Maya Stovall AFRICAN AMERICAN CULTURAL TECHNOLOGY:THE , THE KING OF POP, AND THE FACTORY WORKER’S EXPERIENCE

Abstract combining the virtuoso’s seemingly mechanical exactitude with suprahuman charisma. African Americans have been integral in shaping the aesthetics of modernity generally, and with respect to dance in particular. Through labor, art, cultural technol- —Judith Hamera ogy, and social life, African American aesthetics have breathed life into modern and contemporary American INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT culture. The stress and fatigue of machines, labor, capi- African Americans have been integral in shaping talism, and racism, imposed on bodies during the indus- the aesthetics of modernity. Through labor, art, trial revolution and in the post-industrial era have science, and social life, African American aesthet- provided raw material for black artistic expressions dur- ics have breathed life into modern and contempo- ing the mid–to-late twentieth century. Furthermore, this rary American culture.1 The stress and fatigue artistic expression, fueled by the angst of changing times imposed on black bodies during the industrial rev- generally and tensions facing African Americans in par- olution, and in the post-industrial era, have pro- ticular, has served as American catharsis through the vided raw material for artistic expressions during creation of innovative cultural expressions. This article the mid-to-late twentieth century2 (Boris 1998; Bo- analyzes the dialectical relationships of industrializa- yle 1997; Dickson-Carr 2013). Furthermore, this tion, racism, and modern aesthetics, through the lens of artistic expression, fueled by the angst of the shift- the innovative African American social dance form, the ing era generally, and of the tensions facing Afri- Lindy Hop; and the virtuosic pop performances of can Americans in particular, has served as Michael Jackson. The important contributions of the American catharsis in the process (Dinerstein Lindy Hop as a dance style and Michael Jackson as a 2003). performer have had a profound impact on the aesthetics The notion of modernity as a Euro American- of modernity in American social and popular concert centered cultural movement has been previously dance. To better understand the relationship between upended. African Americans were central to the industrialization and the African American shaping of development of modernity; indeed, without the aesthetics of modernity, this article analyzes black expe- inexpensive and/or free labor that black bodies riences and embodiment of industrial labor and the ways and labor have historically provided to the Ameri- that African Americans drew from their particular can economy, America’s movement toward moder- experiences of industrial labor toward the creation of nity would not have been possible (Dickson-Carr critical cultural technology. 2013). Further, close interaction between human bodies and machines during the late-nineteenth The Negroes of the USA have breathed into and early-twentieth centuries led to new concep- the song, the rhythm, and the sound of tions of the human body and its possibilities. In machines. other words, these interactions led to an energetic redefining of the body as having the capacity to —Le Corbusier function as a machine (de la Pe~na 2005). The machining of the human body had early applica- tions in dance. Carolyn de la Pe~na writes of late Michael Jackson both incarnates and nineteenth to twentieth century American dancer transcends the trope of the human motor, Loie Fuller’s use of radium in costuming her

Transforming Anthropology, Vol. 23, Number 1, pp. 1–13, ISSN 1051-0559, electronic ISSN 1548-7466. © 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/traa.12042. 1 performances at the well-known Paris Opera factory work experiences with African American House, the Folies Bergere (2005). In “The Body cultural technology3, which helped to shape aes- Electric: How Strange Machines Built the Modern thetics of modernity. American”, de la Pena asserts that technology It is not novel to argue that African Ameri- itself was transmogrified into pulchritude through cans shaped modernity through dance using the the use of the human body and its movements as mechanization of the rhythms of the African con- a mode through which to display the scientific tinent. Dixon-Gottschild (1996) has written of the properties of radium. African American cultural Africanist presence as a critical element in shaping technology is directly linked to bodily experiences American performance from the quotidian to the of labor and marginalization, as well as the aes- theatrical. In Swinging the Machine, Dinerstein thetics emerging from critique of, release from, (2003) examines the African American creation of and resistance against oppression (Redmond mechanized rhythms and aesthetics through art 2013). The mechanization of the daily lives of and social life. Similarly, scholars have shown how African Americans, through urban life and factory African Americans used dance to mitigate tensions labor, demanded a new aesthetic in music and and directly contest racism, segregation, and sys- dance, which African Americans created through tems of legalized oppression (Dixon Gottschild the Era (Dinerstein 2003). However, due to 1996; Dinerstein 2003; Robinson 2010; Wade the complicated tensions between racism and cul- 2011; Hamera 2012; Hancock 2013). What this tural appropriations, African Americans have not article argues goes further: that the aesthetics of been sufficiently credited with shaping critical aes- androgyny and technologic mechanization thetics of modernity with respect to dance (Robin- emerged first as performative expressions of sur- son 2010). Joel Dinerstein’s text, Swinging the vival of African American bodies on assembly Machine, outlines the contributions of African lines. These aesthetics manifested specifically in American cultural vernacular to the aesthetics of both the Lindy Hop and in Michael Jackson’s American modernity. Joel Dinerstein’s analysis of theatrical dance performances, and continue to African American dancers’ use of the ideas and inform modern, post-modern, and contemporary experiences of machinery as a “techno-dialogic” dance aesthetics today. innovation underlines the fact that Blacks used This article performs a close analysis of the technological advancements as cultural material in manner in which African American experiences of creating new and expanded forms of artistic and interpretations of industrial work have shaped expressions. And while Dinerstein’s work has an aesthetics of mechanization and androgyny in moved our understanding forward, possibilities modern social and popular concert dance. Specifi- remain for building on previous scholarship that cally, I interrogate the relationship between Afri- has considered African Americans’ role in shaping can American work and mechanized movement in the aesthetics of modernity. In spite of the accre- social and theatrical dance during the twentieth tion of academic interest in technology as a form century. of cultural vernacular, the depth of scholarship on In analyzing this question, I review the envi- technology and race remains minimal (Brown ronment of early-twentieth century factory work 2004). Providing a more holistic understanding of and society through prior scholarship. The rela- African American experiences of the machine ages, tionship between the bodily experiences of factory including the realities of factory work within a rac- work and the bodily expressions of cultural tech- ist cultural milieu, will enhance historical and cul- nology will be explored through review of Lindy tural conceptions of modern aesthetic evolution. Hop performances of critical early-20th century Toward this goal, this article analyzes the relation- performers and Frankie Manning. ship between the industrialization of African Following the implications of the swing era into American labor and modern aesthetics through contemporary society, Michael Jackson’s the African American dance form, the Lindy Hop, late-twentieth century performances are analyzed and the mechanized performances of Michael with an eye toward the development of African Jackson. The important contributions of the Lindy American cultural technology over time. By ana- Hop as a genre, and Michael Jackson as a per- lyzing several dance scenes from the 1941 film, former, continue to have a profound effect on the Hellzapoppin’, as well as three of Jackson’s most aesthetics of modernity in American social and critically reviewed and acclaimed performances concert dance. I argue that these contributions including the 1983 Motown Reunion, the 1984 were made possible through the affiancing of Victory Tour, and the 1993 Super Bowl Halftime

2TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) Show, I argue that an aesthetics of androgyny and actions between bodies and machines has been mechanization emerges. In all, research of existing considered previously in discussions of dance, fac- scholarship and performance analysis is synthe- tory work, and modernity. (Franko 2002). Like sized to identify connections between capitalism, the notion of modernity itself, the human body in African American factory work, and the ways in relation to factory work is shadowed by opportu- which African American experiences of factory nity as well as by threat (Rabinbach 1992). work shaped a modern aesthetic. Aesthetics of modernity were shaped by Within American industrial labor, stratifica- machines, technology, and the fusion of the tions of value had been drawn beginning in the human and the suprahuman (Dinerstein 2003; 1880s along lines of the social construct of race, as Hamera 2012). The renowned modern architect Le well as ethnicity and gender. Within these intersec- Corbusier (1964) stated that “the Negroes of the tional tensions African Americans found them- USA have breathed into jazz the song, the rhythm selves in a precarious position (Robbins 2007). and the sounds of machines.” Underlining Le Factory workers were placed in competition with Corbusier’s assertion, Dinerstein (2003:6) wrote one another based upon race, ethnicity, and shift; that “Swing music rhythm’s stylized mechanical there was an acute sense of being watched which repetition, creating and controlling propulsive no doubt impacted workers’ performances rhythms capable of jump-starting fatigued bodies (Coopey and McKinlay 2010). As African Ameri- and depressed spirits. Euro-Americans watched cans attempted to navigate a technological land- and mimicked African American swing dancers, scape in which their labor was negatively whose fast, dynamic whole-body dances modeled differentiated from white labor, numerous chal- one method of rejuvenating American bodies.” Le lenges arose. The presence of White women and Corbusier, Dinerstein, and others have noted the Black men together in the workplace was the ideal critical contributions made by African Americans inflammatory content for those who wished to to the aesthetics of modernity through their extinguish Black economic demands with White unique engagement with urban centers and indus- racist interests (Boris 1998; Boyle 1997). During trial work. the 1930s, African Americans and Latinos coa- lesced around shared challenges of factory work, ANDROGYNY AS SURVIVAL class, and experiences of racism. The multi-ethnic In “Androgyny and Stardom: Cultural Meanings solidarity present amongst blacks and Hispanics of Michael Jackson”, John Izod (1995) argues that for instance in Tarrytown, , demon- cross-culturally, the androgyne avoids a sexually strates the various modalities of resistance threatening presence through projection of an employed to negotiate the racist cultural milieu image that manifests both male and female charac- (Opie 2008). Adding gender to the analysis, Boris teristics. Androgyny is therefore asserted as a form (1998:96) argues that African American women of survival; a way to make oneself safe or non- were to present themselves as “neater, pleasanter, threating to exist peacefully in the world. Izod more cooperative than their white counterparts, to (1995) argues that Jackson’s continued perfor- make whites feel more comfortable around them”. mance of juvenile androgyny rendered his image To combat and surpass racist sentiments imposed palatable for a variety of consumers. In this vein, upon Black male and Black female bodies, African African Americans employed androgyny as a Americans embraced the trope of the human method of survival, in an effort to contest stereo- motor in a particularly androgynous, hyper-mech- types of hypersexuality perpetuated by racist agen- anized way. The trope or theory of the human das. In “An Investigation of Sex-Role Stereotypes motor, based in scientific materialism, remodeled in African Americans”, Lennell R. Dade and the human body into the effigy of a productive, Lloyd R. Sloan (2000) argue that the aesthetic of working machine, and revolutionized ideas of androgyny present in African American culture labor power (Rabinbach 1992). African American has deeper ancestral roots. They assert that “just work was scrutinized more intently than white as Africans see unity in the constructive and work—African American work was impeccable to destructive forces existing in the universe, they also be acceptable. Sexualization of African American see masculinity and femininity as existing apposi- bodies was such that performances of androgyny tionally in the individual” (Dade and Sloan became defense mechanisms for both men and 2000:678). These scholars contend that androgyny women in the context of factory work. Traversing exists in African American culture as part of the from sex to labor, the critical importance of inter- conception that there is a holistic nature to all

Maya Stovall 3 humans. Furthermore, the scholars problematize bodies, and race” (1998: 79-80). White men who the fact that the majority of academic writing on perceived the presence of black men in the work- African American concepts of gender is written place as a social or economic threat would present from a Eurocentric perspective (Dade and Sloan black men’s sexuality as a threat to white women 2000). The problem with this is that to view Afri- (Boris 1998). Indeed, racist paranoia surrounding canist cultural structures through Eurocentric per- contact between white women and black men led spectives and in comparison to European values to violence in the workplace and in public spaces will result in a failure to understand cultural varia- such as city buses (Boris 1998). I argue that per- tion (Dade and Sloan 2000). Moreover, contempo- formed androgyny on the part of black men was a rary anthropology must struggle continuously to strategy to present oneself as non-threatening in liberate itself from the ethnocentric lens through order to avoid retribution such as the violence which cultures have historically been analyzed Boris describes. (Erickson and Murphy 2013). In “Monster Metaphors: Notes on Michael CAPITALISM, WORK, AND AFRICAN Jackson’s Thriller”, Kobena Mercer argues that AMERICAN VERNACULAR TECHNOLOGY within the popular African American music scene THROUGH DANCE of the late-twentieth century, Jackson’s androgy- In analyzing African American dance expressions, nous performances were able to question the sex- it is important to note that dance scholarship has role stereotyping of African American men. This been relatively neglected compared to other per- stereotyping presented African American men as forming art forms of the twentieth century. Brenda sexually aggressive and replete with machismo. Dixon Gottschild (1996:10) writes that “the pivotal Mercer (1993) contends that Jackson’s perfor- role of dance has been trivialized while other per- mances are pleasingly insurrectionary in that they forming arts (music, in particular) have been the challenge sexualized stereotypes mentioned previ- focus of print documentation and scholarly ously. Where did the need to subvert these sexual attention.” Kendra Unruh (2011) asserts that the stereotypes emerge? I would argue that struggles majority of previous scholarship concerning the to circumvent the negative stereotype of Black sex- swing era neglects the critical contributions of uality were both economically and socially based. dance. Social dance was a tool by which working Due to the racist work environment, it was class African Americans could challenge the domi- more difficult for African Americans to gain equal nant cultural milieu and expectations/disciplining protection at work. This impacted African of black bodies (Unruh 2011). The relationship American women profoundly. The idea that between bodies, work, and capitalism is manifested African American women could better ensure pro- in social and theatrical dance (Franko 2002; Kraut tection from unwanted sexual advances through 2006). Through the lens of dance, we are able performances of respectability is asserted by to observe performance-centered relationships Megan Taylor Shockley (2003) and Evelyn Brooks between individual agency and political forces Higginbotham (1992). In “African-American (Hancock 2013). In relation to the Lindy Hop, Women’s History and the Metalanguage of Race”, Unruh (2011:214) argues that “Black, working- Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham (1992) asserts that class women not only found solace and escape in early to mid-twentieth century black women, in dancing but also a means to resist expectations for compensating for racist attacks upon black sexual- their race, class, and gender.” Related, according ity, recast their sexuality through its absence and to Judith Hamera (2010:756), “Jackson’s repeated perdu. Although African American women’s labor references to the burdens of his childhood and the was extracted and commodified, Brooks Higginbo- image of the sharecropper, albeit disavowed, tham contends, the fields of power and race/class underscore the black body’s very specific and inti- domination abnegated black women of the right mate relationship to oppressive regimes of work.” to their own sexuality. African American men African American expressions of modern aesthetics experienced a related, yet different, manifestation have reflected the influence of industrialization of the socially constructed stereotypes imposed and technological advancements and in particular upon black people. In “You Wouldn’t Want One have manifested in the world of dance (Rogers of ‘Em Dancing with Your Wife: Racialized 1998). This is due in part to the exclusion of black Bodies on the Job in World War II”, Eileen Boris people from traditional modes of technological writes that “those who defended segregation and expression on the basis of both race and class. dreaded social equality also associated sexuality, The patent racism of the late nineteenth century

4TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) culminated with the Plessy v. Ferguson decision in Fouche (2006:641) theorizes that “Black ver- 1896 which legalized and required segregation in nacular technological creativity is characterized public places. Although African American inven- by innovative engagements with technology based tors, engineers, and technologists existed, the racist upon black aesthetics.” Where Dinerstein pro- and systematically oppressive cultural milieu poses that African Americans engaged in the per- would not allow broad African American partici- formance of Africanist-informed expressions of pation in technological systems-building (Fouche technology through anthropomorphic representa- 2006). A renowned black inventor of the time, tions of machines and motors, Fouche (2006:642) Granville Woods, worked to create locomotive extends the theory to include direct African railway systems, for instance, and experienced American engagement with technological material institutionalized racism in the technical body poli- culture through “redeployment, reconnection, and tic (Fouche 2006). By developing their own cul- re-creation.” According to Fouche (2006), the tural technologies through the creation of dances concepts of redeployment, reconnection, and re- African Americans are able to claim a unique site creation refer to the ways in which African of technological vernacular that they uniquely own Americans modify, appropriate, and use technol- and control. African American cultural technologi- ogy in culturally innovative applications. I argue cal vernacular refers to the particular artistic and that these concepts also apply to the manner in aesthetic creativity representative of African Amer- which the aesthetics of mechanization and ican engagement in the interplay between the androgyny grew directly from racialized experi- socio-cultural milieu, modes of expression, and ences of industrial labor. technological advances.4 African American workers of the twentieth Despite African Americans’ critical role in century fed the industrial machine. African Amer- building and being American technology from ican men in the early twentieth century were sub- the sixteenth through nineteenth century as ject to a particular sort of workplace abuse that enslaved persons and later as factory workers, centered around what historian George Lipsitz African Americans have been largely excluded (1981) has referred to as being guided by “the from conversations around technology as Ameri- connections between masculine self-affirmation, can culture. Amiri Baraka (1965) writes that the racial identities, and control over women.” At the impact of technology on African American lives same time, the mechanization and tempo of has been largely ignored, while paradoxically, industrialized life required a much faster process- technology has been credited with increasing ing, digestion, and expulsion of these harsh social quality of life for all Americans. Dinerstein realities for African Americans generally. Accord- (2003:22) provides insight on this idea by refer- ing to Boris (1998), at the beginning of the end ring to the modern aesthetics present in twentieth of the reconstruction era and the re-establishment century art forms as “survival technology.” In, of European American control of the former “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud: African Confederate, sexualized stereotypes provided a Americans, American Artifactual Culture, and modality of sustenance for White racism. Demon- Black Vernacular Technological Creativity,” strating the impact of stereotypes on African Rayvon Fouche extends Dinerstein’s theory American daily life, Boris states that sexualized which is informed by the hypothesis of Mikhail stereotypes were deployed to justify mob violence, M. Bahktin (1981) dialogic theory of language, including brutal lynchings against African by demonstrating how African Americans shape Americans. their own technological expressions and networks Moreover, demands to overcome workplace through creativity and innovation.5 Fouche stereotypes for African Americans threatened the (2006:658) further argues the “need to reassess financial well-being of individuals, families, and and expand our study of technology to examine communities (Boris 1998). In Detroit, workers how racially marginalized people, such as African were organizing directly in struggle with the racist Americans, interact with technology and how plant environment. Workers of political groups technology mediates multiple African American problematized capitalism as needing racism in experiences with racism. To address African order to function (Thompson 2001). In terms of Americans and technology, we must think about daily life, the racist factory work environment dis- the ways in which black people understand and cussed by Boris, Lipsitz, and Unruh, caused Black experience race and racism - important realities people to enact workplace survival performances. of everyday black existence.” These survival performances were characterized by

Maya Stovall 5 exceeding, challenging, and/or contesting racist aesthetics are often incorrectly broad-brushed as stereotypes. With actions in the workplace, Afri- including hypersexualized bodily rhetoric, the can Americans enacted survival performances of Lindy Hop was different. The overt lack of sexual androgyny and hypermechanization, positioning connection between the dance partners simply themselves simultaneously as both excellent and could not be ignored, even by dance critics uniniti- non-threatening. Through intracultural transmis- ated to Africanist dance aesthetics. sion, the survival performances of African Ameri- The dance critic Carl Van Vechten stated that can workers inspired the aesthetics of performers the Lindy Hop “Is not of sexual derivation, nor of both social dance and theatrical dance. Virtuo- does it incline its hierophants towards pleasures of sic performers in social and theatrical dance forms the flesh...these couples barely touch each other, exemplified the aesthetics involved in survival per- bodily speaking...and each may dance alone, if he formances in black factory work. A review of criti- feels the urge...It is Dionysian, if you like...but it cal performers of the mid-to-late twentieth century is not erotic” (1974:40). This asexual description will allow further analysis of these survival perfor- of the Lindy Hop provided by a white dance critic mances’ impact on dance aesthetics. of the early-20th century represented a relatively novel conception of an African American art THE LINDY HOP AS POSSIBILITY form. The so-called uncontrolled sexuality and The Lindy Hop, based in the African American aes- lack of self-control associated with rhythmic thetics of hot and cold, high affect and low affect phrasing prevented a number of scholars and his- juxtaposition identified by Dixon-Gottschild torians from recognizing the artistic merit of jazz (1996), was a human expression of the machine- and (Dinerstein 2003). Van Vechten’s based labor of industrialization. Dinerstein argues ability to distinguish the aesthetics of the Lindy that the Lindy Hop was able to “reenergize Hop as being “asexual” is notable. Without train- Machine Age human bodies” (2003:251) through ing in Africanist dance forms or aesthetics, many the incorporation of machine age aesthetics into the art critics of the early twentieth century were dance’s character. Even the name of the dance, the known to relegate Black music and dance aesthet- Lindy Hop, drew on mechanical lore. The Lindy ics to expressions of sexuality. Paul Whiteman, a Hop is said to be named after American aviator Euro American bandleader of the 1920s, claimed Charles Lindbergh, for Lindbergh’s non-stop solo that he transformed jazz into a lady7 through his flight across the Atlantic, traveling from Roosevelt appropriation of African American aesthetics and Field on Long Island to Le Bourget Field in France infusion of Euro American aesthetics (Whiteman (Dinerstein 2003). The notion of naming a social and McBride 1974). Whiteman’s gendered state- dance created and performed by working-class ment is not accidental in relation to the cultural African Americans after a wealthy white man is milieu of the early to mid twentieth century. Both oddly appropriate within the Eurocentric sociocul- male and female African American bodies were tural milieu of the 1920s and 1930s. Although Afri- objectified and stereotyped as untamed, hyper can Americans were creators of technological sexed, and uncontrollable. Whiteman’s claim that culture and arguably the most critical innovators of he “made a lady” of this raw and uninhibited aesthetics of modernity, African Americans were woman that was jazz, directly quotes the misogy- also systematically excluded from the privileged nistic and racist world-view permeating 1920s and realms of technology and industry. The Lindy Hop 1930s America—in the arts and in the factories. It represented an ideal modality that would allow was within this charged landscape that the Lindy African American participation in the corporeality Hop emerged as a technological artistic innovation. of technology creation. When it burst on the dance scene in the 1930s, HABITUS AND THE LINDY HOP writhing, bounding, shaking, and whirling with Pierre Bourdieu (1990, 2000) and Lisa Wade (2011) mechanized force and stylized air moves, the Lindy indicate that the habitus is a primarily subconscious Hop, was quickly anointed by thea- shaping of bodies, aesthetics, and thinking that trical critics as an absolute must-see. In fact, the happens over time. Quite literally, this theory Lindy Hop was so popular that it was integral in claims that social configurations become lodged initiating the as a national tourist within and concretized by the human body (Wade destination for whites, and the dance was even per- 2011, Lo€ıc Wacquant 2014). The Lindy Hop was formed to sold-out crowds in Madison Square an ideal site for the habitus of the factory and the Garden (Dinerstein 2003). Although Africanist6 survival mechanisms African Americans created to

6TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) be embodied. Dancers of the Lindy Hop were unfolds in an eight-count pattern. The feet move directly instructed to embody a certain degree of two steps on counts one and two, three steps on androgyny and to avoid use of gendered-binary counts three and four, a single step each for five corporeal movement (Wade 2011). and six, and another triple step for the seven and African American Lindy Hoppers of the eight counts. The partners alternate between an 1920s–1940s made the combinations look utterly open position in which the leader holds in their effortless according to dance historian and white left hand the follower’s right hand (the other lindy hopper Ernie Smith. Effortless may have hands are open and free) and a closed waltz posi- been the impression, but the racist world-view of tion where the leader’s right hand is on the waist the historic period did not allow for such of the follower, and the follower’s left hand is on description. Detroit’s 1943 race riot reportedly the leader’s shoulder blade. The uptempo nature stemmed from White rage surrounding a simple, of the eight count based combinations and the brief dance on a public bus. The importance of quick partner alignment switches require both the contestation of ownership of public spaces dancers to be ready to lead or to follow on a (Newman 2013) is made pellucid through a dime. According to Dinerstein, Americans relied dance encounter turned fatal (Boris 1998). on dance during the swing era to “reclaim the According to a government report, while on a human body as a site of joy and human power, of public transportation bus leaving Belle Isle a athletic and aesthetic display” (2003:253). The aes- White woman who had been drinking declared thetics of androgyny and mechanized precision “I want to dance!” When a young Black man8 framed so directly by African Americans in the sitting nearby obliged her and began dancing on Lindy Hop represented the delicate balance that the bus, the White men riding the bus forced the they were required to strike to survive racist fac- bus driver to pull over and proceeded to throw tory conditions. Analyzing the Lindy Hop perfor- the Black man over the Belle Isle bridge railing, mances of swing dance icons Frankie Manning into the river, which was approximately a one and Norma Miller provide a closer look at aes- hundred-foot drop (Catledge 1943). Sonorously, thetics in action. the androgyny and mechanized precision of the In the 1941 film, Hellzapoppin’, a number of Lindy Hop would not have been sufficient to members of the troupe, Whitey’s Lindy Hoppers, dulcify the ardently racist bus riders in this case. led the swing dance scenes. Two of the most capti- Whether it was the Lindy Hop or another social vating members were Frankie Manning and dance that the young man and woman per- Norma Miller, legends in the swing dance world. formed before the young man’s death, we do not One particular scene provides an amazing display know. However, it was this racialized history of precise, androgynous virtuosity. The band has that gave birth to the second generation of set the scene with a jam session, and the drums androgyny and technological precision embodied take over. As the drums reach a high point, in African American aesthetics, which I argue is Manning and Miller launch into a breathtaking personified by Michael Jackson. The first genera- rendition of the lindy. Slender legs whirling and tion of androgyny reflected in the Lindy Hop is arms flying, it is all about timing. The movements characterized by a transformation of the human of each partner are completely dependent upon body to a moving singleton which is neither male the other partner: one mistake could shut the nor female. Still, the male/female partner nature whole line down, as autoworkers say. Manning of the Lindy reflects a degree of gender-role can- flips Miller over his back, in the next moment she ning. In the second generation of androgyny, the propels through this legs and flips yet again to human literally is transmuted into a genderless stand on her feet again. Stressing the androgyny machine. There is no reliable presence of gen- inherent to the Lindy Hop, the women also lift dered partnering (performances are solo, group, and flip the men frequently and with ease. The use and pairings of all genders occur), and technol- of mechanics and physics here is undeniable: the ogy is central to the androgyny. In Michael slender women are outweighed by their dance Jackson’s performances, the role of digitization, partners, yet they are able to use the hyper mecha- machine-age references, and the cyborging of the nized movements and timing to make lifts happen body through androgyny is resonant. easily. The dance partners routinely release and Turning back to androgynous representations rejoin hands, shift from floor movements to air of machinery in the Lindy Hop, we observe the movements, and invoke a variety of movement technical format of the step itself. The basic lindy styles into the eight-count pattern. Slick, sharp

Maya Stovall 7 moves alternate with flowing movement combina- son’s inspiration for mechanized, androgynous tions, again, indicative of the start and stop char- aesthetics emerged in large part from his Gary, acter of the assembly line. This dynamic can be Indiana roots in which his father Joseph Jackson seen also in the 1947 concert performance of Fran- was employed as a steel mill worker. Quite kie Manning’s own Congaroos dance troupe. literally, Motown, where Jackson spent time As the Congaroos take to the stage, the developing his skills, was modeled by its founder jubilation of the dancers is palpable. Here, we Berry Gordy (who was a former auto worker with see the importance of the dance as an escape. Ford Motor Company) as an assembly line which The Congaroos are dressed in tropical whites, would produce top quality music stars, in part play- and a single palm tree decorates the stage. Two ing offof the way that Ford produced cars (Smith couples perform in unison, literally an assembly 2001). Gordy’s combination of his own family’s line of movement. Each couple’s movement are business savvy (plus a family loan) with the Ford- intra-dependent, but to succeed, all movements based concept of production led to an innovative on stage must be synchronized. This hypermech- model for producing artistic talent during the anization of labor, in which one motion is Motown era. But before coming to Detroit and dependent upon another set of motions, does entering the Motown milieu, Jackson’s Gary roots indeed raise the stakes. The “pressure to had already given him an industrial pedigree. perform” is increased when another person (or Due to his industrial roots, Michael Jackson assembly line station) is awaiting another action understood on a deep and embodied level the need to move forward. Turning to the Congaroos, we for escape felt by African American workers. In see these ideas in motion. the autobiographical text, Moonwalk, Micheal The men leap over the women, lift them with Jackson expressed that “a part of my earliest ease, and then two-step side by side. The androg- memories is my father’s job working in the steel ynous partnering bears attention. While the cos- mill. It was tough, mind-numbing work and he tumes are gendered (the women of the Congaroos played music for escape” (Jackson 1988:8). If emo- wear short, frilly white dresses, and the men, tions are repressed at work, there must be an white linen slacks and shirts) the same cannot be escape in which these emotions are allowed to flow said for the dance moves themselves. The shifting freely. Michael Jackson’s transcendence and back and forth from a partnered style to an indi- embodiment of the African American experience vidual style shows the play of gender roles and provide an ideal vehicle for exactly this. the dialectic exchange between Africanist and Watching concert fan footage leading up to the European social dance idioms. The women exhi- 1984 New York City Victory Tour stop, it is clear bit just as much athletic prowess as the men, and in the fans’ euphoric comments that Michael Jack- their movements are equally virtuosic. The elabo- son’s awareness of this need for escape, and more- rate spins, jumps, slides, and lifts happen as a over, the escape offered by Michael Jackson’s result of both precise mechanization and tightly performances, is central to his appeal. When synchronized order of events. As we look at the Jackson begins his performance of Billy Jean at the Lindy Hop, a dance manifesting and alleviating 1984 Victory Tour Concert, the entire mood in the intense factory culture of African Americans, the stadium changes. It is as though Jackson we observe the makings of an innovative dance has the ability to literally turn the air electric. His genre that exemplifies and exceeds human limita- sharp and percussive attacks channel the specialized tions and possibilities. Moving forward in the job function of an individual on the assembly line; twentieth century to the Michael Jackson era, we while his smooth moves evoke the perfect function- see these aesthetics morph and evolve. ing of an assembly line operating in totality. He is an individual worker and an entire assembly line, SUPERHUMAN/SUPRAHUMAN all at once. The electric start and stop movements Building on the tradition of the suprahuman of Michael Jackson’s dancing, inspired by mecha- (exuding and exceeding the ultimate in human nized factory lines worked by his father and Berry potential) precision and androgynous aesthetics of Gordy, provides viewers with an escape that con- the Lindy Hop, Michael Jackson’s performances nects and pays homage to the physical experience are informed with technological, industrial aesthet- of working on an assembly line. ics. Extending the analysis of the presence of At the Motown 25 Concert of 1983, tears factory-fueled African American aesthetics of stream down the faces of fans as Jackson gets to a modernity in contemporary era, I argue that Jack- vocal crescendo in Billy Jean. After belting out the

8TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) bridge lyrics, Jackson jumps up and down in jubila- ated glomming of the pelvic region, adding to an tion for a few seconds, then becomes completely overall androgynous picture). still. After stillness comes an electrifying, iconic The Jackson’s 1984 Victory Tour was histori- movement combination—it is a gliding, smooth cally significant for a number of reasons. The tour motion, powerful, mechanized, perfectly synchro- represented the last time the full Jackson band nized with the pulsing beat. Jackson’s loafers eat (formerly known as the Jackson Five) appeared in up the floor and his neck stretches forward with concert with Michael Jackson. The event was also elegance and soul as he floats backwards in the largest grossing concert tour to that date, gener- space. The movement is so natural, so easy, and ating approximately $75 million. At the time, at the same time the precision of the steps and Michael Jackson’s hit Thriller was at the top of all the cleanliness of the phrasing are clearly not of the popular music charts; it was clear Jackson “easy” to execute. Yes, this is the first official was the star responsible for attracting the world- introduction of Jackson’s now world famous wide attention the Victory Tour received. Jackson Moonwalk dance move. had grabbed hold of the public and was pulling Michael Jackson’s perfected Moonwalk dance them on a sojourn through his innovative perfor- can be understood as a metaphor for the pursuit mance. of excellence. In working to exceed expectations When Michael Jackson performed the 1993 and in becoming a world famous pop star, Halftime Show at Super Bowl XXVII, he was the Jackson was turned into a human machine. A first internationally renowned performer to do so. product of capitalism and assembly line precision, Indeed, Jackson’s 1993 appearance set the prece- Jackson mastered the art of perfect execution, dent of top popular music acts headlining the flawless timing, and hypermechanization that per- Super Bowl Halftime Show. formers today continue to seek. It was January 31 in Pasadena, California. It Factory work in the mid-to-late twentieth cen- was Super Bowl XXVII and the Buffalo Bills were tury represented one of the most lucrative ways in up against the Dallas Cowboys. Michael Jackson which Americans and others of lower-to-middle has been booked to perform the entire halftime economic class status could earn a decent living. show. This represents the start of a trend which However, if one is unable to gain acceptance in has continued to present day of signing top per- the workplace due to stereotypes, conflicts of a formers to increase Super Bowl viewers. So here variety of degrees will occur and economic benefits we are—packed stadium, attendance of 98,374, may be challenged. Turning to Michael Jackson’s when Michael Jackson takes the stage. monumental, late twentieth century, ongoing per- With resplendent graphics that must have been formance of androgyny, it is possible to gain even futuristic in 1993 Michael Jackson emerges, larger more of a sense of how androgyny represented an than life, on what must be a 100-foot screen. Omi- aesthetic of opportunity and an aesthetic of tran- nous synthesizer plays, an electronic music sym- scendence, and as such was developed by African phony promising the high-tech performance to Americans as a form of survival. Although come. Jackson’s wearing a glittering black and Michael Jackson never worked in a factory, his gold military style jacket, a pair of slick and sleek working class, Gary, Indiana pedigree, and his fitted black pants, white sport socks and dress experience growing up a steel worker’s son appor- shoes, a single white glove, dark aviator sun- tioned him an understanding of African American glasses, and his hair is streaming in loose curls industrial labor experiences. Mechanization and around his face. Before we can understand what’s androgyny were critical to these experiences. happening, he appears to be launched from inside Extending the importance of androgyny in the big screen where he was posing, by completing Jackson’s career, it is important to note Jackson’s a series of innumerable, perfectly executed turns, status as MTV’s first African American crossover to the top of the screen. Literally, the human artist (achieving tremendous popularity amongst Michael Jackson is birthed, on top of the screen, viewers of all ethnic backgrounds) in relation to by the digital Michael Jackson’s hyper mechanized his performance of an androgynous aesthetic. turns. The dialogue of human performance and Known for long hair, streamlined clothing, and technology is placed on center stage. The audience falsetto exclamations, Jackson presented a non- loves it; goes crazy. This sequence happens two threatening, androgynous (if not feminine) picture more times, with Jackson’s image being catapulted of an African American man’s sexuality (feminine from the screen, birthing his human body onto expressions were at times balanced by a punctu- stages around the stadium. Jackson is time-

Maya Stovall 9 traveling; Jackson is flying. He is bending techno- in life, including his own father’s and family’s, logy and human capability even before his show and the expansion of capitalism across global begins. The final launch lands Jackson stage cen- markets. This article argued the significant role ter, ready to perform. of African American technological vernacular in All 98,374 people are screaming wildly, cheer- shaping critical aesthetics of modernity aptly ing and clapping, non-stop, as Jackson stands up reflected in modern social and popular concert from his landing. His lean, lithe body is com- dance. Further, this article addressed the gap pletely still, but visibly ready, like a cat arching its which has been identified (Brown 2004; Dickson- back preparing for a fight, or a sprinter lifting Carr 2013; Dinerstein 2003; Robinson 2010) in their hips preparing for the starter’s gun. Jackson crediting African American cultural technology holds the crowd with his pure presence. As the with development of critical aesthetics of moder- next minute passes, the crowd’s screams and nity. The aesthetics of androgyny and mechaniza- cheers intensify as the anticipation builds. He tion central to American modernity directly holds the crowd, his body completely motionless, emerged from African Americans through perfor- electrifying the stadium. The power of Jackson’s mative survival culture in the factories, on the presence, temporality, and his body in this space is assembly lines, in the trenches of industrializa- center stage for over a minute. Then suddenly, he tion. These aesthetics were then molded and snaps into motion with a turn of the head so shaped by the African American artists of the sharp and precise that it’s like a dart being thrown respective eras: Louis Armstrong, Duke Elling- squarely onto a bullseye. The show begins; the ton, Josephine Baker, Katherine Dunham, Ella crowd intensifies. To watch Michael Jackson per- Fitzgerald, Frankie Manning, Norma Miller, form at the height of his fame in this concert is to Michael Jackson, amongst others. Through sur- watch a master at work. Fully possessing a rare vival performances necessary to subvert the struc- virtuosity, Jackson is all angles, precise moves, a tural violence and institutionalized oppression dialogue of ease and tension, flowing androgynous present in industrial labor, African Americans poetry in motion. He embodies gendered mascu- developed cultural technology that directly line power in one moment with a fast two-feet shaped social and theatrical dance. These contri- spin, and is marked by the gendered feminine in butions continue to evolve to this day. In recog- the next moment with a soprano utterance of nizing the powerful effects of African American pleasure. Jackson’s performances of the 1980s and experiences of industrial labor and capitalism on early 1990s represented desired qualities of indus- the aesthetics of modernity, we observe both the trial efficiency, speed, productivity, and the sur- reality of racism and the possibilities of cultural mounting of physical fatigue (Hamera 2012). alchemy. Simultaneously, Jackson’s performances were a recognition of the close relationship between African American aesthetics and industrialization. Maya Stovall Hamera asserts that through his virtuoso dance Maya Stovall’s research centers on performance; performances Jackson “reminded his audiences dance; race/ethnicity; gender; urban marginality & that this motor was ‘ful of color’ all along: perfor- classification struggles; cities & urban spaces; and matively tricking back on the racist exclusions of Detroit. Stovall’s dissertation project, Liquor black workers from the promises and rewards of Store Theater, stages dance performances in the industrialization by drawing on tropes of African sidewalks surrounding Detroit party stores as a American performances going back a hundred point of departure for ethnographic encounters on years” (2012:762). city streets. www.mayastovall.com. Cultural Anthropology, Wayne State University, 3019 CONCLUSION FAB, 656 W. Kirby, Detroit, MI, 48202; The relationships between industrialization, tech- [email protected] nological advance, racism, and African American aesthetics and modernity are deep and interwo- ven. The Lindy Hop evolved to combat racial stereotypes and release the tensions caused by ACKNOWLEDGMENTS factory work. Later in the century, Michael Jack- The author wishes to thank Alex B. Hill, Barry J. son emerged from high octane virtuosity fueled Lyons, and Andrew D. Newman, Wayne State by the struggles of black people in factories and University, for their comments.

10 TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) Finally, the author’s thanks are extended to artistic aesthetics. An extended discussion of direct the anonymous peer reviewers at Transforming engagement of technological material is not within Anthropology as well as the editors and staff. the scope of this particular paper. 5. Bakhtin’s (1981) dialogic theory of language argues that all language is in dialogue (present, NOTES past, and/or future) with other language. In other 1. Historians, dance scholars, art critics, words, language only exists in dialogue with other anthropologists, sociologists, philosophers, and language. Dinerstein (2003) applies this idea to many others have devised categories of ‘modern’, African American culture creation in the swing ‘post-modern’, and ‘contemporary’ historical peri- era. ods. Also, the term ‘modernity’, coined by 6. Africanist aesthetics are defined by dance Charles Baudelaire in the 1864 essay, “The Pain- scholar and historian Brenda Dixon-Gottschild ter of Modern Life” has been employed widely (1996) as a collection of aesthetics blending Afri- to refer to the experience of industrializing city can and African American cultural metalanguage. life. In this article, the term, ‘modern’, refers to Dixon-Gottschild outlines qualities of “the cool,” both the general historical period (broadly, the opposition of forces (such as fast/slow, melan- late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century) and choly/joyous), polyrhythm, and vibrancy as central the associated aesthetics; ‘post-modern’ refers to to Africanist aesthetics and the Africanist presence the mid-twentieth to the late-twentieth century; in dance. These Africanist aesthetics, of course, and ‘contemporary’, refers to early twenty-first are so influential that they have become integrated century to present day. These terms dovetail in into American aesthetics. It should be mentioned meaning and application depending upon the that the term Africanist has been reconnoitred by particular context and the author acknowledges additional scholars. Toni Morrison (1992) has the complexities. written of the Africanist presence in literature in 2. It should be acknowledged that African the fiction of Cather, Hemmingway, and Poe, for American experiences, like the experiences of any instance. Depending on the context, definitions, cultural or socio-political group, are not mono- geographies, and qualities of the Africanist will lithic. African Americans during the nineteenth range. In this article, Africanist aesthetics follow and twentieth centuries of course also resided in the literature established by Dixon-Gottschild with rural locales and worked in agriculture, for respect to dance. instance, amongst innumerable other residences 7. In addition to the Paul Whiteman historic and occupations. This article deals with a partic- quote, it is worth noting that the phrase “made a ular slice of urban, industrial life experiences of lady of jazz” has been also attributed to renowned African Americans during the modern era, and educator and conductor Walter Damrosch. Dam- the way that these particular experiences have rosch is said to have quipped that “Gershwin has shaped modern aesthetics and continue to shape made a lady out of jazz” (Armitage 1938:189). contemporary aesthetics today. 8. The black man was referred to as a boy in 3. Cultural technology refers in this article to the quotation, leading one to question whether he the development, creation, and application of ori- was a minor under the age of 18, or whether the ginal, culturally-based art forms (in this case, detractory use of “boy” was employed. dance styles). The dance forms serve a practical purpose and are based on ‘engineering’ and/or REFERENCES CITED ‘machining’ of the human body which represents Baraka, Imamu Amiri. technological advance. This is also related to 1965 Technology & Ethos. Raise, Race, Rays, Raze: Essays dance technique, of course. In this case, I am dis- Since 1965. New York, NY: Random House. cussing cultural technology along the lines of Bakhtin, Mikhail M. 1981 The dialogic imagination: Four essays by MM Bakhtin. Amiri Baraka (1965) and Fouche (2006) M. Holquist, Ed.; C. Emerson & M. Holquist, Trans. 4. It should be noted that Fouche rightly argues Austin: University of Texas Press. that more scholarship should be directed toward Boris, Eileen 1998 “You Wouldn’t Want One of’Em Dancing With Your African American engagement with the actual Wife”: Racialized Bodies on the Job in World War II. forms and materials of technology itself. This article American Quarterly 50(1):77–108. does not intend to diminish that goal, rather, it is Boyle, Kevin 1997 The Kiss: Racial and Gender Conflict in a 1950s Auto- focused on understanding the human body in rela- mobile Factory. The Journal of American History 84 tion to systems of oppression, the machine age, and (2):496–523.

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12 TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(1) “The Jacksons - Victory Tour New York 1984 (Full Concert),” “ Congaroos Featuring Frankie Manning,” YouTube video, YouTube video, 1:25:46, posted by “MJHumbertoV”, November 2:26, posted by “Savoy Hop,” June 12, 2013, https://www.you- 18, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TZps5yxum04. tube.com/watch?v=Bv71UziaMTM.

“Hellzapoppin’ (1941 - d.i. H.C. Potter) ITA,” YouTube video, “Hellzapoppin’ (1941) - Whitey’s Lindy Hoppers w/ Dancers’ 1:16:56, posted by “Nonsonocretino1”, February 5, 2012, https:// Names,” YouTube video, 3:00, posted by “SwingcatVB,” August www.youtube.com/watch?v=nMG3RRCKoBA. 10, 2012, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dSAOV6XEjXA.

Maya Stovall 13