White Backlash in a Brown Country
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Charlie Sykes
CHARLIE SYKES EDITOR-AT-LARGE, THE BULWARK Quick Summary Life in Brief Former conservative radio host and Wisconsin Hometown: Seattle, WA Republican kingmaker who gained national prominence as a leading voice in the Never Trump Current Residence: Mequon, WI movement and created the Bulwark website as a messaging arm for like-minded conservatives Education: • BA, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, • Love for journalism and politics heavily influenced 1975 by his father • Self-described “recovering liberal” who criticizes Family: both political parties for inflexibility and for • Married to Janet Riordan alienating those who reject status quo • Three children, two grandchildren • As conservative radio host, cultivated significant influence in Wisconsin GOP politics – quickly Work History: becoming a go-to stop for Republican candidates; • Editor-at-Large, The Bulwark, 2019- drew significant attention to issues like school Present choice • Host, The Daily Standard, 2018 • Became national figure after refusing to support • Contributing editor, The Weekly Donald Trump Standard • Co-founded the Bulwark with Bill Kristol, which • Contributor, NBC/MSNBC, 2016-present has become a leading mouthpiece of the Never • Host, Indivisible WNYC, 2017 Trump conservative movement • Editor-in-Chief, Right Wisconsin • Considers himself a “political orphan” in the era of • Radio show host, WTMJ, 1999-2016 Trump after exile from conservative movement • Radio host, WISN, 1989-93 whose political identity has changed many times • PR for Dave Schulz, Milwaukee -
The Roots of Conservative Victory in the 1960S
Rick Perlstein Thunder on the Right: The Roots of Conservative Victory in the 1960s Downloaded from our scenes from the spring and summer of 1963: In Florissant, In Rogers, Indiana, clamoring members of the conservative activist Missouri, not far outside St. Louis, 500 protesters hold up a group Young Americans for Freedom hurl wicker baskets into a raging Fforest of picket signs and chant angry slogans: another disruptive bonfi re. “Rogers Defends Liberty,” read their signs. The baskets, they Sixties protest. The state legislature has refused the activists’ demands say, have been manufactured behind the Iron Curtain. concerning the local schools, and the activists have responded by trying Finally, in a massive Washington, D.C., armory, on a sweltering to shut the schools down. They July 4th, an event that sought http://maghis.oxfordjournals.org/ are demonstrating for busing. to focus the political energies Only none of the demonstrators behind all these disparate are black. They are parents of phenomena towards a single children in Catholic schools, political goal. The only time it had and the legislature, citing the been fi lled to capacity before was First Amendment’s proscription for the Eisenhower and Kennedy against the mixing of church and inaugural balls and a Billy Graham state, has refused their request for crusade. Now it was packed for a the same bus service that public rally to draft Barry Goldwater for school families receive. They sing president. It resembled a national at CUNY Graduate Center on September 27, 2012 the same “freedom songs” they political convention, right down have recently heard Martin Luther to the brass band, fl ags, costumes, King’s demonstrators sing in and screaming throngs, though Birmingham, Alabama. -
The Limits of “Diversity” Where Affirmative Action Was About Compensatory Justice, Diversity Is Meant to Be a Shared Benefit
The Limits of “Diversity” Where affirmative action was about compensatory justice, diversity is meant to be a shared benefit. But does the rationale carry weight? By Kelefa Sanneh, THE NEW YORKER, October 9, 2017 This summer, the Times reported that, under President Trump, the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice had acquired a new focus. The division, which was founded in 1957, during the fight over school integration, would now be going after colleges for discriminating against white applicants. The article cited an internal memo soliciting staff lawyers for “investigations and possible litigation related to intentional race-based discrimination in college and university admissions.” But the memo did not explicitly mention white students, and a spokesperson for the Justice Department charged that the story was inaccurate. She said that the request for lawyers related specifically to a complaint from 2015, when a number of groups charged that Harvard was discriminating against Asian-American students. In one sense, Asian-Americans were overrepresented at Harvard: in 2013, they made up eighteen per cent of undergraduates, despite being only about five per cent of the country’s population. But at the California Institute of Technology, which does not employ racial preferences, Asian- Americans made up forty-three per cent of undergraduates—a figure that had increased by more than half over the previous two decades, while Harvard’s percentage had remained relatively flat. The plaintiffs used SAT scores and other data to argue that administrators had made it “far more difficult for Asian-Americans than for any other racial and ethnic group of students to gain admission to Harvard.” They claimed that Harvard, in its pursuit of racial parity, was not only rewarding black and Latino students but also penalizing Asian-American students—who were, after all, minorities, too. -
Untimely Meditations: Reflections on the Black Audio Film Collective
8QWLPHO\0HGLWDWLRQV5HIOHFWLRQVRQWKH%ODFN$XGLR )LOP&ROOHFWLYH .RGZR(VKXQ Nka: Journal of Contemporary African Art, Number 19, Summer 2004, pp. 38-45 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\'XNH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/nka/summary/v019/19.eshun.html Access provided by Birkbeck College-University of London (14 Mar 2015 12:24 GMT) t is no exaggeration to say that the installation of In its totality, the work of John Akomfrah, Reece Auguiste, Handsworth Songs (1985) at Documentall introduced a Edward George, Lina Gopaul, Avril Johnson, David Lawson, and new audience and a new generation to the work of the Trevor Mathison remains terra infirma. There are good reasons Black Audio Film Collective. An artworld audience internal and external to the group why this is so, and any sus• weaned on Fischli and Weiss emerged from the black tained exploration of the Collective's work should begin by iden• cube with a dramatically expanded sense of the historical, poet• tifying the reasons for that occlusion. Such an analysis in turn ic, and aesthetic project of the legendary British group. sets up the discursive parameters for a close hearing and viewing The critical acclaim that subsequently greeted Handsworth of the visionary project of the Black Audio Film Collective. Songs only underlines its reputation as the most important and We can locate the moment when the YBA narrative achieved influential art film to emerge from England in the last twenty cultural liftoff in 1996 with Douglas Gordon's Turner Prize vic• years. It is perhaps inevitable that Handsworth Songs has tended tory. -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
An Anti-Racism Manual for White Educators in the Process of Becoming. James Merryweather Edler University of Massachusetts Amherst
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1974 White on white : an anti-racism manual for white educators in the process of becoming. James Merryweather Edler University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Edler, James Merryweather, "White on white : an anti-racism manual for white educators in the process of becoming." (1974). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 4581. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/4581 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. © 1974 JAMES MERRYWEATHER EDLER ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii WHITE ON WHITE: AN ANTI-RACISM MANUAL FOR WHITE EDUCATORS IN THE PROCESS OF BECOMING A Dissertation Presented by JAMES MERRYWEATHER EDLER Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION January, 1974 Major Subject: Racism Awareness Ill WHITE ON WHITE AN ANTI-RACISM MANUAL FOR WHITE EDUCATORS IN THE PROCESS OF BECOMING A dissertation * t •v . ' ' f by JAMES MERRYWEATHER EDLER Approved as to style and content by: Dr. Alfred S. Alschuler, Chairperson Dr. William A. Kraus, Member January, 1974 Acknowledgements To Dottie Edler, who has shared more love and strength than I imagined was humanly possible; To Mr. and Mrs. Francis C. Edler, who have given me courage and to whom I owe everything; To my Committee, Gloria Joseph and Bill Kraus, who genuinely care and from whom I have received so much; and to A1 Alschuler, Chairperson, teacher, and friend in the truest sense of the words; and To the caring and courageous white people who have supported and questioned me while we struggle together toward a new meaning for whiteness. -
White Backlash
White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics Marisa Abrajano, University of California San Diego Zoltan Hajnal, University of California San Diego Introduction Immigration is unquestionably one of the most important forces shaping America. Since 2000 the United States has absorbed almost 14 million immigrants bringing the total of all documented and undocumented immigrants currently in the nation to over 40 million (Urban Institute 2011). Immigrants and their children now represent fully one in four Americans. These raw numbers are impressive. Yet they tell only part of the story. The current wave of immigration has also wrought dramatic changes in the social and economic spheres. Large scale immigration has produced a sea change in the racial and ethnic composition of the nation. The phenomenal growth of the Latino population has allowed Latinos to displace African Americans as the nation’s largest racial and ethnic group. Asian Americans, once a negligible share of the national population are now the fastest growing racial and ethnic group. All of that means that white numerical dominance is very much on the decline. By the mid-point of the 21st Century, whites are, in fact, expected to no longer be the majority. The arrival of so many new Americans who herald from different shores has also brought cheap labor, new languages, and different cultural perspectives. There are large-scale industries flourishing on low-wage migrant labor, massive Spanish language media empires, and countless communities that have been altered almost beyond recognition. There is little doubt that American society has been transformed in myriad, deep, and perhaps permanent ways. -
Jeff Greenfield
Jeff Greenfield Political Analyst One of America’s most respected political analysts, Jeff Greenfield has spent more than 30 years on network television, including CNN, ABC News, CBS, and as an anchor on PBS’ Need to Know. A five-time Emmy Award-winner, he is known for his quick wit and savvy insight into politics, history, the media and current events. Twice he was named to TV Guide‘s All-Star News “Dream Team” as best political commentator and was cited by the Washington Journalism Review as “the best in the business” for his media analysis. Greenfield has served as anchor booth analyst or floor reporter for every national political convention since 1988 and reported on virtually every important domestic political story in recent decades. He looks at American political history "through a fictional looking glass" in his national bestseller, Then Everything Changed: Stunning Alternate Histories of American Politics -- JFK, RFK, Carter, Ford, Reagan, released to great acclaim in March 2011. The New York Times called it "shrewdly written, often riveting." A follow-up e-book, 43*: When Gore Beat Bush—A Political Fable, was published in September 2012, and his latest, If Kennedy Lived: The First and Second Terms of President John F. Kennedy: An Alternate History, was released in October 2013. A former speechwriter for Robert F. Kennedy, Greenfield has authored or co-authored 12 books including national bestselling novel The People’s Choice, The Real Campaign, and Oh, Waiter! One Order of Crow!, an insider account of the contested 2000 presidential election. From 1998-2007 Greenfield was a senior analyst for CNN, serving as lead analyst for its coverage of the primaries, conventions, presidential debates and election nights. -
The American Democratic Party at a Crossroads MATT BROWNE / JOHN HALPIN / RUY TEIXEIRA
The American Democratic Party at a Crossroads MATT BROWNE / JOHN HALPIN / RUY TEIXEIRA AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY* * It is neither a parliamentary party nor a membership organization, but rather coordinated by a series of committees. Official website: The Democratic National Committee (DNC): www.democrats.org; The Democratic Governors’ Association (DGA): www.democraticgovernors.org; The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC): www.dscc.org; The Democratic Congressional Campaign Commit- tee (DCCC): www.dccc.org; The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee (DLCC): www.dlcc.org; The Association of State Democratic Chairs (ASDC): www.democrats.org/asdc Party leader: Governor Tim Kaine is the Chairman of the DNC. Founded: 1828 Electoral resonance 2008: Senate: 57; House: 257 parliamentary elections: 2006: Senate: 49; House: 233 2004: Senate: 44; House: 202 Government President Barack Obama was elected 44th President participation: of the United States on November 4, 2008, beating his Republican rival by 365 electoral votes to 173. He assumed office on January 20, 2009, returning the Democrats to the executive branch for the first time in eight years. 144 Browne/Halpin/Teixeira, USA ipg 4 /2010 Foundations of the Democratic Party The Democratic Party of the United States was founded in 1828 and traces its philosophy back to Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson, both of whom styled themselves as advocates of the »common man.« Despite these origins, the Democratic Party has not always been the most pro- gressive party in the us. For example, the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln, not the Democrats, took the lead in ending slavery in the coun- try. And in the Progressive Era (roughly 1890–1920), the Republicans, with figures such as Teddy Roosevelt and Bob La Follette, again took the lead in fighting corruption, reforming the electoral process, curbing the power of big capital, and developing social welfare programs. -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
The Election of Women to the U.S. House of Representatives: Is Demography Destiny?
The Election of Women to the U.S. House of Representatives: Is Demography Destiny? Dennis Simon Barbara Palmer Southern Methodist University Baldwin Wallace University Political Science Department Political Science Department [email protected] [email protected] Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, San Juan, Puerto Rico, January, 2016. 0 The Election of Women to the U.S. House of Representatives: Is Demography Destiny? Even a quick glance at the geographic distribution of the women in Congress suggests that there is a distinct political geography to the districts they represent: twenty-six of the eighty-four female US House members serving in 2015, or nearly one-third, were from California and New York. Eight more were from Florida. In other words, 40 percent of the women in the House came from only three states. Texas, with thirty-six districts, has only three women in its House delegation.1 Female Representatives are not randomly distributed across the country. Congressional districts in the United States vary widely in their demographic characteristics. Candidates rely heavily on demographic data to create their campaign strategies, and they often hire consulting firms to provide them with detailed profiles and suggestions for targeting voters in their districts. However, we know very little about the demographic characteristics of the districts where women have been successful candidates. Female candidates tend to cluster in particular districts, but what explains this? Can we identify the districts -
Two Perspectives on Demographic Changes in the States Ahead of the 2020 Presidential Election
BIPARTISAN POLICY CENTER BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR AMERICAN PROGRESS DEMOCRACY FUND Two Perspectives on Demographic Changes in the States Ahead of the 2020 Presidential Election June 2019 AUTHORS Party Coalitions and Demographic Change: How Latinos Change Politics in California and Texas Matt A. Barreto Angela Gutierrez Co-Founder and Managing Graduate Student in Partner, Latino Decisions Political Science, UCLA Adapting to Win: How Republicans Compete in a Changing America Patrick Ruffini Partner and Co-Founder, Echelon Insights DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in these papers are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the views or opinions of the Bipartisan Policy Center, the Brookings Institution, the Center for American Progress, or the Democracy Fund. 2 bipartisanpolicy.org 4 Prologue 5 Party Coalitions and Demographic Change: How Latinos Change Politics in California and Texas 7 Demographic and Political Change: A 10-Year Transition 7 The 10-Year Transition in Action 11 Texas 15 Demographic Change Without Reactionary Politics 16 Growth and Demographic Change in Party Coalitions 17 Keeping the 2018 Political Momentum 18 Endnotes 22 Adapting to Win: How Republicans Compete in a Changing America 22 Dynamic Demographics and America’s Two-Party Equilibrium 23 Demographics in an Age of Polarization 25 The Electorate by Race 26 Latinos and the GOP 28 African Americans and the GOP 29 The Party Coalitions in the Future 30 The Electorate by Education 34 The Electorate By Age 36 Conclusion: The GOP in 2036 39 Endnotes Prologue The States of Change: Demographics and Democracy project is a collaboration of the Bipartisan Policy Center, the Brookings Institution, the Center for American Progress, and the Democracy Fund.