Annals 15 and the Annalistic Tradition: Structuring History Under the Principate
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Ab Urbe Condita: When Viri Were Viri
CHAPTER FOUR AB URBE CONDITA: WHEN VIRI WERE VIRI Livy, like Thucydides, observed human nature and viewed history as a lesson for mankind in which great moral issues were at stake. 1 Toward this end, Livy went even further than did Thucydides, framing his history in "a series of moral episodes ... designed to bring out the character of the leading figures," thus reducing great events of the past to a level comprehensible to his reading public. 2 By endowing his characters with clear-cut virtues and vices, Livy was able to present his readers moral exempla with which they could readily identify. As P.G. Walsh writes, the real heroes of Ab Urbe Condita are pietas,fides, concordia, ratio, clementia, and so forth, who all wage continual war against the villains furor,ferocitas, temeritas, libido, luxuria and their like. 3 Because of this polarized framework, Livy's presentation of Roman history is a pano ramic chiaroscuro of dichotomies. His dualistic premise demands sim plistic characters so that the reader may know where a particular personage stands in the moral scheme. 4 An incidental component in the creation of what are, at best, two-dimensional characters, was the historian's use of vir and homo as capsule identifications. Livy's masculine terminology reflects that of Cicero in that he generally employs vir for the distinguished and homo for the humble, the foreigner (with an ethnic adjective), and as a term of abuse, sometimes in direct evocation of the Republican orator. The historiographical idiom, however, permits greater freedom and variation of usage than did the forensic speech. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
The Ab Urbe Condita Construction in Latin
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) University Studies of the University of Nebraska 1936 The Ab Urbe Condita Construction in Latin Otto William Heick Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/univstudiespapers Part of the Classical Literature and Philology Commons Heick, Otto William, "The Ab Urbe Condita Construction in Latin" (1936). Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska). 122. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/univstudiespapers/122 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Studies of the University of Nebraska at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. VoL. XXXVI · 1936 UNIVERSITY STUDIES • PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATION J. E. KIRSHMAN C. S. HAMILTON T. M. RAYSOR H. H. MARVIN G. W. ROSENLOF R. J. POOL , FRED W. UPSON LOUISE POUND GILBERT H. DOANE THE AB URBE CONDITA CONSTRUCTION IN LATIN BY OTTO WILLIAM HEICK, Ph.D. LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 1936 THE UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA VOLUME XXXVI LINCOLN PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 1936 UNIVERSITY STUDIES VoL. XXXVI Nos. 1-4 THE AB VRBE CONDITA CONSTRUCTION IN LATIN BY OTTO WILLIAM HEICK, Ph.D. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE l. INTRODUCTION 9 THE NATURE OF THE Ab Urbe Condita CoNSTRUCTION 9 PREVIOUS WoRK ON THE SUBJECT 10 AIMS AND METHOD OF THE PRESENT STUDY 11 II. ARCHAIC AUTHORS. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
2014) ADVANCED)DIVISION) ) Page)1) ROUND)I
MASSACHUSETTS)CERTAMEN),)2014) ADVANCED)DIVISION) ) Page)1) ROUND)I 1:! TU:!!! What!pair!of!Babylonian!lovers!planned!to!meet!at!the!tomb!of!Ninus,!but!were!thwarted!by!a!lioness?) PYRAMUS)AND)THISBE! B1:!!! What!did!Pyramus!do!when!he!found!Thisbe’s!bloody!veil!and!thought!she!was!dead?! ! ! ! ! KILLED)HIMSELF! B2:!!! What!plant!forever!changed!color!when!it!was!splattered!with!Pyramus’!and!Thisbe’s!blood?! ! ! ! ! MULBERRY) ) ) 2:! TU:! For!the!verb!fallō,)give!the!3rd!person!singular,!perfect,!active!subjunctive.! ) FEFELLERIT! B1:! Give!the!corresponding!form!of!disco.! ) DIDICERIT! B2:! Give!the!corresponding!form!of!fio.! ) FACTUS)(A,UM))SIT) ) ) 3:! TU:! Who!was!the!victorious!general!at!the!battle!of!Pydna!in!168!BC?! ) AEMELIUS)PAULUS! B1:! Who!was!the!son!of!Aemelius!Paulus!that!sacked!Corinth!in!146!BC?! ! ! ! ! SCIPIO)AEMELIANUS) ! B2:! Scipio!Aemelianus!was!adopted!by!which!flamen-dialis,-thus!making!him!part!of!a!more!aristocratic!family?! ) (PUBLIUS)CORNELIUS))SCIPIO)AFRICANUS) ) ) 4:! TU:!! According!to!its!derivation,!an!irascible!person!is!easy!to!put!into!what!kind!of!mood?! ) ANGER/ANGRY! B1:!! Give!the!Latin!verb!and!its!meaning!from!which!the!English!word!“sample”!is!derived.) EMŌ)–)TO)BUY! B2:!! Give!the!Latin!noun!and!its!meaning!from!which!the!English!word!“rush”!is!derived.! ) CAUSA)–)REASON,)CAUSE) ) [SCORE)CHECK]) ) 5:! TU:!!! What!Paduan!prose!author!of!the!Augustan!age!wrote!a!history!of!Rome!in!142!books?) TITUS)LIVIUS/LIVY! B1:!!! What!was!the!Latin!title!of!Livy’s!history?! ) AB)URBE)CONDITA! B2:!!! Which!of!the!following!topics!is!not!covered!in!one!of!the!35!extant!books!of!Ab-Urbe-Condita:!!! -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
Servius, Cato the Elder and Virgil
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository MEFRA – 129/1 – 2017, p. 85-100. Servius, Cato the Elder and Virgil Christopher SMITH C. Smith, British School at Rome, University of St Andrews, [email protected] This paper considers one of the most significant of the authors cited in the Servian tradition, Cato the Elder. He is cited more than any other historian, and looked at the other way round, Servius is a very important source for our knowledge of Cato. This paper addresses the questions of what we learn from Servius’ use of Cato, and what we learn about Virgil ? Servius, Cato the Elder, Virgil, Aeneas Cet article envisage la figure du principal auteur cite dans la tradition servienne, Caton l’Ancien. C’est l’historien le plus cité par Servius et, à l’inverse, Servius est une source très importante pour notre connaissance de Caton. Cet article revient sur l’utilisation de Caton par Servius et sur ce que Servius nous apprend sur Virgile. Servius, Catone l’Ancien, Virgile, Énée The depth of knowledge and understanding icance of his account of the beginnings of Rome. underpinning Virgil’s approach to Italy in the Our assumption that the historians focused on the Aeneid demonstrates that he was a profoundly earlier history and then passed rapidly over the learned poet ; and it was a learning which was early Republic is partly shaped by this tendency in clearly drawn on deep knowledge and under- the citing authorities2. -
The Supernatural in Tacitus When Compared with His Predecessor Livy, Tacitus Has Been Said to Be Less Interested in the “Super
The Supernatural in Tacitus When compared with his predecessor Livy, Tacitus has been said to be less interested in the “supernatural,” a rubric under which we include the prodigies and omens of traditional Roman religion; characters’ participation in forms of religious expression, both traditional and non-normative; and nebulous superhuman forces such as fate and fortune. In this panel, we seek to modify this perception by investigating aspects of the superhuman, religious, and/or inexplicable in Tacitus’ works that contribute in important ways to his historiographical project and to our view of Tacitus as an historian. As the most recent contribution on this topic shows (K. Shannon-Henderson, Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford, 2019), religion and its related fields are extremely important to Tacitus’ narrative technique, and ‘irrational’ elements such as fatum and fortuna are constantly at play in Tacitus’ works, particularly, but not exclusively, in his historical narratives. Each of the five papers that we have gathered for this panel addresses these topics from different angles, whether focusing more on the literary, historical, or linguistic elements of the Tacitean narrative under examination. Two papers focus on omens and other ways of predicting the future; two examine religious experiences of Tacitus’ characters; and one considers the role of fortuna in the world of the Dialogus. In the first paper, Contributor #1 examines the value of observing supernatural signs for decision-making in the Histories. In particular, s/he looks at the practical value of observing and interpreting supernatural signs as predictors of the future success or failure of military leaders. -
The Imperial Cult and the Individual
THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME _______________________________________ A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Department of Ancient Mediterranean Studies at the University of Missouri-Columbia _______________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy _____________________________________________________ by CLAIRE McGRAW Dr. Dennis Trout, Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2019 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME presented by Claire McGraw, a candidate for the degree of doctor of philosophy, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. _______________________________________________ Professor Dennis Trout _______________________________________________ Professor Anatole Mori _______________________________________________ Professor Raymond Marks _______________________________________________ Professor Marcello Mogetta _______________________________________________ Professor Sean Gurd DEDICATION There are many people who deserve to be mentioned here, and I hope I have not forgotten anyone. I must begin with my family, Tom, Michael, Lisa, and Mom. Their love and support throughout this entire process have meant so much to me. I dedicate this project to my Mom especially; I must acknowledge that nearly every good thing I know and good decision I’ve made is because of her. She has (literally and figuratively) pushed me to achieve this dream. Mom has been my rock, my wall to lean upon, every single day. I love you, Mom. Tom, Michael, and Lisa have been the best siblings and sister-in-law. Tom thinks what I do is cool, and that means the world to a little sister. -
Fantasy As History in Annals Book 4
Histos Working Papers 2015.05 FANTASY AS HISTORY IN ANNALS BOOK 4 Aujourd’hui, je ne suis pas sûre que ce que j’ai écrit soit vrai. Je suis sûre que c’est véridique. —Today I am not sure that what I wrote is true. I am certain it is truthful. —This is why I say today that while knowing perfectly well that it corresponds to the facts, I no longer know if it is real.1 efore I begin to talk specifically about Annals Book 4, I should like to address the larger question of what we are talking about in the disci- Bplines of Classical history and historiography when we talk about truth, as it is one that has been for some time well-examined in other genres of his- torical inquiry.2 The theories and debates that have marked these other dis- cussions will be useful in opening up what has become repetitious in the querelle between historians and historiography scholars of antiquity; namely whether the literary interest of an ancient historian’s work has much or anything to do with uncovering the past events it relays. In particular Holocaust studies finds it urgent to discover a satisfactory way of thinking about this problem that does justice to the testimony of survivors. This testimony is not always congruent with what historians have discovered to be the ‘facts’ of the testimony, and the debate over the ‘truth’ of the testimony has much in common with the divide between Classical historians and we who take a more ‘literary’ approach. -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E. -
Women in Livy and Tacitus
Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2021-5 Women in Livy and Tacitus STEPHEN ALEXANDER PREVOZNIK Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation PREVOZNIK, STEPHEN ALEXANDER, "Women in Livy and Tacitus" (2021). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 46. https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/46 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women in Livy and Tacitus By Stephen Prevoznik Prevoznik 1 Introduction Livy and Tacitus are both influential and important Roman authors. They have written two of the most influential histories of Rome. Livy covers from the founding of Rome until the Reign of Augustus. Tacitus focuses on the early empire, writing from the end of Augustus’ reign through Nero. This sets up a nice symmetry, as Tacitus picks up where Livy stops. Much has been written about the men they include, but the women also play an important role. This essay plans to outline how the women in each work are used by the authors to attain their goals. In doing so, each author’s aim is exposed. Livy: Women as Exempla Livy’s most famous work, Ab Urbe Condita, is meant to be read as a guide.