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Political Attitudes to Conscription: 1914–1918
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2016–17 27 OCTOBER 2016 Political attitudes to conscription: 1914–1918 Dr Nathan Church Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Section Contents Introduction ................................................................................................ 2 Attitudes of the Australian Labor Party ........................................................ 2 Federal government ......................................................................................... 2 New South Wales ............................................................................................. 7 Victoria ............................................................................................................. 8 Queensland ...................................................................................................... 9 Western Australia ........................................................................................... 10 South Australia ............................................................................................... 11 Political impact on the ALP ............................................................................... 11 Attitudes of the Commonwealth Liberal Party ............................................. 12 Attitudes of the Nationalist Party of Australia ............................................. 13 The second conscription plebiscite .................................................................. 14 Conclusion ................................................................................................ -
Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing. -
And Where He Did
Vol. 2 No. 9 October 1992 $4.00 and where he did Volume 2 Number 9 I:URI:-KA STRI:-eT October 1992 A m agazine of public affairs, the arts and theology 21 CoNTENTS TOPGUN Michael McGirr reports on gun laws and the calls for capital punishment in the 4 Philippines. COMMENT In this year of elections we are only as good 22 as our choices, says Peter Steele. Andrew DON'T KISS ME, HARDY Hamilton looks at the Columbus quin James Griffin concludes his series on the centary, and decides that the past must be Wren-Evatt letters. owned as well as owned up to (pS). 6 25 ORIENTATIONS LETTERS Peter Pierce and Robin Gerster take their pens to Shanghai and Saigon; Emmanuel 7 Santos and Hwa Goh take their cameras to COMMISSIONS AND OMISSIONS Tianjin. ICAC chief Ian Temby Margaret Simons talks to Australia's top speaks for himself: p 7 crime-busters. 34 11 BOOKS AND ARTS Cover photo: A member of Was the oldest part of the Pentateuch CAPITAL LETTER the Tianjing city planning office written by a woman? Kevin Hart reviews in Jei Fang Bei Road, three books by Harold Bloom, who thinks the 'Wall Street' of Tianjin. 12 it was; Robert Murray sizes up Columbus BLINDED BY THE LIGHT and colonialism (p38 ). Cover photo and photos pp25, 29 and 30 Bruce Williams visits the Columbus light by Emmanuel Santos; house in Santo Domingo, and wonders who Photo p27 by Hwa Goh; will be enlightened. 40 Photos p12 by Belinda Bain; FLASH IN THE PAN Photo p41 by Bill Thomas; 15 Reviews of the films Patriot Games Cartoons pp6, 36 and 3 7 by Dean Moore; Zentropa, Edward II, and Deadly. -
Labor's Tortured Path to Protectionism
Labor's Tortured Path to Protectionism Phil Griffiths Department of Political Science, Australian National University Globalisation and economic rationalism have come to be associated organisations refused to support either free trade or protection, leaving with a wholesale attack on vital government services, jobs and it to the individual MP to vote as they saw fit, protectionist Victoria working conditions, and there is a debate inside the Australian labour being the exception. movement over what to do. Most of those opposed to the effects of Today we tend to think of tariff policy as having just one role, globalisation see the nation state as the only defence working people the protection of an industry from overseas competition, or, have against the power of market forces, and appeal to the Labor conversely, the opening of the Australian market to imports in order Party to shift back towards its traditional orientation to protectionism to ensure the international competitiveness of local industries. and state-directed economic development. However there has long However, in 190 I, there were three dimensions to the debates over been another, albeit minority, current on the left which rejects both tariffs: taxation, industry protection and class. For most colonies protectionism and free trade as bourgeois economic strategies before federation, especially Victoria, tariffs were the source ofmuch benefiting, not the working class, but rival groups of Australian government revenue, and a high level of revenue was vital for the capitalists: -
House of Representatives By-Elections 1902-2002
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1440-2009 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 Gerard Newman, Statistics Group Scott Bennett, Politics and Public Administration Group 3 March 2003 Acknowledgments The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Murray Goot, Martin Lumb, Geoff Winter, Jan Pearson, Janet Wilson and Diane Hynes in producing this paper. -
Restoring Respect to Australian Politics Mary Crooks Victorian Women’S Trust
restoring respect to Australian politics Mary Crooks Victorian Women’s Trust slippery little word, respect – easy to say, sounds good, harder to practise. a switch in time restoring respect to Australian politics switch, n. 1. A mechanical, electrical, or electronic device for opening or closing a circuit or for diverting a current from one part of a circuit to another. 2. A swift and usually sudden shift or change. Collins Concise English Dictionary, 1985. The Victorian Women’s Trust Level 9/313 La Trobe Street Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Phone: 03 9642 0422 Email: [email protected] Website: www.vwt.org.au Author: Mary Crooks, Copyright Victorian Women’s Trust 2012 First published Melbourne, Victoria, 2012 Designed by Dark Horse Communications Phone: 0425 700 941 Printed by The Print Department, North Carlton, Victoria ISBN 978-0-9873906-1-5 Victorian Women’s Trust September 2012 Foreword Alan Jones’ suggestion of taking this excuse for a woman Actively supported by many women, and drawing on out to sea in a boat, putting her in a sack with a few Besser their great capacity to bring other women and men into blocks and dumping her overboard, is starting to look an the conversation, the Project provided thousands of people appealing solution. across the state with the opportunity to give voice, to identify Larry Pickering, cartoonist and writer, 26 June 2012.1 issues of concern and to bring forward their ideas for the future. Besser blocks have long been renowned for creating a positive aesthetic around our homes and businesses. In Australia in In developing this new community initiative, A Switch 2012, they are associated with a suggestive, violent image in Time, and its call to action, we are motivated by our about drowning our prime minister, who happens to be a long-standing quest for gender equality, our interest in woman. -
The First Federal Election
142 Marian Simms APR 16(1) 1901: the first federal election • Marian Simms •• The first federal election could easily be called the forgotten election. Key historians, such as La Nauze, dismissed it as of little interest, for it was not a ‘conventional election’ 1. Contemporary players, notably Deakin, gave it scant attention in their otherwise prolific writings. Political historians, such as Dean Jaensch, Peter Loveday, Joan Rydon and Allan Martin devoted their considerable historical energies to colonial and state elections and parties. Interesting fragments, however, are to be found in less fashionable sources, such as the memoirs of George Reid and Robert Garran, a biography of William Morris Hughes and the artist, Tom Roberts’ Unpublished Notebooks for his historical painting of the first Parliament. 2 By delving into such sources and the contemporary record an interesting picture emerges that reinforces one political adage, namely, that ‘all politics is local’. For example, whilst it is true that the overall voter turnout was disappointingly low, on closer inspection the local and state variations are fascinating. This ranged from around 30% in Fremantle (Western Australia) to 97% in Newcastle (New South Wales). In general the turnout was low in the West, probably on account of the late move into the Federation. Sir John Forrest, interviewed by the Sydney Morning Herald (2/4/01) after the election, was despairing about the low turnout: ‘Such apathy was much to be regretted. The interest in the elections was not equal to that of the Perth Mayoral elections.’ Australian voters went to the polls in 1901 very much as electors from the different states, under different laws, different ballot papers and on different days. -
The War Cartoons of Claude Marquet
Kunapipi Volume 18 Issue 2 Article 13 1996 The War Cartoons of Claude Marquet John McLaren Vane Lindesay Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation McLaren, John and Lindesay, Vane, The War Cartoons of Claude Marquet, Kunapipi, 18(2), 1996. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol18/iss2/13 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The War Cartoons of Claude Marquet Abstract At the outbreak of the Great War in 1914 the leaders and most members of the Australian political parties were enthusiastic in their support of Britain and the Empire. Andrew Fisher, Prime Minister and Leader of the federal Labor Party, famously pledged 'our last man and our last shilling to see this War brought to a successful conclusion'.1 At first, only eight Labor members of the ederf al parliament, including King O'Malley and Frank Anstey, dissented. Outside Parliament a similar minority opposed the war on Marxist or Christian socialist grounds.2 Among other critics, Henry Boote, editor of the Australian Worker, attacked wartime profiteering, and the increasing casualty lists from the Western front modified the earlier ardour. The suppression by the British army of the 1916 Irish Easter uprising further reduced enthusiasm for Empire. By October 1916, these currents had come together to produce a majority opposition to the first conscription efr erendum.3 This journal article is available in Kunapipi: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol18/iss2/13 90 John McLaren and Vane Lmdesay . -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas. -
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security CJ Coventry LLB BA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra at ADFA 2018 i Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Introduction & Methodology 1 Part I: ASIO before Whitlam 9 Chapter One: The creation of ASIO 9 Chapter Two: Bipartisan anti-communism 23 Chapter Three: ASIO’s anti-radicalism, 1950-1972 44 Part II: Perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Four: Scholarly perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Five: Contemporary perspectives on ASIO and an inquiry 90 Part III: The decision to reform 118 Chapter Six: Labor and terrorism 118 Chapter Seven: The decision and announcement 154 Part IV: The Royal Commission 170 Chapter Eight: Findings and recommendations 170 Conclusion 188 Bibliography 193 ii Acknowledgements & Dedication I dedicate this thesis to Rebecca and our burgeoning menagerie. Most prominently of all I wish to thank Rebecca Coventry who has been integral to the writing of this thesis. Together we seek knowledge, not assumption, challenge, not complacency. For their help in entering academia I thank Yunari Heinz, Anne-Marie Elijah, Paul Babie, the ANU Careers advisors, Clinton Fernandes and Nick Xenophon. While writing this thesis I received help from a number of people. I acknowledge the help of Lindy Edwards, Toni Erskine, Clinton Fernandes, Ned Dobos, Ruhul Sarkar, Laura Poole-Warren, Kylie Madden, Julia Lines, Craig Stockings, Deane-Peter -
Conscription and National Service 1912-1972
The Great Debate: Conscription and National Service 1912-1972 THE GREAT DEBATE: CONSCRIPTION AND NATIONAL SERVICE 1912-1972 THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE HELD AT THE POMPEY ELLIOT MEMORIAL HALL, CAMBERWELL RSL BY MILITARY HISTORY AND HERITAGE, VICTORIA. 30 MAY 2015 Proudly supported by: The Great Debate: Conscription and National Service 1912-1972 Billy Hughes and the Politics of Conscription 1916-17 Dr Andrew Kilsby Most if not all of us here today know about the two conscription referendums which took place in 1916 and 1917 respectively. We’ve heard that William Morris Hughes or ‘Billy’ Hughes, as he was better known, was the prime advocate for these two referendums and that Bishop and later Archbishop Daniel Mannix, the chief opponent, at least in Victoria. We’re aware that the two referendums were narrowly defeated despite an equally narrow ‘yes’ vote by the 1st AIF. Against this broad canvas much more detail of how and why these two referendums became hugely divisive within Australian society has been progressively revealed by historians. Researchers have delved into newspapers, correspondence between soldiers and families at home, the politics of what stood as the class and religious divisions of 1916 and 1917 and the attitudes towards the referendums by different sectors of society - all of this against a growing awareness of the impact of the war upon Australian society as a whole, including within families. Voting in the conscription referendums was not compulsory. Nor did voting results divide along classic religious or political lines across the entire country despite what Labor Party history might want us to believe today. -
Conscription and the Ryan V the Argus Libel Trial
Advance Copy THE LIMITS OF POLITICAL LIBEL: CONSCRIPTION AND THE RYAN V THE ARGUS LIBEL TRIAL M ARK LUNNEY* The conscription referendums of the First World War remain amongst the most divisive events in Australian political history. They sparked a number of libel actions, the most prominent of which was (in effect) between the leaders of the ‘pro-’ and ‘anti-’ conscription campaigns in the second referendum in December 1917: WM Hughes and TJ Ryan. The action, which resulted ultimately in an award of contemptuous damages to Ryan, reflected the limits of libel law, particularly in a jury trial, to deal satisfactorily with highly politicised issues such as conscription. Using archival and newspaper sources, this article argues that Ryan’s faith in the legal and constitutional issues at the heart of his claim were misplaced given the doctrinal and forensic limits of the defamation action. Moreover, the conflict over the extent of federal power which lay at the heart of the political dispute gave the law of political libel in practice a field of operation with a distinctively Australian context. CONTENTS I Introduction ................................................................................................................... 2 II TJ Ryan and the Censorship of Hansard ................................................................... 6 III The Aftermath of the Seizure of Hansard No 37 .................................................... 10 IV Defamation Action and Further Incitement ..........................................................