Warlord, Inc. Extortion and Corruption Along the U.S
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Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
Ethnicity and the Political Reconstruction of Afghanistan
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Schetter, Conrad Working Paper Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3 Provided in Cooperation with: Zentrum für Entwicklungsforschung / Center for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn Suggested Citation: Schetter, Conrad (2005) : Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan, ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3, University of Bonn, Center for Development Research (ZEF), Bonn, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0202-2008091124 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/88366 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution Was Also a Radical Educational Institution Modeled After Socialist 1991 36 for This Information, See Ibid., 58
only by rephrasing earlier problems in a new discourse that is unmistakably modern in its premises and sensibilities; even where the answers are old, the questions that produced them have been phrased in the problematic of a new historical situation. The problem was especially acute for the first generation of intellec- Anarchism in the Chinese tuals to become conscious of this new historical situation, who, Revolution as products of a received ethos, had to remake themselves in the very process of reconstituting the problematic of Chinese thought. Anarchism, as we shall see, was a product of this situation. The answers it offered to this new problematic were not just social Arif Dirlik and political but sought to confront in novel ways its demands in their existential totality. At the same time, especially in the case of the first generation of anarchists, these answers were couched in a moral language that rephrased received ethical concepts in a new discourse of modernity. Although this new intellectual problematique is not to be reduced to the problem of national consciousness, that problem was important in its formulation, in two ways. First, essential to the new problematic is the question of China’s place in the world and its relationship to the past, which found expression most concretely in problems created by the new national consciousness. Second, national consciousness raised questions about social relationships, ultimately at the level of the relationship between the individual and society, which were to provide the framework for, and in some ways also contained, the redefinition of even existential questions. -
1 EDWARD A. MCCORD Professor
EDWARD A. MCCORD Professor of History and International Affairs The George Washington University CONTACT INFORMATION Office: 1957 E Street, NW, Suite 503 Sigur Center for Asian Studies The George Washington University Washington, D.C. 20052 Phone: 202-994-5785 Fax: 202-994-6096 Home: 807 Philadelphia Ave. Silver Spring, MD 20910 Phone: 301-588-6948 Email: [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. University of Michigan, History, 1985 M.A. University of Michigan, History, 1978 B.A. Summa Cum Laude, Marian College, History, 1973 OVERSEAS STUDY AND RESEARCH 1992-1993 Research, People's Republic of China Summer 1992 Inter-University Chinese Language Program, Taipei, Taiwan 1981-1983 Dissertation Research, People's Republic of China 1975-1977 Inter-University Chinese Language Program, Taipei, Taiwan ACADEMIC POSITIONS Professor of History and International Affairs, Elliott School of International Affairs, The George Washington University. July 2015 to present (Associatte Professor of History and International Affairs, September 1994 to July 2015). Director, Taiwan Education and Research Program, Sigur Center for Asian Studies, The George Washington University. May 2004 to present. Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies, The George Washington University, August 2011 to June 2014. Deputy Chair, History Department, The George Washington University, July 2009 to August 2011. 1 Senior Associate Dean for Management and Planning, Elliott School of International Affairs, The George Washington University. July 2005 to August 2006. Associate Dean for Faculty and Student Affairs, Elliott School of International Affairs, The George Washington University. January 2004 to June 2005. Associate Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies, The George Washington University. July-December 2003. Acting Dean, Elliott School of International Affairs, The George Washington University. -
The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. -
Understanding Warlordism S Understanding Warlordism G H S
PRIO PAPER Kristian Berg Harpviken Berg Kristian Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Independent • International • Interdisciplinary Interdisciplinary • • International Independent Warlordism Understanding Areas Southeastern Afghanistan’s from Biographies Three Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) Centre for the Study of Civil War (CSCW) Design: Studio 7 www.studoisju.no Checkpost south of Ghazni PO Box 9229 Grønland, NO-0134 Oslo, Norway Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) ISBN: 978-82-7288-350-7 city, on the Kabul-Kandahar Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 PO Box 9229 Grønland, NO-0134 Oslo, Norway highway, Aug '94 (Qari Baba’s Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 mujahedin). Photo: K B Harpviken where they operated and the challenges they faced, their personal diverged trajectories in the This period. post-2001 to paper attempts understand why this was so; why did one to be- arms his down man lay come a politician, another for com- capacity place his at the ser- violence manding gov- Karzai new of the vice con- the third while ernment, tinued to the challenge new rulers with armed force? The analysis of these trajectories will provide an insight into the nature of violent warlordism during the formal transition from war to peace and into the period. post-conflict tion and the transitional chal- transitional and the tion par- lenges that followed led the to three men in different direc-elected was a politi- up took Rocketi tions. career, cal liament in 2005, and four active an remained later years player in legal Qari politics. a gover- as briefly served Baba nor but was dethroned to the of position a advisor security and then Tali- the assassinated. -
Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History
Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History By Jonathan Tang A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor You-tien Hsing Summer 2019 Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History Copyright 2019 By Jonathan Tang Abstract Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History By Jonathan Tang Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair This dissertation examines a 1920 mutiny in Pingjiang County, Hunan Province, as a way of challenging the dominant narrative of the early republican period of Chinese history, often called the “Warlord Era.” The mutiny precipitated a change of power from Tan Yankai, a classically trained elite of the pre-imperial era, to Zhao Hengti, who had undergone military training in Japan. Conventional histories interpret this transition as Zhao having betrayed his erstwhile superior Tan, epitomizing the rise of warlordism and the disintegration of traditional civilian administration; this dissertation challenges these claims by showing that Tan and Zhao were not enemies in 1920, and that no such betrayal occurred. These same histories also claim that local governance during this period was fundamentally broken, necessitating the revolutionary party-state of the KMT and CCP to centralize power and restore order. Though this was undeniably a period of political turmoil, with endemic low-level armed conflict, this dissertation juxtaposes unpublished material with two of the more influential histories of the era to show how this narrative has been exaggerated to serve political aims. -
Operation Enduring Freedom
Operation Enduring Freedom The War in Afghanistan (Operation Enduring Freedom) began in October, 2001 in response to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States. Following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 and the fall of the Afghan Communist government in 1992, a protracted civil war raged on between the various factions of anti-Communist Afghan fighters, who called themselves the Mujahadeen. Mullah Mohammed Omar, a Mullah (Islamic religious leader) and a member of the Pashtun ethnic group led a new armed group called the Taliban. The word Taliban means "student", and they attracted the support of Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaida organization. In 1994, the Taliban attacked and defeated local warlords and acquired a reputation for order and military success. From that point onward, until they seized Kabul in September, 1996, the Taliban fought against several militias and warlords, eventually defeating them all. Moscow feared the Taliban as a source of aid and support for the rebels it has fought in Chechnya and Tajikistan. Iran, dominated by Shiite Islamic fundamentalists, was at odds with the Sunni Muslim Taliban, largely over the treatment of the Afghan Shiite minority called the Hazaris. Pakistan's role in the Taliban success is controversial, as it is generally believed that several Taliban military victories are directly attributable to armed Pakistani intervention. After seizing Mazar-i Sharif, the Taliban provoked the hostility of the area's Shiite Hazari minority, and the warlord, General Malik, ended his relationship with the Taliban. The result was the execution of at least 3,000 captured Taliban soldiers by Malik and the Hazaris. -
Chapter 1: Warlords and States in Africa Introduction This Book Concentrates on the Development of ‘Warlordism’ Across Africa
Chapter 1: Warlords and States in Africa Introduction This book concentrates on the development of ‘warlordism’ across Africa. Although the idea of the warlord is universal and is applied to similar individuals and groups within areas as diverse as Colombia, the former Soviet Union, Central Asia and the Far East, it is in Africa where the idea and the systems associated with it appear to have reached their most ‘developed’. Taking as its starting point a survey of nineteenth century African governance practices, the book paints a picture of governance in pre-colonial African empires and draws out themes and issues of pre- colonial governance that can be traced through the colonial and post-colonial periods. In particular, ideas connected with the core characteristics of collapse of central power, trade, primitive accumulation, use of violence and governance systems are seen to be long-term historical features of many African (and other) polities. The growth of warlords is intimately related to the overall growth of private, non-state actors in the security sector in Africa, which, quite correctly, is seen as a very clear symptom of state weakness. The growth of private military companies is well documented, but there is a wide variety of military operators available to those who are willing to pay for it1. Governments, for example, have resorted to hiring mercenaries to clear areas governing resources. Executive Outcomes, Sandline and others have been hired by a variety of African Governments with the aim of taking control of natural resources and splitting the profits, including Angola (oil and diamonds) and Sierra Leone (diamonds). -
Demystifying a Warlord: Conflicting Historical Representations of Ahmad Shah Massoud 1 Milestones: Commentary on the Islamic World
Demystifying a Warlord: Conflicting Historical Representations of Ahmad Shah Massoud 1 Milestones: Commentary on the Islamic World Demystifying a Warlord: Conflicting Historical Representations of Ahmad Shah Massoud Jalil J. Kochai September 19, 2017 When I landed in Kabul, Afghanistan in July 2015, one of the first images I noticed after leaving the Hamid Karzai International Airport (fittingly located on Great Massoud Avenue) was a billboard of former Afghan president Hamid Karzai beside the ‘national hero’ Ahmad Shah Massoud. As I traveled into the city, I repeatedly encountered Massoud’s image: he was on small posters that hung across the dilapidated walls of apartments, decals of his face were strung across the rear window of every other taxi in view, and there were huge murals painted of him on the sides of worn government buildings. The ‘Lion of Panjshir’ was everywhere. It was during this trip back to Afghanistan that I began to wonder who Ahmad Shah Massoud really was, and why Kabul loved him so much. I discovered that several history books, biographies and journal articles lionize the image of Massoud depict him as mystic poet, devout Muslim, and principled warrior, while other primary sources and the works of scholars and journalists provide a different perspective. These sources represent him as a warlord Demystifying a Warlord: Conflicting Historical Representations of Ahmad Shah Massoud 2 Milestones: Commentary on the Islamic World driven less by abstract commitments to love and courage and more by pragmatic political goals. In this work, I argue that the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the devastating civil war that followed was a period of history that defies encapsulation within binaries of “good” and “evil”. -
Les Entreprises De Sécurité, L'exemple De Watan Risk Management
AFGHANISTAN 31 mars 2020 Les entreprises de sécurité, l’exemple de Watan Risk Management Avertissement Ce document a été élaboré par la Division de l’Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches de l’Ofpra en vue de fournir des informations utiles à l’examen des demandes de protection internationale. Il ne prétend pas faire le traitement exhaustif de la problématique, ni apporter de preuves concluantes quant au fondement d’une demande de protection internationale particulière. Il ne doit pas être considéré comme une position officielle de l’Ofpra ou des autorités françaises. Ce document, rédigé conformément aux lignes directrices communes à l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information sur le pays d’origine (avril 2008) [cf. https://www.ofpra.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/atoms/files/lignes_directrices_europeennes.pdf ], se veut impartial et se fonde principalement sur des renseignements puisés dans des sources qui sont à la disposition du public. Toutes les sources utilisées sont référencées. Elles ont été sélectionnées avec un souci constant de recouper les informations. Le fait qu’un événement, une personne ou une organisation déterminée ne soit pas mentionné(e) dans la présente production ne préjuge pas de son inexistence. La reproduction ou diffusion du document n’est pas autorisée, à l’exception d’un usage personnel, sauf accord de l’Ofpra en vertu de l’article L. 335-3 du code de la propriété intellectuelle. Afghanistan : Les entreprises de sécurité privée, l’exemple de Watan Risk Management Table des matières 1. A l’origine de Watan Risk Management : l’ascension des frères Popal ......................