Prehispanic Social and Cultural Changes at Tibes, Puerto Rico

L. Antonio Curet The Field Museum of Natural History Chicago, Illinois Lee A. Newsom The PennsylvaniaState University University Park, Pennsylvania SusanD. deFrance University of Florida Gainesville, Florida

Wepresent here the initial resultsof the ProyectoArqueologico del CentroCeremonial de Tibes.The aim of theproject is to studychanges in the social,political, and economicsystems at Tibes,the earliestcivic and ceremonialcenter in the Caribbean.Tibes was founded as a villagearound a.d. 1, and sometimebetween a.d. 600 and ad. 900 experiencedmajor changesthat eventuallyresulted in the developmentof a centerwith multipleball courts and plazas. The ceramic,faunal, and radiometricevidence suggest that multiplefactors wereoperating at differenttimes during the transformationprocess. While someof these factorsare found in otherregions of PuertoRico, othersare evidentlyunique to Tibes.Tra- ditional regionaldefinitions of culturalperiods and areaswere not adequateunits of analysis to studymany of the localand short-termsocial and politicalprocesses that occurred.

Introduction er, has found little evidence for monocausal environmental and demographic explanations. Other models have focused Prior to the arrivalof Europeans at the end of the 15th on social and political factors such as competition for sta- century, native peoples of the Caribbean Islands were or- tus, wealth, and/or resources (Curet 1992, 1993; Keegan ganized into some of the most elaborate "pre-state"soci- 1997; Keegan and Maclachlan 1989), offering additional eties in the New World (Feinman and Neitzel 1984). Un- perspectives and insights. These models are based on polit- til the 1970s, however, institutionalization and develop- ical-economic factors and help to advance our understand- ment of social stratificationin the GreaterAntilles was lit- ing of the development and growth of social stratification tle studied by Caribbean archaeologists. Most archaeolog- in the Greater Antilles by clarifying the internal mecha- ical researchin the Caribbean has concentrated on recon- nisms used by emerging elites to acquire and maintain structing the culture history of the islands and on deter- power and to institutionalize stratification (Curet 1996; mining possible migratory routes for various human Curet and Oliver 1998; Keegan 1997; Keegan and groups (e.g., Rouse 1964, 1986, 1992). While these ef- Maclachlan 1989; Oliver 1998; Siegel 1996, 1999). Nev- forts have created a relativelyprecise chronological and cul- ertheless, as in other regions, archaeologicalmodels devel- tural sequence for the region, we have a long way to go be- oped for the Caribbean rely on data spanning large geo- fore we understandthe details of the social and political cir- graphic areas and long periods of time. As a result, they cumstances that led to the development of stratified soci- have tended to treat the issue of social stratificationusing eties. large units of analysis.Although these units of analysis are Some studies addressing the issue of social stratification useful for examining broad-scalepatterns and change, they in the Caribbeanhave emphasized environmental and de- are insufficient to explore cultural processes, such as the mographic factors (Chanlatte Baik 1990; Lopez Sotomay- origins of social stratification, operating at local levels or 1975; Veloz Maggiolo 1977-1978). More recent work (Curet 2003). (Curet 1992, 1993) intended to test such models, howev- The Proyecto Arqueologico del Centro Ceremonial In- 24 PrehispanicSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance

digena de Tibes was designed to contribute to the under- structed courts (Alegria 1983; Oliver 1998), inter- and in- standing of social stratificationin the Caribbean by exam- tra-communalfeasting (Deagan 2004), and the cemi,or an- ining details and changes at the local level, so as to provide imistic idols, cult. The ability of the chief or cacique to as- a background for comparative research. Here we summa- semble labor for communal work or war, control the final rize the results of our project at the site of Tibes and dis- social product, and accumulatewealth and staple products cuss our preliminary interpretations. Tibes is the earliest reflected the level of institutionalized social stratificationof known civic-ceremonial center in the GreaterAntilles and these groups (Curet 1993; Feinman and Neitzel 1984; may represent an early political and economic center of in- Moscoso 1986; Wilson 1990). stitutionalized stratificationin Puerto Rico. Deposits asso- The Ceramic ciated with very early kinship-based social organization Sequence and a later stratified sociopolitical structure make Tibes Although scientific archaeology started in the Greater ideal for the study of how this transition is manifested in Antilles at the beginning of this century (e.g., Fewkes 1970 the archaeological record. Our project has generated new [1907]) it was not until the mid- 1930s with the works of data concerning the transformationof this settlement from Rainey (1940), later expanded by Rouse (1952, 1964, a simple village to a civic-ceremonial center. We assume 1982, 1986, 1992), that cultural groups were defined that the transformationof the physical layout of the settle- chronologically, mainly by means of ceramic attributes. ment reflects changes in intangible social, cultural, and po- Rouse (1986, 1992) used a hierarchicaltaxonomic system litical institutions. where styles were defined using ceramic modes that corre- sponded to a particulargeographic region and chronolog- Historical Background ical period. Styles related in space and/or time were The Taino people of the GreaterAntilles were composed grouped in subseries according to their similarities. Final- of various indigenous groups belonging linguistically to ly, subseries were grouped in series. the Arawakanfamily (Rouse 1986, 1992). They occupied In Puerto Rico, the earliest period is characterizedby the islands from the Virgin Islands to eastern Cuba, in- the Cedrosan Saladoid subseries (300 b.c.-a.d. 600), gen- cluding the Bahamas and Jamaica.Part of their subsistence erally equated with the first horticultural and ceramic pro- depended on the production of grains, fruits, and root ducing groups to migrate to Puerto Rico from the South crops, particularly manioc, along with the gathering American continent (table i). The Cedrosan Saladoid in and/or maintenance of wild resources, especiallyfruit-bear- Puerto Rico has three typical styles, Hacienda Grande (300 ing trees (Newsom and Wing 2004). Hunting, fishing, b.c-a.d. 400), La Hueca (300 b.c.-a.d. 250), and Cuevas shellfish-gathering, and rearing of captive animals such as (a.d. 400-600), although there is some debate about the small mammals and birds complemented their diets (New- origin of the La Hueca style (Oliver 1999). The Saladoid som and Wing 2004). series is characterizedby high quality ceramics and the use According to early European writings, many indige- of paint as the main decoration. Based on the lack of evi- nous groups were organized sociopolitically in cacicazgos, dence of social stratification in burials and household de- stratifiedsocieties similarto those commonly termed chief- posits, most Caribbean researchersconsider the Saladoid doms. Although the Spaniardsdifferentiated very little be- groups to have been relativelyegalitarian or tribal in nature tween groups from different islands, an analysis of early (e.g., Boomert 2001; Curet 1996; Curet and Oliver 1998; chronicles reveals some dissimilarity amongst peoples Lopez Sotomayor 1975: 103; Keegan 2000; Moscoso (Curet 2002; McGinnis 2001; TavaresMaria 1996; Wil- 1986: 307; Rouse 1992: 33; Siegel 1996, 1999). son 1990, 1993, 2001a, 2001b). One of the main differ- The Cedrosan Saladoid was followed by the Ostionoid ences was the wide spectrum of social-political organiza- series (a.d. 600-1500, table i). The transition to this se- tion among the islands (and even within islands), ranging ries seems to be the result of development by local groups from the highly stratifiedparamount chiefdoms of La His- in Puerto Rico rather than by migrants. In the earlierpor- paniola to the less elaborate societies of the Bahamas (Fer- tion of this series, Puerto Rico saw two spatially distinct nandez de Oviedo 1959; Las Casas 1951, 1967; McGin- cultural and stylistic divisions, the Elenan and Ostionan nis 2001; TavaresMaria 1996; Wilson 1990, 1993, 2001a, subseries (a.d. 600-1200). The Elenan subseriesof the Os- 2001b). tionoid is associated with both the Monserrate (a.d. The highly elaborate sociopolitical organization of the 600-900) and Santa Elena (a.d. 900-1200) styles of east- indigenous groups (at least in Hispaniola) was accompa- ern Puerto Rico. The Ostionan subseries is divided into the nied by an intricate religious system controlled by the Pure (a.d. 600-900) and Modified (a.d. 900-1200) Os- chiefs or caciques,including ball games in elaborately con- tiones styles (Rouse 1982), which are found on the west- Journal of Field Archneology /Vol. 31, 2006 25

Table 1. Ceramic sequences of Eastern and Western Puerto Rico. EasternPuerto Rico WesternPuerto Rico Series Subseries Style Date Series Subseries Style Date Saladoid Cedrosan HaciendaGrande 300 b.c.-a.d. 400 Saladoid Cedrosan HaciendaGrande 300 B.C.-A.D.400 Saladoid Cedrosan La Hueca 300 B.C.-A.D.250 Saladoid Cedrosan La Hueca 300 b.c.-a.d. 250 Saladoid Cedrosan Cuevas a.d. 400-600 Saladoid Cedrosan Cuevas a.d. 400-600 Ostionoid Elenan Monserrate a.d. 600-900 Ostionoid Ostionan Pure a.d. 600-900 Ostionoid Elenan SantaElena a.d. 900-1200 Ostionoid Ostionan Modified a.d. 900-1200 Ostionoid Chican Esperanza a.d. 1200-1500 Ostionoid Chican Capa a.d. 1200-1500

ern side of the island. During the period of the Elenan and by necessity employed coarsely defined "cultures53and sub- Ostionan subseries, Puerto Rico saw dramatic changes in- regions as their primary units of analysis resulting in a cluding a sharp increase in the number of sites, the devel- broad regional and temporal perspective on the human in- opment of ball courts, plazas, and ceremonial centers, habitants, their behavioral ecology, and social and cultural shifts in mortuary practices, and a decrease in house size. change. It is important to point out, however, that this The intensity and nature of these changes led Moscoso large-scale analysis is due primarily to the paucity of re- (1986: 301) and Veloz Maggiolo (1977-1978: 59) to ar- search and the lack of appropriate fine-scale recovery and gue that they are strongly related to sociopolitical changes analytical procedures in excavations. Despite many defi- from which institutionalized social stratificationemerged. ciencies in the data, many Caribbeanarchaeologists (Curet The last subseries (a.d. 1200-1500) of the Ostionoid 1996; Curet and Oliver 1998; Newsom and Wing 2004; series is the Chican (table i). The Chican Ostionoid is Oliver 1998; Siegel 1996) have used it to generate models considered to be the archaeologicalexpression of the Taino and arguments to better understand the development of groups that were encountered by Europeans at the period stratifiedsocieties in the Caribbean.In order to understand of contact. As in the case of the earlierOstionoid, this sub- the dynamics underlying these processes, we must now fo- series has regional ceramic style variations. In western cus our studies on more local activities. The use of "cul- Puerto Rico, the Capa style predominates, while in the ture" as the main unit of analysis creates a homogenized eastern area the Esperanza style is dominant. Although view of prehistoric groups, but often these "cultures"are both styles are characterized by the use of incisions and made up of complex and different attributes (Curet 2002; combinations of incised lines and punctuation, the Capa McGinnis 1997, 2001; Wilson 1993, 2001a, 2001b). We style tends to have more complex or elaborate designs than believe that various combinations of political, economic, the Esperanzastyle. The groups producing the Chican Os- and ideological strategies were used by different local poli- tionoid subseries ceramicscontinued many of the practices ties even within the same island (Curet, Torres, and Ro- that began in the early part of the Ostionoid series, al- driguez 2004; Siegel 2004). though on a larger scale and to a greater degree. These in- To address these issues we aimed to precisely define the cluded the construction of ball courts, plazas, ceremonial processes and changes involved in the development of in- centers, and better craftsmanshipof high status objects and stitutionalized social inequality at the household and com- religious paraphernalia.Thus, artifactual and settlement munity levels and to gather and accumulate basic informa- pattern data suggest that the Taino Indians had a more tion on community and household economy and decision- elaborate social and religious system than earliergroups. making processes. Specifically,we used archaeologicaldata to address the from their char- Research following questions. Apart Questions acterization simply as egalitarianand emerging chiefdoms, The Caribbean islands have an underused potential to what types of socio-political organizations were present at contribute to the understanding of cultural and social de- Tibes? How did the different forms of power (economic, velopments in human history. While an early emphasis on ideological, and coercive) interact in each period, and what culture history (e.g., Rouse 1986, 1992), and recently on were their roles during the changes registeredfrom one pe- environmental and subsistence dynamics (e.g., Newsom riod to another? How were economic, symbolic, and sta- and Wing 2004), has provided much of the basic informa- tus resources manipulated, and at what level (household, tion required to interpret some of the underlying or initial kinship group, community)? Although we are not yet pre- details of human settlement patterns and subsistence pared to answer all of these questions, our researchallows change in the region, less attention has been paid to social us to identify some social and culturaltrends and to devel- and cultural institutions and processes. These studies have op working hypotheses to focus and guide future research. 26 PrehispanicSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and dePrance

Figure 1. Map of Puerto Rico showing the location of the civic-ceremonialcenter of Tibes. Inset shows the location of Puerto Rico in the Caribbean.Map by Jill Seagard.

History of Research at http://ponce.inter.edu/tibes/tibes.html). The original archaeological work was directed toward evaluating the site, Tibes is located near the south-central coast of Puerto discovering most of the monumental architecture, and Rico, just north of the modern city of Ponce and approxi- mapping the surface features. Partialreports of the results mately 8 km from the shore (fig. i). The site was estab- of these investigations are presented in two unpublished lished on the alluvial terraces of the Portugues River in a masters theses by local archaeologists Pedro Alvarado Za- biogeographic and geological transitional zone between yas (1981) and Juan Gonzalez Colon (1984). the southern coastal plains and the southern semiarid pied- In terms of culture history, Tibes has two macro-cultur- mont of the CordilleraCentral (Ewel and Whitmore 1973; al components or subseries as defined by Rouse (1992) Pico 1950). The site lies between the sedimentary lime- and described above: the Cedrosan Saladoid subseries (ca. stone rocks of the coastal plains and the volcanic forma- 300 b.c-a.d. 600) and the Elenan Ostionoid subseries (ca. tions of the central mountains (Krushenky and Monroe a.d. 600-1200). The settlement is composed of a varietyof 1975; Pessagno 1960). This prehistoric pattern of settling highly distinctive archaeologicalfeatures, including several in transitional or ecotonal areas has also been observed in discrete cultural deposits, such as middens, and 12 monu- other regions of Puerto Rico, including the civic-ceremo- mental stone structures including ball courts, plazas, and nial center of Caguana (Carbone 1980; Oliver 1998), and causeways (figs. 3, 4). Of these 12 structures, only nine may have been preferred by indigenous peoples to ensure were restored in conjunction with the archaeologicalpark access to the resources availablefrom two or more distinc- (fig. 2). According to Gonzalez Colon (1984), most mon- tive geological, geographical, or ecological zones. umental structures belong to the late phase of the site (the Tibes (fig. 2) was first excavated during the late 1970s Santa Elena style of the Elenan Ostioniod subseries, a.d. and early 1980s by the Sociedad Guaynia de Arqueologia 900-1200), although some of them may belong to the ear- e Historia, a local avocational organization. This group ly part of that subseries (Monserrate style, a.d. 600-900). was responsible for unearthing and restoring most of the No strong evidence has been presented, however, that un- monumental architecture,as well as for convincing the city equivocally dates any of the structures within the Elenan of Ponce to purchase the land and establish an archaeolog- Ostionoid period. In addition to the stone structures, the ical park (internet home page is currently available online first excavations uncovered two clusters of burials Journal of'Field Archaeology/Vol. 31, 2006 27

(Gonzalez Colon 1984; Curet 2005): the first one located under Structure 6, the central, quadrangularplaza of the site, and the second 50 m sw of Structure 6, under Ball Court 3 (fig. 2). According to Gonzalez Colon (1984), both clusters belong to the late Cedrosan Saladoid subseries (Cuevas style, a.d. 400-600), and are older than the overlying stone structures. Other burials associated with the Elenan Ostionoid subseries were found dispersed over the site, in most cases in domestic contexts (refuse middens or possible house floors). Although the only structuresvis- ible on the surface are the ball courts and plazas, midden deposits encountered through shovel probes and excavation (below) suggest the presence of a full range of domestic deposits in conjunction with a complex history of space use and community patterning. ResearchDesign In 1995, the Proyecto Arqueologico del Centro Cere- monial Indigena de Tibes implemented a multistage researchdesign to investigate the transition from an egalitar- ian to hierarchical society at the site. The site was first probed to discern evidence of the distribution of obvious features (e.g., trash middens) across the settlement. Subse- quent stages consisted of locating and excavating possible household structures and related deposits. Here we limit our discussion to the initial stage of the project because the excavationsand analysis of areas at the site that we believe representdomestic activities are not yet completed. We include, however, a series of radiometric dates, and, where relevant,provide important details from later seasons of excavation. Figure 2. Topographic map of the ceremonial center of Tibes the locations of the main monumental architecture. Probing the site consisted of two phases. The first in- showing Map by Jill Seagard. volved shovel tests every 20 m to detect the presence and position of archaeological deposits (i.e., trash middens), and to determine the boundaries of the site (Curet, New- Identification of plant and animal remains from these ini- som, and Welch 2003). All of the sediments from the shov- tial tests gave us our first impression of the richness and di- el tests were screened to segregate and collect archaeologi- versity of biological remains at the site. The discussion that cal materials, including artifacts,faunal remains, and large follows combines the results of the original researchcon- carbonized plant specimens. The counts and weights of ducted by the Sociedad Guaynia, particularlytheir burial these items were used to plot spatial distributions and rel- data, and the results obtained from our initial subsurface ative densities across the site. Once archaeologicalconcen- probing and test units. trations were defined, one test unit (1 x 1 m) was exca- Results vated in each of a series of midden deposits. The purpose of these excavationswas to determine the nature of the de- Our discussion concentrates on four aspects of the as- posits (e.g., domestic vs. ceremonial vs. special activity), semblages documented from Tibes: ceramics,use of space, their age, and their culturalaffiliation (s). All artifactualma- vertebrate fauna, and radiocarbon dates and the timing of terial from the excavationswas recovered in 1/4-inch (6.35 monumental construction. It is important to note that in mm) mesh screens, and bulk 10-liter samples of soil from this context we use the categories (i.e., styles, subseries, each 10-cm excavation level were reserved for archaeob- and series) that Rouse (1986, 1992) developed for eastern otanical and archaeofaunalanalyses. Large-sized botanical Puerto Rico, not so much as cultural units, but as chrono- (i.e., charcoal) and faunal specimens were also collected. logical units. In other words, these categories are used to 28 PrehispanicSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance

Figure3. The mainplaza (Structure 6) of Tibesfacing ne. Photographby L. AntonioCuret. set the discussion in a chronological framework, and not to series (above). These ceramics are characterizedmainly by identify and characterizecultures and culture areas, per se, white-on-red pottery and composite vessel forms. There is as they are traditionallyused. By using these cultural units a tendency towards simplification of the pottery in the merely as chronological units we are not implying that the transition from the Hacienda Grande to the Cuevas style. processes discussed and patterns described for Tibes neces- In addition to the white-on-red painted ceramics, the Ha- sarily are applicableto the rest of eastern Puerto Rico. cienda Grande style includes polychrome pottery, zoned- incised crosshatching designs, effigy vessels, and naturalis- Ceramics tic designs. The Cuevas style is associated with a gradual The trends in the ceramics from Tibes follow, more or decrease in the use of paints and incisions, and designs be- less, the patterns identified for eastern Puerto Rico by came more geometric. By the end of the Cuevas style, Rouse (1964, 1982) and summarized by Rodriguez painted decoration was almost absent, although red slips (1992) and Curet (1992, 1996; Curet, Torres, and Ro- and some complex vessel forms were still common. Strap driguez 2004). The typology used here for Tibes is based and lug handles or adornosrepresenting zoomorphic and on a modified version of the modal analysis developed by anthropomorphic figures are also present in both styles. Curet (1992). This analysisincludes variablesand attribut- The changes evident during Cuevas times continued in- es that take into consideration different aspects of decora- to the Monserrate style of the early Elenan Ostionoid sub- tion, rim form and type, vessel form, temper, and paste series. The shift from one style to the other was so gradual, characteristics. however, that by the end of the former and the beginning The earliest ceramics in Tibes belong to the Hacienda of the latter, both overlapped stylistically.This makes as- Grande and Cuevas styles of the Cedrosan Saladoid sub- signing assemblages to one style or the other difficult. In Journal of Field Archneology /Vol. 31, 2006 29

Figure4. BallCourt 2 (Structure2) of Tibesfacing east. Photograph by L. AntonioCuret. the Montserrate, the white- on-red paint characteristicof In addition to the general trend in simplification of the the Saladoid series was completely absent, although red pottery assemblage from the Hacienda Grande to the San- wares were still present in considerable numbers. Vessel ta Elena styles there was also a decrease in quality. Saladoid forms were considerably simpler than in the Hacienda ceramics tend to have finer paste and are thinner-walled Grande and Cuevas styles, most of them being hemispher- than Elenan Ostionoid ceramics, and the general appear- ical in profile, although boat-shaped forms were also com- ance of the former is more refined relative to the latter. mon. Strap and lug handles were still present, although the Thus, the tendency in ceramics is of "degradation"of the zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures seem to have workmanship and a reduction in the use of symbolic deco- been represented by more abstract figures (traditionally ration in the form of designs. These gradual, but radical identified as heads of bats). In general, the trend in Tibes changes have been described as a "de-evolution" by Roe and eastern Puerto Rico was towards simplification of the (1989), and the later ceramic styles as the "DarkAges" of ceramic assemblage with a gradual abandonment of paints the GreaterAntilles by Rouse (1982). and to the Santa Elena of the Elenan Os- slips leading style TheUse at Tibes tionoid subseries. In this style, paints and slips are almost ofSpace absent during this last period of human habitation at Tibes. We used data from the shovel tests and the test units to Most of the decoration is in the form of parallel-incised elucidate the settlement organization of Tibes through lines perpendicularto the vessel rim and "bat head'5mod- time. The weights or counts of the ceramic and other ma- eled lugs. terials from the shovel tests were used to create concentra- 30 FrehispanieSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Fuerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and del ranee

Our investigations determined that deposits A, B, C, E, and F (fig. 5) are domestic trash middens. Deposits D and G, consisting of large quantities of rocks, cobbles, and peb- bles mixed with archaeologicalmaterials, are possible areas where overburdens from the construction of the monumental structureswere placed. This admixture in D and G suggests that earlierarchaeological deposits may have been destroyed in the construction of the stone structures. Based on the presence of a hardened, compacted dirt floor/surface and of postmolds (one including a carbonized fragment of a post), deposit H was identified as a living area associated with a building made of perishable materials. Subsequent excavations in this deposit indicated that this structuremight have been domestic in nature, but not necessarily a house (e.g., roofed working area or kitchen). Furthermore, some evidence (sherds standing on their sides, and a culturalstratum with mixed materials)suggests that the areaof deposit H may have been artificiallyleveled, probably by using remains from older refuse deposits. These results suggest that severalof the middens are not primarydeposits; materialsin them seem to have been dis- placed from their original locations by Prehispanicpeople. Nevertheless, considering that ethnoarchaeologicalstudies (e.g., Hayden and Cannon 1983) have shown that people do not travel far to dispose of their trash, and that most of these deposits are next to one or more structures, it is our contention that these secondary deposits are located in the general vicinity of their original locations. Considering their wide distribution and size, the deposits are a repre- Figure 5. Ceramic concentration map of Tibes. The contour lines repre- sentative sample of the occupational history of the settle- sent intervals. 100-gram Map by Jill Seagard. ment, and consequently, can be used to infer some aspects of the spatial and social dynamics involved. In other words, tion and distribution maps to guide the identification of ar- these deposits can provide at least a general view of the his- chaeological deposits at the site. In addition, we used our tory of the use of space in the settlement. analyses of the materials and samples recovered from the Even though a circularpattern is clear,we cannot ignore larger test units to determine the cultural and chronologi- the fact that Tibes is a multicomponent site in which vari- cal affiliations of the deposits. ous functions and activities occurred through time, and we The distribution of ceramics allows us to draw two pre- cannot assume that the middens are contemporaneous. Ar- liminaryconclusions. First, at least eight archaeologicalde- tifactualdata from the test units were used to clarifythe na- posits can be clearly identified (fig 5: a-h). Second, the ture of the deposits and their chronological positions. Use arrangementof these deposits seems to form a circle or se- of space through time was determined through a series of mi-circle around Structures 6 and 7. This pattern at Tibes ceramic distribution maps (fig. 6). is further supported by the relative distributions of lithic Most of the material belonging to the late part of the artifacts, shell, and bone (Curet and Rodriguez Gracia early Cedrosan Saladoid series (or late Hacienda Grande 1999). A concentric pattern has been reported for other style) and late Cedrosan Saladoid (or early Cuevas style) is Saladoid and Ostionoid sites (Chanlatte Baik and Nar- located in the northern and some of the eastern deposits ganes Stordes 1983; Rodriguez 1991; Rouse 1952, 1992; (B, C, and E) (fig. 6a). The two clusters of burials appear Siegel 1989, 1996; Walters 1994) and is comparableto the to have been present throughout this time. layout of ethnohistorically and ethnographicallydescribed Late Cuevas and Monserrate style materials (the latter indigenous communities from South America (Hecken- entering into the Ostionoid series) were collected from the berger 1996; Heckenberger et al. 2003). northern, eastern, and western deposits (A, B, C, E, and F) Journal of Field Archaeolojjy/Vol.31, 2006 31

Figure 6. Distribution of ceramic styles and clusters of burials at Tibes. Contour lines represent 100-gram intervals.A) Hacienda Grande and early Cuevas styles; B) Late Cuevas and Monserrate styles; C) Santa Elena style. Map by Jill Seagard.

(fig. 6b) almost forming a circle around the center of the tended to be located within the household clusters (under site. The two burial areas continued to be used during at house floors or in domestic middens), as seems to have least a portion of this period. We do not know exactly been the case at Tibes. Two unique features of Tibes, how- when these locations ceased to be used for the disposal of ever, are the presence of more than one cluster of burials, the dead, but it is possible that burials in these areasceased and once the practiceof burying the dead in clustersceased, at the beginning of the Monserrate period. It is also possi- the covering of these areaswith ceremonial structures,e.g., ble that some of the stone-lined structureswere built dur- stone-lined ball courts, characterized by clearly defined ing this time, but chronological evidence to date them se- boundaries. Thus, in addition to changes in mortuaryprac- curely is not available. tices, there seems to have been a significant shift in the use Finally,materials belonging to the Santa Elena style, tra- of public space, from a multifunctional space that was used ditionally associated with the development of social in- for both profane and sacred activities, to one with a clear equality (Curet 1992; Moscoso 1986; Siegel 1992), were boundary that distinguished it from the surrounding areas. located mostly in the eastern, western, and southern sec- VertebrateFauna tors of the site (deposits A, D, E, F, G, and H) (fig. 6c). At this time the areaswhere the two clusters of burialswere The faunal remains from Tibes indicate distinct tempo- located evidently ceased to be used as burial grounds, and ral trends in animal use, possibly related to economic and Structures 3 and 6 were built over them. Based on the ra- sociopolitical changes. The information used for the fol- diocarbon dates, most of the remaining structures were lowing discussion comes from six of the 1 x 1 m test units likely built during this time. in the domestic deposits identified by the shovel testing The funerarypatterns observed at Tibes probably repre- program. Because of the secondary nature of some of the sent a generalized trend in mortuary practicesidentified by deposits, only arbitraryexcavation unit/levels with large ce- Curet and Oliver (1998). Although recognizing that a va- ramic samples and faunal collections were examined in or- riety of mortuarypractices potentially existed through time der to ensure a representativefaunal sample that could be and space, these authors noted that in some Cedrosan Sal- reliably dated or assigned to a culturalperiod using ceram- adoid sites in eastern Puerto Rico a relativelylarge propor- ic chronology. The different unit/levels of the deposits tion of burials were located in the central clearings of the were assigned to one cultural period or style based on the sites. Furthermore,many burialsbelonging to later periods ceramic variables and attributes included in the modal 32 Prehispank Social and Cultured Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance

Table 2. Averages of Number of Identified Specimens (NISP), Minimum Num- ber of Individuals (MNI), and weight of rodents (Isobolodonportoricensis, Cctvia porcellus,and unidentified rodents) per unit/level for each period, and average of guinea pigs (Caviaporcellus) MNI per unit/level for each period. Average of rodents Average of rodents Average of rodents Average ofguinea pigs Cultural affiliation Unit/level NISP Ami weight (g) MNI Saladoid(Cuevas) 8 0.125 0.125 0.025 Monserrate 4 34.750 4.250 17.2 1 SantaElena 6 8 L5 ^48 0.333

analysis developed by Curet (1992). All of the arbitrary ful patterns of change in the distribution of particularfish unit/levels were the same depth (10 cm), making the re- taxa through time and space, suggesting that these fish sults of each unit/level roughly comparable to the others. were widely procured by site inhabitants during all periods The faunal collection contains the remains of at least 30 of occupation. vertebrate taxa, with four taxa of mammals, two taxa of The terrestrialmammals include both the West Indian birds, at least one taxon of marine turtle, one lizard, two hutia (Isolobodonportorkensis) and the guinea pig or guimo taxa of cartilaginous fish, and 22 taxa of bony fish. Based (Caviaporcellus). Neither of these animals is indigenous to on both Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) and Puerto Rico. The hutia was probably introduced from His- Number of Identified Specimens (NISP), terrestrialmam- paniola while the guinea pig is a native domesticate of the mals and marine fish are consistently found in great quan- CentralAndean region. It is uncertain when the hutia was tities in the site deposits. The marine fish show some con- introduced to Puerto Rico, but Narganes Stordes (1993) sistency throughout the sequence, but the terrestrialfauna has suggested that it was already present by the arrivalof exhibit chronological shifts that suggest greater social dif- early Saladoid (300 b.c.-a.d. 400) groups to the island. ferentiation through time. However, Newsom and Wing (2004) report that hutias Both cartilaginous and bony fish were recovered from have been recognized thus far only from Saladoid or later various deposits throughout the whole sequence at Tibes. deposits and not in the Archaic assemblagesthat have been Remains of marine fish, in particular,are present in rela- analyzedto date. Ethnohistorical sources report that by the tively high frequencies and show a diversityof species. Car- Contact period in Puerto Rico, hutia were widely hunted tilaginous fishes are represented by remains assigned to by local populations (Fernandez de Oviedo 1959), but one sharkfamily (the requiem sharks, Carcharhinidae)and Newsom and Wing (2004) have suggested that they may the spotted eagle ray (Aetobatusnarinari). As mentioned have been tended in captivity by indigenous groups. The above, bony fish are represented by at least 22 taxa. Taken guinea pig remains suggest these animals were transported as a whole, the fish assemblage suggests that sandy shallow from South America (directly or down-the-line) and hus- waters or estuaries were more intensively exploited than banded at some sites, presumably for food. Guinea pigs open-water reef habitats, which require different fishing may also have been used for ceremonial purposes as they technologies. The snook (Centropomussp.), mullet (Mujjil are today and were in the past, particularlyin the Andean sp.), and big-mouth sleepers (Gobiomorusdormitor) are in- region (Rofes 2000; Sandweiss and Wing 1997), but thus dicative of shallow grassbeds or other near-shore habitats far, the archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence for (Randall 1968). The sleepers may also have been caught in such practices in the Caribbean is lacking (Newsom and the Portugues River as they were common in the river pri- Wing 2004: 205). or to modern alteration of that waterway (Beverly Yosh- Guinea pig remains have been identified from three ioko, personal communication 2003). In addition, several units at Tibes, and are represented by well-preserved and = species of reef fish are present, including herbivorous diagnostic cranial and post-cranial elements (n 7, MNI species such as parrotfish (both Scarus sp. and Sparisoma = 5). Guinea pigs have an irregular distribution and are sp.), grunts (Haemulon sp.), and black durgon {Melichthyes generally very rare at Caribbean sites (Newsom and Wing niger), as well as carnivorous fishes such as jacks (Caranx 2004; Wing 2001). The greatest quantity of guinea pig re- = sp.), groupers (Epinephalussp., My cteropercasp.), and snap- mains previously identified on Puerto Rico (n 98, MNI pers (Lutjanussp., Ocyuruschrysurus). Although they may = 20) is associated with the Chican Ostionoid deposits at vary quantitatively from one period to another, most of the Finca Valencia (NCS-1) site located in northern Puer- these taxa are present throughout the occupational se- to Rico (Newsom and Wing 2004). Guinea pig remains quence of Tibes. We were unable to discern any meaning- were not recovered in contexts that can be definitely iden- Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 31, 2006 33

Table 3. Radiocarbon dates obtained from four different deposits at Tibes. Calibratedintercept* Calibrated2 sigmas* Sampleno. Description Deposit Beta-Analyticno. Radiocarbonyears (b.p.) ad. a.d. 96-1 Unit 8, post mold H 103329 880 ± 50 1180 1030-1265 97-1 Unit 3, Level5 C 109679 890 ± 40 1175 1035-1245 97-2 Unit 1, Level6 A 109680 1270 ± 40 770 670-875 97-3 Unit 1, Level3 A 110631 900 ± 60 1170 1015-1265 99-1 N93.95/E98.05, Level3 H 136324 950 ± 40 1040 1005-1085 99-2 N93.95/E98.05, Level4 H 136325 1040 ± 50 1050 895-1040 99-3 N94.05/E98.05, Level3 H 136326 1080 ± 60 980 855-1035 99_4 N94.05/E98.05, Level4 H 136327 1010 ± 40 1015 980-1040 99-5 Op. 19E, Feature5, Level3 N/A 136328 930 ± 40 1050, 1095, 1140 1015-1205 03-1744b N215/E70,Level4 N/A 198876 750 ± 40 1270 1220-1300 03-Feature2 N184/E55, Level6, Feature03-2 H 198877 990 ± 40 1020 990-1160

*A11calibrations were conducted by Beta-Analytic,Inc.

tified as ceremonial. Because of their exotic origin and Monumental Constructionand Associated overall scarcity,however, it can be hypothesized that access RadiocarbonDates to guinea pigs was restricted and that they were associated with higher-statushouseholds or individuals. A final but related issue is the chronological and cultur- Vertebratedata provide some potential indications of at al affiliation of the Tibes monumental structures.The dat- least two diachronic patterns in the distribution of small ing of ball courts and plazas in the Caribbean has been a terrestrialvertebrates. The first pattern is that the MNI of matter of debate (Alegna 1983; Gonzalez Colon 1984; hutias increased through time, especially between the Oliver 1998; Siegel 1999) due to the difficulty of dating Cuevas and Monserrate periods (table 2). Some small dif- structures that were kept clean and tended to contain very ferences in faunal use between the Monserrate and Santa few diagnostic artifacts or charcoal (Gonzalez Colon Elena periods are also present, but not on the order of the 1984). Our excavationsin deposits near the ball courts and Cuevas-Montserrate change. Only one Cuevas level con- plazas shed some light on the broader issue of temporal tained remains of one MNI of an unidentified small terres- changes in the use of space. trial mammal, possibly also a rodent. We obtained 11 radiocarbondates (all calibrationswere The second pattern is the sudden appearanceof guinea performed by Beta-Analytic,Inc.) from charcoal from dif- pigs during the Monserrate Period. Their relativelylimited ferent test units and levels at Tibes (table 3, fig. 7). Two abundance and the continued use of marine fish through of the dates come from different levels of deposit A, one time suggest that the presence of guinea pig remains in the from deposit C, six from deposit H (one from a postmold late assemblages is not indicative of a major change in di- [96-1], one from a charredfragment of a post [03-Feature etary practices, and may not represent a significantly 2], and four from the culturallayer), one from a unit close greatercultural investment in managed protein sources for to the nw entrance of Structure 6 [03-1744b], and one in food. Instead, the introduction of guinea pigs may have fo- a cooking area east of Structure 6 [99-5]. cused specificallyon the animal as an exotic resource asso- The dates include an intercept date of cal a.d. 770 ob- ciated with the development of status differentiation. The tained from a Monserrate deposit, a late intercept date of guinea pig may have been used in status and prestige dis- cal a.d. 1270 associated with late Elenan or early Chican plays (as a food item restricted to elite members of the pottery, and another intercept date of cal a.d. 980 from group), or in communal settings of ritual or ceremonial an Early Elenan context. Eight other intercept dates fall purpose. very close to each other, between ca. cal a.d. 1000-1200. In summary,the patterns based on the preliminarydata One of the eight dates (table 3: 97-1) comes from a mixed suggest interesting trends in some aspects of subsistence level that contains mostly late Saladoid material, strongly resources. Two main changes are detectable. First, there suggesting that this date is from a secondary deposit. was evidently an increasein the exploitation of hutias, or at Two dates are related to structuralelements (i.e., char- least hutia remains become more numerous among the de- coal from a postmold and post wood) in deposit H that are posits during the span of occupation. Second, the appear- located close to two of the stone structures (Structures 3 ance of guinea pigs coincides with the hypothesized devel- and 6). The postmold (table 3: 96-1) was filled with dark opment of social stratificationand political regionalization. soils containing a mix of some artifactsand charcoal, giv- 34 Prehispank Social and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance

Figure 7. Calibratedradiocarbon dates for Tibes. ing the impression that the post was removed and the hole The evaluation of these dates does not discount the pos- filled with dirt and trash. The charcoalused for dating the sibility of monumental structures being built in earlier postmold was obtained from this filling. The post wood times (e.g., during the Monserrate period), but it suggests (table 3: 03-FEATURE2) was part of a donut-shaped frag- that the final plan of Tibes may have been designed and im- ment of the bottom part of a charredpost. plemented later than once thought. Based on the data The clustering of intercept dates around a.d. available, we have tentatively assigned all of the existing 1000-1200 suggests that a major phase of spatial re- structuresto the second half of the Elenan Ostionoid peri- arrangementof the site may have occurred during this pe- od (Santa Elena style). Furthermore,the dates and the pos- riod of time. The fact that at least one of the dates came sible massive rearrangementof space support the hypothe- from a secondary (earlier,redeposited) context and anoth- sis that the movement towards social inequality started er from trash accumulated in a postmold suggests that re- much earlierthan a.d. 1000, as many Caribbeanarchaeol- arrangement may have included removal of older build- ogists now believe, and even included the construction of ings, the construction of new buildings from stone and single monumental structures. If so, around a.d. perishable materials, and the mixing and redistribution of 1000-1200 the movement intensified, with a quick existing deposits. The agreement in the chronometric dates episode of construction that may reflect some consolida- across the site implies that this spatial rearrangementoc- tion of power in the process of political centralization,cul- curred in a short period of time and was accomplished in minating in a short-lived powerful or influential polity that 100 to 150 years or less before abandonment of the site. collapsed around a.d. 1200. This reconstruction is similar These data suggest that the site experienced rapid growth to the process of cycling suggested by Anderson (1994; cf. and the subsequent collapse of the socio-political system. Steponaitis 1991) for the Savannah River chiefdoms, Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol.31, 2006 35

where some polities seem to have quickly arisen under cer- tween a.d. 1000 and 1200, this indicates that many of the tain historical and social conditions or under the leadership dynamics and processes that began between a.d. 600 and of a charismaticand politically astute leader. Once the so- 900 continued in later periods at a more acceleratedpace. cial or physical environment changed to less favorablecon- These social and political processes may not have corre- ditions, or the leader passed away, the polity suffered a sponded to changes in other cultural or chronological in- marked decrease in scale and structural integrity. Hypo- dices such as ceramic sequences. thetically, this can occur relatively quickly, perhaps in one The increase through time in the consumption of hutias or two generations. Another explanation is that sometime and the appearanceof guinea pigs in the faunal assemblage around a.d. 1000-1200, Tibes underwent a major re- around a.d. 900 also point to an acceleratedpace of cul- arrangementin the organization and the use of space be- tural change. The heightened use of small terrestrialmam- cause of a change in the meaning of the different spatial mals may be interpreted as an increased reliance on animal units of the site. husbandry and potentially signifies the intensification of food a The Conclusions production by growing population. breeding and maintenance of rodents, especially hutias, may repre- The archaeologicalrecord for eastern Puerto Rico indi- sent a social investment in the intensification of food/pro- cates major changes in ceramic assemblages, settlement, tein resources, specifically making use of captive, readily and mortuary patterns between a.d. 600-900 that are in- bred, and well-maintained small mammals. Alternatively, terpreted as a reflection of significant social and cultural hutia populations may have adapted very quickly to the is- changes (Siegel 2005). With few exceptions, Caribbeanar- land setting as they lacked natural predators. People may chaeology has dealt with these changes (including the de- have been able to encourage reproduction with very little velopment of social stratification) from the perspective of direct control. Another possible interpretation is that this large cultures and culture areas, and long periods of time. increase in hutia is related to an increase in ceremonialism, The evidence presented here- using Tibes as a microcosm rituals, and feasting as Tibes evolved into a ceremonial cen- of the greater universe of Puerto Rican and Caribbean ar- ter. Whether this intensification was for dietary purposes chaeology-is interpreted from a more local perspective, or for social and ritual use needs to be investigated with and shows that in the case of Tibes, these social and cultural larger samples from different areas of the site that have shifts involved many spatial and temporal variables.Thus, clearercontexts and functions. large spatial and chronological units are not necessarilyap- In the case of guinea pigs, their exotic status may be re- propriate starting points to study these social and cultural lated to an increase in communal and ritual ceremonies as- processes. sociated with the development of social hierarchy and re- Some of the changes in mortuary practices and use of gional polities. Information recorded by European chron- space as observed at Tibes have not been reported for any iclers indicates that for later times the meat of several ter- other site on Puerto Rico or in the Caribbean. Although restrialmammals, including guinea pigs, was highly valued some clusters of burials have been reported for other Sal- by the populations of Hispaniola and was served in wel- adoid sites (e.g., Punta Candelero and Maisabel), the re- coming banquets to the Spaniards (Las Casas 1967). Al- placement of such "ancestralground" with monumental though some of these ceremonies may have been present at structures such as plazas and ball courts is, as far as we Tibes since its foundation, changes in the social, political, know, unique to Tibes. This shift in mortuarypractices and and economic dynamics may have produced a stronger so- the conception of space there suggests three trends. First, cial need for group unity that was possibly fulfilled through it suggests a change in social and economic relations. From these types of activities that involved larger numbers of the perspective of changes in mortuary practice, Curet and people and that were conducted relativelyfrequently. Fur- Oliver (1998) argued that the social organization changed thermore, communal or ritual ceremonies and feasting from lineal descent groups that acted as economic corpo- within this context may have required a change in food eti- rate groups during the Saladoid period to one where these quette where more culturally valued (and perhaps exotic) kinds of groups were de-emphasized and smaller house- meat such as the guinea pig was necessaryfor the display of hold units were accentuated. Second, there is some evi- status among the emerging elite. dence of a major reorganization of the use of space and the The Proyecto Arqueologico del Centro Ceremonial In- general landscape of the site, indicating that the basic rela- digena de Tibes is beginning to produce results that show tionship between different sectors within the community the complexity of local social and cultural processes in an- may have changed. Third, because the activities that shaped cient Puerto Rico. By using local units of analysis, the re- the final spatial layout of Tibes apparently occurred be- sults indicate that socio-cultural change was not uniform 36 PrehispanicSocial and Cultural Changes at Tibes,Puerto Rico/Curet, Newsom, and deFrance

within the culture areaof eastern Puerto Rico. On the con- changein the Caribbeanand Mesoamerica,the development institutionalized and ceramic the data that, while some island-wide trends of inequality,paleodemography, trary, suggest address: The such as in ceramic and the construction of analysis.Mailing Departmentof Anthropology, changes styles Field 1400 S. Lake Shore LL 60605. monumental structures are observable at the strate- Museum, Dr., Chicago, Tibes, E-mail: followed local were neither [email protected] gies by groups homogenous LeeA. Newsom is an nor uniform across the culture area. these re- (Ph.D. 1993, Universityof Florida) Furthermore, associate She conducts researchin sults indicate that the variables involved in the social and professor. archaeological SoutheasternNorth America, the Caribbean,Central Ameri- cultural observed between a.d. 600 and 1200 ex- processes ca, and lowlandtropical northern South America. Her re- tend well shifts in ceramic modes or settle- beyond general searchinterests include paleoethnobotany, social and cultural ment dimensions relat- patterns. They comprised multiple changein the Caribbean,human-landscape dynamics, agri- ed to the and social structures of ideological, subsistence, culturalorigins and plant domestication,and the self organi- the local the It is community and, perhaps, larger region. zational dynamicsof anthropogenicsystems. Mailing address: clear that Caribbeanarchaeology has to study many socio- Departmentof Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State Univer- political processes, not as part of the major cultural units sity,409 CarpenterBuilding, UniversityPark, PA 16970. E- defined from a normative perspective, but by using small- mail: [email protected] er and more localized units of analyses (e.g., shorter peri- Susan D. deFrance(Ph.D. 1993, Universityof Florida) is ods of time, households, and communities). In other an assistantprofessor. She conductsarchaeological research in words, studies must address Prehispanic social and cultur- Peru, Bolivia, and the Caribbean. Her researchinterests in- al issues not from top (culture) to bottom (local social and cludecoastal adaptations in westernSouth America and the cultural units) as is traditionally done in the region, but Caribbean,food and ritual usesof animals in Andean states colonial from bottom to top, where the analysis of site data at the and formativecultures, and Spanish archaeology. address: P.O. Box local level elucidates the idiosyncrasies of social and politi- Mailing Departmentof Anthropology, FL 32611. E- cal units as part of the largerculture area.This approachen- 117305, Universityof Florida, Gainesville, mail: anthro. edu hances our ability to observe the complexities of human so- sdef@ ufl. cial dynamics and to better understand how they change over time. Alegria,Ricardo E. Acknowledgments 1983 Ballcourtsand CeremonialPlazas in theWest Indies. Tale Uni- Publicationsin No. 79. New Haven: Our to the of es- versity Anthropology deepest gratitude goes people Ponce, YaleUniversity Press. to its late Rafael Cordero the staff pecially mayor, Santiago, AlvaradoZayas, Pedro A. of the Centro Indigena de Tibes, and the Secretariade Tur- 1981 "La Ceramicadel Centro Ceremonialde Tibes: Estudio ismo y Cultura, who have supported us throughout this Descriptivo,"unpublished Master's thesis, Centro de Estu- project. This research was conducted with the financial dios Avanzadode PuertoRico y el Caribe,San Juan,Puer- to Rico. support of the H. John Heinz III Charitable Trust, Na- David G. tional Geographic Society (Grants #6260-98 and #7276- Anderson, 1994 TheSavannah River doms:Political in theLate 02), and the National Science Foundation (Ref. Chief Change PrehistoricSoutheast. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama #0106520). Additional support was provided by the City Press. of Puerto The Field Museum of Natural His- Ponce, Rico, Boomert, A. tory, The PennsylvaniaState University, Southern Illinois 2001 "SaladoidSociopolitical Organization," in GerardRichard, University at Carbondale, the University of Colorado at ed., Proceedings of the International Congressfor Caribbean InternationalAssociation Denver, and We would also like to ArchaeologyVol. 2. Guadeloupe: Gettysburg College. for Caribbean 55-77. thank all of the volunteers and students affiliatedwith these Archaeology, Victor institutions who contributed to the We thank He- Carbone, project. 1980 Cultural ResourceAssessment of the Rio Grande de Loiza Pro- len Robbins, Mark Hauser, Scott Fitzpatrick,Bill Keegan, ject Area and Environs.Atlanta: National Park Service, and two anonymous reviewers for providing useful com- SoutheastRegional Office. ments and corrections to previous drafts of the paper. ChanlatteBaik, Luis 1990 "Cultura Ostionoide: un desarrollo algroalfareroantil- lano,"in A. G. PantelTekakis, I. Vargas,and M. Sanojas, the 11th the International As- L.Antonio Arizona State is eds., Proceedingsof Congressof Curet, (Ph.D. 1992, University) sociation Caribbean San Juan: Fundacion AssociateCurator at the Field Museum Natural for Archaeology. of History, Arqueologica,Antropologica, e Historica de Puerto Rico, Chicago.His researchinterests include social and cultural 295-311. Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 31, 2006 37

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