Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament a Listing of the Books in This Series Appears at the Back of This Volume Perspectives on South Asia
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SOUTH ASIA SEMINAR SERIES Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament A listing of the books in this series appears at the back of this volume Perspectives on South Asia University of Pennsylvania Press NEW CULTURAL STUDIES Edited by Joan Dejean, Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, and Peter Stallybrass, Editors Carol A. Breckenridge A listing of the books in this series appears at the back of this volume and Peter van der Veer University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia Copyright © 1993 by the University of Pennsylvania Press Contents All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Permission is acknowledged to reprint excerpts from published material: Georges Duby, "Histoire sociale et ideologies des societes," in Fain tie I'histoire: Nouveaux problimes, ed. Jacques le Goffand Pierre Nora. Paris: Gallimard, 1974. Also in Constructing Preface Vll the Past. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Translated by Sheldon Pollock. Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament Carol A. Breckenridge ami Peter van der Veer Orientalism and the postcolonial predicament: perspectives on South Asia / edited by Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer. p. cm. — (South Asia seminar series) (New cultural studies) Papers presented at the 44th Annual South Asia Seminar held at the University of Part I: The Postcolonial Predicament Pennsylvania, 1988/1989. and Contemporary History Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8122-3168-6. — ISBN 0-8122-1436-6 (pbk.) 1. South Asia—Study and teaching—Congresses. 2. South Asia—Foreign public 1. The Foreign Hand: Orientalist Discourse in Sociology opinion, Occidental—Congresses. I. Breckenridge, Carol Appadurai, 1942- and Communalism II. Veer, Peter van der. III. South Asia Seminar (44th : 1988 : University of Peter van der Veer Pennsylvania). IV. Series. V. Series: New cultural studies. DS339.8.075 1993 954—dc2O 93-18290 2. Orientalism and the Social Sciences CIP Jayant Lele Second paperback printing 1994 3. Deep Orientalism? Notes on Sanskrit and Power Beyond the Raj Sheldon Pollock 76 4. The Burden of English Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak 134 No*.. 00826? 5. Orientalism and the Study of Indian Literattfres Vinay Dbarwadker Call 158 Part II: The Genealogy of the Postcolonial 6. The Fate of Hindustani: Colonial Knowledge and the Project of a National Language David Lelyveld 189 Number in the Colonial Imagination 315 book he suggests that in exhuming dead Oriental languages, orientalists Arjun Appadumi were involved in a process in which "reconstructive precision, science, even imagination could prepare the way for what armies, administrations, and bureaucracies would later do on the ground, in the Orient" (Said: 10. Number in the Colonial 123; emphasis mine). I want in this essay to show that the exercise of bureaucratic power Imagination itself involved the colonial imagination and that in this imagination num- ber played a crucial role. My general argument is that exoticization and enumeration were complicated strands of a single colonial project and that in their interaction lies a crucial part of the explanation of group violence In the latter part of 1990, in the last months of the regime of V. P. Singh and communal terror in contemporary India. In making this argument, it and in the turbulent transition to the rule of the country by S. Chandra- might be noted that I build on Ludden's concern with "orientalist empiri- sekhar, India (especially the Hindi-speaking North) was rocked by two cism" (in this volume). major social explosions. The first, associated with the Mandal Commission My central question is simple. Is there any special force to the system- Report, pitted members of different castes against each other in a manner atic counting of bodies under colonial states in India, Africa, and South- that many feared would destroy the polity. The second, associated with east Asia, or is it simply a logical extension of the preoccupation with the holy city of Ayodhya, pitted Hindus and Muslims against each other numbers in the metropolis, that is, in Europe in the sixteenth and seven- over the control of a sacred site. These crosscutting issues, whose interre- teenth centuries? In asking this question, and in seeking to answer it, I lationship has been noted and analyzed a great deal in recent months, both have been inspired by two essays: one by Benedict Anderson (1991) and involved questions of entitlement (what are your rights?) and of classifi- one by Sudipta Kaviraj (1989), which together suggest an important new cation (what group do you belong to and where does it fit in the political agenda for a critique of European colonial rule. Taking the Indian colonial landscape?). This chapter explores the colonial roots of one dimension of experience as my case, I shall try to elaborate the idea that we have paid a the volatile politics of community and classification in contemporary In- good deal of attention to the classificatory logic of colonial regimes, but dia. In so doing, it follows the lead of many recent authors who have less attention to the ways in which they employ quantification, in censuses traced caste and communitarian politics to the politics of group represen- as well as in various other instruments like maps, agrarian surveys, racial tation in the twentieth century (Kothari 1989a, 1989b; Shah 1989) as well studies, and a variety of other productions of the colonial archive. as to the role of the colonial census (Thapar 1989). But the precise and Let me briefly anticipate my argument. I believe that the British co- distinctive links between enumeration and classification in colonial India lonial state did employ quantification in its rule of the Indian subcontinent have not been specified, and that is what this essay proposes to do. in a way that was different from its domestic counterpart in the eighteenth Edward Said's famous book (1978) is centrally concerned with the century (Brewer 1989) and from its predecessor states in India, including forms of knowledge that constitute what he defined as orientalism, but he the Mughals, who certainly had elaborate apparatuses for counting, classi- does not specify how exactly the orientalist knowledge project and the fying, and controlling the large populations under their control. To make colonial project of domination and extraction were connected. Neverthe- this case, I make two arguments and raise a number of questions for fur- less, in two ways he does set the stage for the argument of this chapter. ther research. The first, more extensive, argument will seek to identify Discussing the various ways the discourse of orientalism created a vista of the place of quantification and enumeration in British classification activi- exoticism, strangeness, and difference, he says that: "Rhetorically speak- ties in colonial India. The second, only briefly adumbrated here, will sug- ing, Orientalism is absolutely anatomical and enumerative; to use its vo- gest why, contrary to appearance, this variety of "dynamic nominalism" cabulary is to engage in the particularizing and dividing of things Oriental (Hacking 1986) was different from earlier state-supported numerical exer- into manageable parts " (Said 1978: 72; emphasis mine). A little later in the cises both in the metropolis and in the colonies. 316 Arjun Appadurai Number in the Colonial Imagination 317 Enumerative Strategies Thus, though early colonial policies of quantification were utilitarian in design, I would suggest that numbers gradually became more impor- Much has been written about the virtual obsession of the British state in tantly part of the illusion of bureaucratic control and a key to a colonial India with classifying its Indian population. The locus dassicus of this lit- imaginaire in which countable abstractions, both of people and of re- erature is Bernard Cohn's essay "The Census and Objectification in South sources, at every imaginable level and for every conceivable purpose, cre- Asia" (1987; original 1984; original manuscript version 1970), where he ated the sense of a controllable indigenous reality. Numbers were part of shows that the Indian census, rather than being a passive instrument of the recent historical experience of literacy for the colonial elite (Money data-gathering, creates, by its practical logic and form, a new sense of 1989; Thomas 1987), who had thus come to believe that quantification was category-identity in India, which in turn creates the conditions for new socially useful. There is ample evidence that the significance of these num- strategies of mobility, status politics, and electoral struggle in India. The bers was often cither nonexistent or self-fulfilling, rather than principally dassificatory dimension of Cohn's work has been carried forward by many referential with regard to a complex reality external to the activities of the scholars, including Nicholas Dirks (1987), David Ludden (this volume), colonial state. In the long run, these enumerative strategies helped to ig- Gyan Prakash (1990), and several historians of the subaltern school, in- nite communitarian and nationalist identities that in fact undermined cluding Guha (1983), Arnold (1988), and Chakrabarty (1983). It has also colonial rule. One must therefore ask how the idea of number as an instru- recently been resituated in a major study of the orientalist imagination in ment of colonial control might have entered the imagination of the state? India (Inden 1990). Cohn's concern with the census has also been