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Prehispanic Social and Cultural Changes at Tibes, Puerto Rico

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Prehispanic Social and Cultural Changes at Tibes, Puerto Rico 23 Prehispanic Social and Cultural Changes at Tibes, Puerto Rico L. Antonio Curet The Field Museum of Natural History Chicago, Illinois Lee A. Newsom The PennsylvaniaState University University Park, Pennsylvania SusanD. deFrance University of Florida Gainesville, Florida Wepresent here the initial resultsof the ProyectoArqueologico del CentroCeremonial de Tibes.The aim of theproject is to studychanges in the social,political, and economicsystems at Tibes,the earliestcivic and ceremonialcenter in the Caribbean.Tibes was founded as a villagearound a.d. 1, and sometimebetween a.d. 600 and ad. 900 experiencedmajor changesthat eventuallyresulted in the developmentof a centerwith multipleball courts and plazas. The ceramic,faunal, and radiometricevidence suggest that multiplefactors wereoperating at differenttimes during the transformationprocess. While someof these factorsare found in otherregions of PuertoRico, othersare evidentlyunique to Tibes.Tra- ditional regionaldefinitions of culturalperiods and areaswere not adequateunits of analy- sis to studymany of the localand short-termsocial and politicalprocesses that occurred. Introduction er, has found little evidence for monocausal environmental and demographic explanations. Other models have focused Prior to the arrivalof Europeans at the end of the 15th on social and political factors such as competition for sta- century, native peoples of the Caribbean Islands were or- tus, wealth, and/or resources (Curet 1992, 1993; Keegan ganized into some of the most elaborate "pre-state"soci- 1997; Keegan and Maclachlan 1989), offering additional eties in the New World (Feinman and Neitzel 1984). Un- perspectives and insights. These models are based on polit- til the 1970s, however, institutionalization and develop- ical-economic factors and help to advance our understand- ment of social stratificationin the GreaterAntilles was lit- ing of the development and growth of social stratification tle studied by Caribbean archaeologists. Most archaeolog- in the Greater Antilles by clarifying the internal mecha- ical researchin the Caribbean has concentrated on recon- nisms used by emerging elites to acquire and maintain structing the culture history of the islands and on deter- power and to institutionalize stratification (Curet 1996; mining possible migratory routes for various human Curet and Oliver 1998; Keegan 1997; Keegan and groups (e.g., Rouse 1964, 1986, 1992). While these ef- Maclachlan 1989; Oliver 1998; Siegel 1996, 1999). Nev- forts have created a relativelyprecise chronological and cul- ertheless, as in other regions, archaeologicalmodels devel- tural sequence for the region, we have a long way to go be- oped for the Caribbean rely on data spanning large geo- fore we understandthe details of the social and political cir- graphic areas and long periods of time. As a result, they cumstances that led to the development of stratified soci- have tended to treat the issue of social stratificationusing eties. large units of analysis.Although these units of analysis are Some studies addressing the issue of social stratification useful for examining broad-scalepatterns and change, they in the Caribbeanhave emphasized environmental and de- are insufficient to explore cultural processes, such as the mographic factors (Chanlatte Baik 1990; Lopez Sotomay- origins of social stratification, operating at local levels or 1975; Veloz Maggiolo 1977-1978). More recent work (Curet 2003). (Curet 1992, 1993) intended to test such models, howev- The Proyecto Arqueologico del Centro Ceremonial In- 24 PrehispanicSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance digena de Tibes was designed to contribute to the under- structed courts (Alegria 1983; Oliver 1998), inter- and in- standing of social stratificationin the Caribbean by exam- tra-communalfeasting (Deagan 2004), and the cemi,or an- ining details and changes at the local level, so as to provide imistic idols, cult. The ability of the chief or cacique to as- a background for comparative research. Here we summa- semble labor for communal work or war, control the final rize the results of our project at the site of Tibes and dis- social product, and accumulatewealth and staple products cuss our preliminary interpretations. Tibes is the earliest reflected the level of institutionalized social stratificationof known civic-ceremonial center in the GreaterAntilles and these groups (Curet 1993; Feinman and Neitzel 1984; may represent an early political and economic center of in- Moscoso 1986; Wilson 1990). stitutionalized stratificationin Puerto Rico. Deposits asso- The Ceramic ciated with very early kinship-based social organization Sequence and a later stratified sociopolitical structure make Tibes Although scientific archaeology started in the Greater ideal for the study of how this transition is manifested in Antilles at the beginning of this century (e.g., Fewkes 1970 the archaeological record. Our project has generated new [1907]) it was not until the mid- 1930s with the works of data concerning the transformationof this settlement from Rainey (1940), later expanded by Rouse (1952, 1964, a simple village to a civic-ceremonial center. We assume 1982, 1986, 1992), that cultural groups were defined that the transformationof the physical layout of the settle- chronologically, mainly by means of ceramic attributes. ment reflects changes in intangible social, cultural, and po- Rouse (1986, 1992) used a hierarchicaltaxonomic system litical institutions. where styles were defined using ceramic modes that corre- sponded to a particulargeographic region and chronolog- Historical Background ical period. Styles related in space and/or time were The Taino people of the GreaterAntilles were composed grouped in subseries according to their similarities. Final- of various indigenous groups belonging linguistically to ly, subseries were grouped in series. the Arawakanfamily (Rouse 1986, 1992). They occupied In Puerto Rico, the earliest period is characterizedby the islands from the Virgin Islands to eastern Cuba, in- the Cedrosan Saladoid subseries (300 b.c.-a.d. 600), gen- cluding the Bahamas and Jamaica.Part of their subsistence erally equated with the first horticultural and ceramic pro- depended on the production of grains, fruits, and root ducing groups to migrate to Puerto Rico from the South crops, particularly manioc, along with the gathering American continent (table i). The Cedrosan Saladoid in and/or maintenance of wild resources, especiallyfruit-bear- Puerto Rico has three typical styles, Hacienda Grande (300 ing trees (Newsom and Wing 2004). Hunting, fishing, b.c-a.d. 400), La Hueca (300 b.c.-a.d. 250), and Cuevas shellfish-gathering, and rearing of captive animals such as (a.d. 400-600), although there is some debate about the small mammals and birds complemented their diets (New- origin of the La Hueca style (Oliver 1999). The Saladoid som and Wing 2004). series is characterizedby high quality ceramics and the use According to early European writings, many indige- of paint as the main decoration. Based on the lack of evi- nous groups were organized sociopolitically in cacicazgos, dence of social stratification in burials and household de- stratifiedsocieties similarto those commonly termed chief- posits, most Caribbean researchersconsider the Saladoid doms. Although the Spaniardsdifferentiated very little be- groups to have been relativelyegalitarian or tribal in nature tween groups from different islands, an analysis of early (e.g., Boomert 2001; Curet 1996; Curet and Oliver 1998; chronicles reveals some dissimilarity amongst peoples Lopez Sotomayor 1975: 103; Keegan 2000; Moscoso (Curet 2002; McGinnis 2001; TavaresMaria 1996; Wil- 1986: 307; Rouse 1992: 33; Siegel 1996, 1999). son 1990, 1993, 2001a, 2001b). One of the main differ- The Cedrosan Saladoid was followed by the Ostionoid ences was the wide spectrum of social-political organiza- series (a.d. 600-1500, table i). The transition to this se- tion among the islands (and even within islands), ranging ries seems to be the result of development by local groups from the highly stratifiedparamount chiefdoms of La His- in Puerto Rico rather than by migrants. In the earlierpor- paniola to the less elaborate societies of the Bahamas (Fer- tion of this series, Puerto Rico saw two spatially distinct nandez de Oviedo 1959; Las Casas 1951, 1967; McGin- cultural and stylistic divisions, the Elenan and Ostionan nis 2001; TavaresMaria 1996; Wilson 1990, 1993, 2001a, subseries (a.d. 600-1200). The Elenan subseriesof the Os- 2001b). tionoid is associated with both the Monserrate (a.d. The highly elaborate sociopolitical organization of the 600-900) and Santa Elena (a.d. 900-1200) styles of east- indigenous groups (at least in Hispaniola) was accompa- ern Puerto Rico. The Ostionan subseries is divided into the nied by an intricate religious system controlled by the Pure (a.d. 600-900) and Modified (a.d. 900-1200) Os- chiefs or caciques,including ball games in elaborately con- tiones styles (Rouse 1982), which are found on the west- Journal of Field Archneology /Vol. 31, 2006 25 Table 1. Ceramic sequences of Eastern and Western Puerto Rico. EasternPuerto Rico WesternPuerto Rico Series Subseries Style Date Series Subseries Style Date Saladoid Cedrosan HaciendaGrande 300 b.c.-a.d. 400 Saladoid Cedrosan HaciendaGrande 300 B.C.-A.D.400 Saladoid Cedrosan La Hueca 300 B.C.-A.D.250 Saladoid Cedrosan La Hueca 300 b.c.-a.d. 250 Saladoid Cedrosan Cuevas a.d. 400-600 Saladoid Cedrosan Cuevas a.d.
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