDUCATIONAL LEVELS Preprimary Education 8 Elementary Education Secondary Education _ 12 Private Education ___. 16 V,Icational Education 17 Teacher-Education _ a 23 Iligher Education 26 Special Schools 36 illiteracy and Adult1:1111Cillii)11Programs 37 Part III. EDUCATIONAL OUTLOOK Problems, Trends, and Developments 41 international Cooperative Assistance " 47 Educational Centers and Services . 49 Glossary _. _ 51 Selected. References Tables Text I'age 1. Total population and school population of Peru :1906-60 _ 10 2., Number of hours a week, per subject,iu the 5-year general secondary schools, by year 15 3. Selected data on elementary and secondary binational- sponsored schools In Peru 18 4. Number of schools and students, by eductitional level and type of school:1956-60 43 5. Ntuuber of teachers, by educational level and- type of schools: 1950-60 44 Appendix A. Selected data on the principtil universities of Peru__ 58 B. Peruvian universities recently founded or in the process of organi- zation C. Degrees or titles awarded by the universities and number ofyears of study required for each, by university and faculty_____ 00 Chart Educational System of Peru, 1963 Map Geographical Regions of Peru Iv to Pacific Ocean Geographical Regions of Peru' States (Deportamentos) coast (COSTA) mountains (SIERRA) jungle (SELVA) SOURCE: Ministerio de Educacio'n PL;blica. -
The Status of the Least Documented Language Families in the World
Vol. 4 (2010), pp. 177-212 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/ http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4478 The status of the least documented language families in the world Harald Hammarström Radboud Universiteit, Nijmegen and Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig This paper aims to list all known language families that are not yet extinct and all of whose member languages are very poorly documented, i.e., less than a sketch grammar’s worth of data has been collected. It explains what constitutes a valid family, what amount and kinds of documentary data are sufficient, when a language is considered extinct, and more. It is hoped that the survey will be useful in setting priorities for documenta- tion fieldwork, in particular for those documentation efforts whose underlying goal is to understand linguistic diversity. 1. InTroducTIon. There are several legitimate reasons for pursuing language documen- tation (cf. Krauss 2007 for a fuller discussion).1 Perhaps the most important reason is for the benefit of the speaker community itself (see Voort 2007 for some clear examples). Another reason is that it contributes to linguistic theory: if we understand the limits and distribution of diversity of the world’s languages, we can formulate and provide evidence for statements about the nature of language (Brenzinger 2007; Hyman 2003; Evans 2009; Harrison 2007). From the latter perspective, it is especially interesting to document lan- guages that are the most divergent from ones that are well-documented—in other words, those that belong to unrelated families. I have conducted a survey of the documentation of the language families of the world, and in this paper, I will list the least-documented ones. -
The Case of Puno, Peru∗
The Effects of a Bilingual Education Program on Attitudes Towards Quechua: The Case of Puno, Peru∗ Michele Back University of Wisconsin–Madison Abstract Since the arrival of the Spaniards in what is now Peru, the Quechua language has been thought to be a stigmatized language, its use mostly confined to the home and rural com- munity. Education until the 1970s was primarily monolingual in Spanish, with little regard for the country’s indigenous languages. In the late 20th century, two programs—the Exper- imental Bilingual Education Project (PEEB) and its successor, the Intercultural Bilingual Education Program (EBI)—were implemented, with a partial objective of restoring pride in indigenous languages. While the stigmatization of Quechua is a topic of controversy, new data does seem to indicate an increase in positive attitudes towards Quechua in the public sphere. This paper reviews the existing literature on attitudes towards Quechua and implements several Fisher Exact tests on data for these attitudes. 1 The Quechua Language and a Brief History of Bilingual Education in Peru Quechua is one of the primary indigenous languages of Peru, as well as that of several other South American countries. Quechua was spoken in the central coast and highlands of Peru as early as 500 A.D., and reached its apogee in the 14th and 15th centuries, when it became the official language of the Inca Empire (Godenzzi 1997). The arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century introduced the Spanish language to the continent, where it quickly assumed dominance over other languages (ibid). In 1993, only 16.5% of the population indicated Quechua as their mother tongue (Cerr´on-Palomino 2003a; INEI 1993). -
Jamaica in the Tourism Global Value Chain
Jamaica in the Tourism Global Value Chain April 2018 Prepared by Karina Fernandez-Stark and Penny Bamber Contributing researcher: Vivian Couto, Jack Daly and Danny Hamrick Duke Global Value Chains Center, Duke University Global Value Chains Center This research was prepared by the Duke University Global Value Chains Center on behalf of the Organization of American States (OAS). This study is part of the establishment of Small Business Development Centers in the Caribbean. The report is based on both primary and secondary information sources. In addition to interviews with firms operating in the sector and supporting institutions, the report draws on secondary research and information sources. The project report is available at www.gvcc.duke.edu. Acknowledgements The Duke University Global Value Chains Center would like to thank all of the interviewees, who gave generously of their time and expertise, as well as Renee Penco of the Organization of American States (OAS) for her extensive support. The Duke University Global Value Chain Center undertakes client-sponsored research that addresses economic and social development issues for governments, foundations and international organizations. We do this principally by utilizing the global value chain (GVC) framework, created by Founding Director Gary Gereffi, and supplemented by other analytical tools. As a university- based research center, we address clients’ real-world questions with transparency and rigor. www.gvcc.duke.edu. Duke Global Value Chain Center, Duke University © April 2018 -
Perspectives in Early Childhood Education: Belize, Brazil, Mexico, El Salvador and Peru Judith Lynne Mcconnell-Farmer, Pamela R
Forum on Public Policy Perspectives in Early Childhood Education: Belize, Brazil, Mexico, El Salvador and Peru Judith Lynne McConnell-Farmer, Pamela R. Cook, and M. W. Farmer. Judith Lynne McConnell-Farmer, Professor, Department of Education, Washburn University Pamela R. Cook, Professor, School of Educational Leadership, Indiana Wesleyan University M. W. Farmer, J.D., Business Consultant & Writer “Children have a right, as expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to receive education, and early childhood education (ECE) must be considered part of this right.” A Global Scenario (June 9, 2012) Introduction Early childhood education (ECE) provision is becoming a growing priority. During the past twenty years, Latin America has shown a growing recognition in the provision of educational programs for young children, birth to age eight, is essential. Urban and rural populations intimated in 2009, that many countries utilizing equitable access to quality early childhood programs is often seen by policy makers as a means of achieving economic and political goals (United Nations, 2012). Unfortunately, a pre-occupation with economic and political goals may conflict with the provision of quality programming for young children. Chavez and McConnell (2000) stated, “Early childhood education in Latin America has been fragmented, and in some places nonexistent. In general, those that are able to afford it place their children in private preschool programs or hire a staff person, servant, or babysitter to provide the daily custodial care for the child”. (p. 159) In a number of Latin American countries provisions for educating young children exist as intent to provide quality services. -
Why Speak Quechua? : a Study of Language Attitudes Among Native Quechua Speakers In
Why Speak Quechua? : A Study of Language Attitudes among Native Quechua Speakers in Lima, Peru. A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in Linguistics in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Nicole Holliday The Ohio State University June 2010 Project Advisor: Professor Donald Winford, Department of Linguistics Holliday 2 I. Introduction According to the U.S. State Department, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, there are presently 3.2 million Quechua speakers in Peru, which constitute approximately 16.5% of the total Peruvian population. As a result of the existence of a numerically prominent Quechua speaking population, the language is not presently classified as endangered in Peru. The 32 documented dialects of Quechua are considered as part of both an official language of Peru and a “lingua franca” in most regions of the Andes (Sherzer & Urban 1988, Lewis 2009). While the Peruvian government is supportive of the Quechua macrolanguage, “The State promotes the study and the knowledge of indigenous languages” (Article 83 of the Constitutional Assembly of Peru qtd. inVon Gleich 1994), many believe that with the advent of new technology and heavy cultural pressure to learn Spanish, Quechua will begin to fade into obscurity, just as the languages of Aymara and Kura have “lost their potency” in many parts of South America (Amastae 1989). At this point in time, there exists a great deal of data about how Quechua is used in Peru, but there is little data about language attitudes there, and even less about how native Quechua speakers view both their own language and how it relates to the more widely- spoken Spanish. -
Language Classification in the Ethnologue and Its Consequences (Paper)
Sarah E. Cornwell The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada Language Classification in The Ethnologue and its Consequences (Paper) Abstract: The Ethnologue is a widely used classificatory standard for the world’s 7000+ natural languages. However, the motives and processes used by The Ethnologue’s governing body, SIL International, have come under criticism by linguists. This paper investigates how The Ethnologue answers the question “What is a language?” through the theoretical lens presented by Bowker and Star in Sorting Things Out (1999) and presents some consequences of those classificatory decisions. 1. Introduction Language is central to human culture and experience. It is the central core of our communicative capacity, running through all media of communication. Due to this essential role, there is a need to classify and count languages and their speakers1. Governments need to communicate with citizens, libraries need to catalogue books by language, and search engines need to return webpages in the appropriate language for each searcher. For these reasons among others, there is a strong institutional need for a standardized classification structure and labelling system for languages. The most widespread current classificatory infrastructure for languages is based on The Ethnologue. This essay will critically evaluate The Ethnologue using the Foucauldian theory developed for investigating classification structures by Bowker and Star (1999) in Sorting Things Out: Classification and its Consequences. 2. The Ethnologue The Ethnologue is a catalogue of all the world’s languages. First compiled in 1951, The Ethnologue is currently in its 20th edition and contains descriptions of 7099 living languages (2017). Since 1997, The Ethnologue has been available freely online and widely accessible (Simons & Fennig, 2017). -
Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras Twentieth Edition Data
Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras Twentieth edition data Gary F. Simons and Charles D. Fennig, Editors Based on information from the Ethnologue, 20th edition: Simons, Gary F. and Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2017. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Twentieth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online: http://www.ethnologue.com. For personal use only Permission to distribute or reuse this work (in whole or in part) may be obtained through the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com. SIL International, 7500 West Camp Wisdom Road, Dallas, Texas 75236-5699 USA Web: www.sil.org, Phone: +1 972 708 7404, Email: [email protected] Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras 2 Contents List of Abbreviations 3 How to Use This Digest 4 Country Overview 6 Language Status Profile 7 Statistical Summaries 8 Alphabetical Listing of Languages 11 Language Map 14 Languages by Population 15 Languages by Status 16 Languages by Department 18 Languages by Family 19 Language Code Index 20 Language Name Index 21 Bibliography 22 Copyright © 2017 by SIL International All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, redistributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise—without the prior written permission of SIL International, with the exception of brief excerpts in articles or reviews. Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras 3 List of Abbreviations A Agent in constituent word order alt. alternate name for alt. dial. alternate dialect name for C Consonant in canonical syllable patterns CDE Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960) Class Language classification CPPDCE Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005) CSICH Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) dial. -
Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion. -
Translation Policy and Indigenous Languages in Hispanic Latin America
Howard R, Pedro Ricoy R de, Andrade L. Translation policy and indigenous languages in Hispanic Latin America. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2018, 251, 19-36. Copyright: This is the final published version of an article that has been published De Gruyter, 2018 DOI link to article: https://doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2018-0002 Date deposited: 20/04/2018 Embargo release date: 12 April 2019 Newcastle University ePrints - eprint.ncl.ac.uk IJSL 2018; 251: 19–36 Rosaleen Howard*, Raquel De Pedro Ricoy and Luis Andrade Ciudad Translation policy and indigenous languages in Hispanic Latin America https://doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2018-0002 Abstract: This article examines the status of translation policy as it relates to public service interfaces between the dominant Spanish-speaking sectors of society and speakers of some of the many indigenous languages of Latin America. The article focuses on Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and Paraguay, and Peru is used as a case study based on recent first-hand research. Translation policy is inherently bound up with language policy, where the latter exists. However, there is variation from state to state as to whether language rights legislation has been passed, whether it is implemented through policy, and the extent to which translation policy is part of the legislative framework. The case of Peru illustrates the need for translation and interpreting (T&I) services following conflicts and painful human rights infringements. Across the board, T&I have hitherto been ad hoc practices, giving rise to translation policy de facto. Formalized T&I training initiatives and legislative processes are now underway in Peru, and may give rise to explicit translation policies evolving there and elsewhere in the region in the future. -
Contact Languages Around the World and Their Levels of Endangerment
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa Vol. 12 (2018), pp. 53–79 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24764 Revised Version Received: 23 Jan 2017 Contact languages around the world and their levels of endangerment Nala H. Lee National University of Singapore This paper provides an up-to-date report on the vitality or endangerment status of contact languages around the world, including pidgins, creoles, and mixed lan- guages. By utilizing information featured in the Endangered Languages Project and the Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Languages online portals, 96 contact languages are assessed on the Language Endangerment Index, a method of assessment that is based on four factors including intergenerational transmission, absolute num- ber of speakers, speaker number trends, and domains of use. Results show that the contact languages are most at risk with respect to intergenerational transmis- sion and domains of use. This is explained by the social and historical nature of contact languages. Overall results further raise the concern that the proportion of pidgins, creoles and mixed languages at some level of risk is extremely high. Rea- sons are provided for why linguists should be concerned about the endangerment of these languages. 1. Introduction1 While the language endangerment problem has been generally well- highlighted in linguistics, the endangerment of contact languages has not received the same level of attention. Krauss (1992) postulates that at least half and possibly as much as 90% of the world’s languages will no longer be spoken by the end of the present century, while a more recent empirical study estimates a slightly less catas- trophic rate of loss, at one language every three months (Campbell et al. -
Rhode Island College
Rhode Island College M.Ed. In TESL Program Language Group Specific Informational Reports Produced by Graduate Students in the M.Ed. In TESL Program In the Feinstein School of Education and Human Development Language Group: Quechua Author: Laura E. Faria Program Contact Person: Nancy Cloud ([email protected]) Language Report: Quechua Laura E. Faria TESL 539 Spring 2012 Snapshot of Quechua: Where is it spoken? • Quechua is the language & Quichua are the people • The Quichua are one of the largest indigenous populations in the world. (UNHCR, 2012) • 8+ million Quechua speakers in South America (Rosenfelder) • Quechua is a family of 40+ related languages based around the Andes Mountains (SIL International, 2012) quechuas.net www.witiger.com Snapshot of Quechua: Who Speaks It? • Quechua is spoken by the indigenous populations of Ecuador, Peru & Bolivia • The Quichua are a colorful, rugged, mountain people. • Quechua is a family of 40+ related languages o A family of languages (not dialects nor varieties) o Not all Quechua languages are similar - some differ immensely Quechua family living in the mountains (Quilotoa, Ecuador). (Heggarty, 2006) Dancing in typical, brightly colored clothing during the "Mama Negra" Quichua celebration & parade (Latacunga, Ecuador). Photos taken by author. Snapshot of Quechua: History • Quechua's origins began +/- 2000 years ago in Ancash, Peru (1000 years before The Incas) (Heggarty, 2006) Over the centuries, Quechua changed & evolved: Geographic expansion - • The Andes Mountains • north to Ecuador & south east to Bolivia Today, Quechua in Ecuador and Bolivia differ so greatly that indigenous from the 2 countries would struggle to communicate. (Heggarty, 2006) www.oxfordreference.com Shapshot of Quechua: History • Eventually, Quechua migrated south through Bolivia to northern Argentina.