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Discretion and the Reserve Powers of the Crown
Discretion and the Reserve Powers of the Crown Peter H. Russell The decision of Governor General Michaëlle Jean to grant prorogation when requested by Prime Minister Harper in 2008 and 2009 led to considerable debate among students of Parliament as to the discretionary power of a governor general to reject advice of a prime minister. This article agrees with those who believe that Mme Jean did not err in acting on those specific requests but rejects the idea that it would violate constitutional convention for a governor general to ever refuse such a request from a prime minister. It further argues that in the Westminster system the monarch or her representative, in exercising any of the Crown’s legal powers in relation to Parliament, retains the right to reject a prime minister’s advice if following that advice would be highly detrimental to parliamentary democracy. That rationale applies equally to prorogation and to dissolution. recent article by Nicholas MacDonald and scholars, that “in this democratic age, the head of state James Bowden1 quite rightly stressed that or her representative should reject a prime minister’s Ain the democratic age the reserve powers advice only when doing so is necessary to protect of the Crown should be rarely used. They say that parliamentary democracy.” Those words of mine are “most scholars” agree that it is only under the “most quoted, with what I take to be approval, by MacDonald exceptional circumstances” that the governor general and Bowden in their article. The justification for the may reject the prime minister’s advice. -
From Catalonia to California: Secession in Constitutional Law
GINSBURGFINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 4/25/2019 7:35 PM FROM CATALONIA TO CALIFORNIA: SECESSION IN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Tom Ginsburg & Mila Versteeg I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 925 II. IS THERE A RIGHT TO SECESSION? ...................................................................... 933 A. International Law .............................................................................................. 933 B. Constitutional Law ............................................................................................ 936 III. SECESSION IN THE WORLD’S CONSTITUTIONS: A GLOBAL OVERVIEW ........ 940 A. Constitutional Secession Clauses ......................................................................... 940 B. Related Constitutional Design Choices ............................................................... 943 IV. THE PURPOSES AND EFFECTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL SECESSION CLAUSES ................................................................................................................... 945 A. Negotiating Secession Clauses and Prohibitions ................................................... 945 B. Effects of Secession Clauses and Prohibitions ....................................................... 947 C. Design Options of Secession Clauses and Prohibitions ......................................... 949 1. Right to Secession ........................................................................................ 949 2. Prohibition of Secession .............................................................................. -
The Intermittent Sovereign
THE INTERMITTENT SOVEREIGN I MAX RADIN It is impossible to escape from Austin, or rather from Aristotle, for the whole history of Western civilization is saturated with the concept of the state or community as composed of one part which gives commands and another which obeys them. Few people have held that all states were in fact so organized or that the existing states were developed in order to effectuate this concept. But most of those who have seriously thought about state organization have thought about it in these terms and a good deal of our state machinery has been formed under the influence of people who were trained to think so. And again since Aristotle, a favorite way of classifying states has been on a quantitative basis in respect of those who issued commands. This power might be wielded by one person or a few persons or a great many persons and the state was in con- sequence a monarchy, an oligarchy, or a democracy. Plainly that is not the only way in which classification might be made. Instead of how many wielded this power, we might first of all ask what kind of persons, where they came from, and how they were selected. Or we might have in mind the purposes for which the power was exercised. All these classifications have in fact been used to some extent at different times. But however classified, the prevailing idea has nearly always been that the state is based on authority, that .its essential characteristic is the fact that, somewhere, some place, there are people who give orders and others who obey them. -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 10/02/2021 09:03:16PM Via Free Access Andrew Higson
1 5 From political power to the power of the image: contemporary ‘British’ cinema and the nation’s monarchs Andrew Higson INTRODUCTION: THE HERITAGE OF MONARCHY AND THE ROYALS ON FILM From Kenneth Branagh’s Henry V Shakespeare adaptation in 1989 to the story of the fi nal years of the former Princess of Wales, inDiana in 2013, at least twenty-six English-language feature fi lms dealt in some way with the British monarchy. 1 All of these fi lms (the dates and directors of which will be indi- cated below) retell more or less familiar stories about past and present kings and queens, princes and princesses. This is just one indication that the institution of monarchy remains one of the most enduring aspects of the British national heritage: these stories and characters, their iconic settings and their splendid mise-en-scène still play a vital role in the historical and contemporary experience and projection of British national identity and ideas of nationhood. These stories and characters are also of course endlessly recycled in the pre- sent period in other media as well as through the heritage industry. The mon- archy, its history and its present manifestation, is clearly highly marketable, whether in terms of tourism, the trade in royal memorabilia or artefacts, or images of the monarchy – in paintings, prints, fi lms, books, magazines, televi- sion programmes, on the Internet and so on. The public image of the monarchy is not consistent across the period being explored here, however, and it is worth noting that there was a waning of support for the contemporary royal family in the 1990s, not least because of how it was perceived to have treated Diana. -
Constitutional Crises
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 ________________ Formerly American Law Register ________________________ VOL. 157 FEBRUARY 2009 NO.3 ARTICLE CONSTITUTIONAL CRISES † †† SANFORD LEVINSON &JACK M. BALKIN [W]e must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding. [It is] a constitution, intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs. 1 McCulloch v. Maryland Among all the other Roman institutions, [the dictatorship] truly deserves to be considered and numbered among those which were the source of the greatness of † W. St. John Garwood and W. St. John Garwood, Jr. Centennial Chair in Law, University of Texas Law School; Professor of Government, University of Texas at Aus- tin. †† Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment, Yale Law School. We are extremely grateful to a number of law schools that gave us the oppor- tunity to present different versions of this Article while it was very much a work in pro- gress. In chronological order, they are the Georgetown University Law Center, the Michigan and Quinnipiac Law Schools, the Legal History Workshop at Harvard Law School, the University of Minnesota Law School, and Vanderbilt Law School. We also benefited from responses by Bruce Ackerman, Keith Whittington, Mark Tushnet, and Adrian Vermeule. 1 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 407, 415 (1819). (707) 708 University of Pennsylvania Law Review [Vol. 157: 707 such an empire, because without a similar system cities survive extraordinary cir- cumstances only with difficulty. The usual institutions in republics are slow to move . and, since time is wasted in coming to an agreement, the remedies for republics are very dangerous when they must find one for a problem that cannot wait. -
The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot
The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot MILES TAYLOR Editor OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS ’ THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION W B was born in Langport, Somerset, in , the son of a banker. After taking BA and MA degrees from University College London he studied for the bar, and was called in . However, he decided to return home and join his father’s bank, devoting his leisure to contributing literary, historical and political reviews to the leading periodicals of the s. In he returned to London, succeeding his father-in-law as editor and director of the Economist. Three books ensured Bagehot’s reputation as one of the most distinguished and influential Victorian men-of-letters: The English Constitution (), published at the height of the debate over parliamentary reform; Physics and Politics (), his application of Darwinian ideas to political science; and Lombard Street (), a study of the City of London. Walter Bagehot died in . M T is a Lecturer in Modern History at King’s College, London. He is the author of The Decline of British Radicalism, – (Clarendon Press, ) and is currently completing a biography of the last Chartist leader, Ernest Jones. ’ For almost years Oxford World’s Classics have brought readers closer to the world’s great literature. Now with over titles–– from the ,-year-old myths of Mesopotamia to the twentieth century’s greatest novels–– the series makes available lesser-known as well as celebrated writing. The pocket-sized hardbacks of the early years contained introductions by Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, Graham Greene, and other literary figures which enriched the experience of reading. -
The Big Picture - UK's Constitutional Crisis
The Big Picture - UK's Constitutional Crisis Introduction A defiant Boris Johnson hit back at the UK’s top judges and vowed to take the country out of the European Union next month, despite suffering an unprecedented legal defeat over his Brexit strategy in the highest court in the land. In a sweeping rebuke to the prime minister, Britain’s Supreme Court ruled that Johnson broke the law when he decided to suspend Parliament for five weeks in the run-up to the October 31 deadline for leaving the EU. He gave Queen Elizabeth II “unlawful" advice to pause the legislature and his decision wrecked the ability of Britain’s elected politicians to fulfill their crucial democratic role overseeing his government’s actions, the court found. Johnson said he would “obviously" respect the verdict, but retaliated immediately. Why is this happening? Both Johnson and his opponents in Parliament argue they’re carrying out the will of the electorate who voted in 2016 to leave the 28-nation bloc. The Prime Minister has vowed to exit the EU on Oct. 31 whether or not a transition agreement has been reached with Brussels, but a so-called “no-deal” divorce could plunge the country into chaos. Parliament has voted repeatedly to prevent that from happening. Yet, even though his party no longer commands a majority of seats in the House of Commons, Johnson has hinted he might ignore Parliament’s will and bolt from from the EU anyway. Why are people calling this a constitutional crisis? Britain doesn’t have a written constitution, relying instead on precedent and custom to steer its governance. -
The Reign and Reception of Queen Elizabeth II: a Post-Diamond-Jubilee Retrospect Vláda a Veřejné Vnímání Královny Alžběty II
Jihočeská univerzita v Českých Budějovicích Pedagogická fakulta Katedra anglistiky Bakalářská práce The Reign and Reception of Queen Elizabeth II: A Post-Diamond-Jubilee Retrospect Vláda a veřejné vnímání královny Alžběty II. v retrospekci po diamantovém výročí vlády Vypracovala: Markéta Pavlíčková ČJu-AJu-SZu Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Renata Janktová, M.A. České Budějovice 2021 Prohlašuji, že svoji bakalářskou práci jsem vypracovala samostatně pouze s použitím pramenů a literatury uvedených v seznamu citované literatury. Prohlašuji, že v souladu s § 47b zákona č. 111/1998 Sb. v platném znění souhlasím se zveřejněním své bakalářské práce, a to v nezkrácené podobě - v úpravě vzniklé vypuštěním vyznačených částí archivovaných pedagogickou fakultou elektronickou cestou ve veřejně přístupné části databáze STAG provozované Jihočeskou univerzitou v Českých Budějovicích na jejích internetových stránkách, a to se zachováním mého autorského práva k odevzdanému textu této kvalifikační práce. Souhlasím dále s tím, aby toutéž elektronickou cestou byly v souladu s uvedeným ustanovením zákona č. 111/1998 Sb. zveřejněny posudky školitele a oponentů práce i záznam o průběhu a výsledku obhajoby kvalifikační práce. Rovněž souhlasím s porovnáním textu mé kvalifikační práce s databází kvalifikačních prací Theses.cz provozovanou Národním registrem vysokoškolských kvalifikačních prací a systémem na odhalování plagiátů. V Českých Budějovicích dne …. Markéta Pavlíčková Abstract The bachelor thesis analyses the reign of Queen Elizabeth II from the perspective of public opinion in Great Britain. It identifies and assesses critical milestones during Queen Elizabeth II’s reign and their impact on her public image and reception. The thesis focuses on the critical milestones from the tragic death of Princess Diana till the last affairs in 2020. -
Is Law? Constitutional Crisis and Existential Anxiety
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2009 Is Law? Constitutional Crisis and Existential Anxiety Alice G. Ristroph Georgetown University Law Library, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 1473968 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/458 http://ssrn.com/abstract=1473968 25 Const. Comment. 431 (2008-2009) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons IS LAW? CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS AND EXISTENTIAL ANXIETY Alice Ristroph* To ask, "Is God?" appears to presuppose a being who perhaps isn't.. .and thus is open to the same objection as the question, "Does God exist?".. .but until the difficulty is pointed out it does not have the same propensity to confuse language with meaning and to conjure up a God who may have any number of predicates including omniscience, perfection and four-wheel-drive but not, as it happens, existence. - Tom Stoppard, Jumpers' [W]hereas the allotment of proper names rests only on an ad hoc convention, the extension of the general terms of any serious discipline is never without its principle or rationale .... When [it is asked], "We know that it is called law, but is it really law?", what is demanded-no doubt obscurely-is that the prin- ciple be made explicit and its credentials inspected. - H. L. A. Hart, The Concept of Law2 INTRODUCTION Scholars have raised (at least) two distinct specters of crisis in American constitutional law. -
1 the Right to Refuse Cabinet Advice As a Democratic Reform1 Tyler
1 The Right to Refuse Cabinet Advice as a Democratic Reform1 Tyler Chamberlain Trinity Western University, Langley BC [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2018 Canadian Political Science Association Conference in Regina, SK This is a draft. Please do not cite without permission of the author. 1 Note: This is a slightly different title than that in the 2018 CPSA program. 2 Abstract Recent years have seen a rise in interest and concern over the centralization of power in the Canadian Prime Minister’s Office. Politicians, journalists, and academics alike have decried the “elected” or “friendly” dictatorship into which the office of First Minister has transformed. This paper will review several of the solutions on offer before proposing and defending an alternative solution, namely strengthening the Crown’s right to refuse advice of First Ministers, under particular circumstances. This solution will be presented via the Constitutional Traditionalism of Eugene Forsey and John Farthing, two Canadian political thinkers whose arguments have been, I suggest, vindicated by recent experience. The final section will reflect on, and hopefully clarify, the tension between strengthening the power of unelected Governors General and the project of democratic reform. It will do this by reviewing some of the relevant literature on the potential conflict between the logic of electoral competition and the logic of good governance, including, but not limited to the work of Fukuyama (2014), Zakaria (1997, 2007), and Achen & Bartels (2016). I will conclude by suggesting that a proper conception of democratic reform in a Westminster system must not be reduced to merely increasing voter input, but must balance responsiveness to voters with the ability of the House of Commons to hold the Prime Minister and Cabinet to account. -
Constitutional Crisis in Ukraine: Looking for Solutions
No. 65 l March 2021 KENNAN CABLE The Constitutional Court of Ukraine, Kyiv, July 2020. Source: Pavelskyi Vladyslav/Shutterstock Constitutional Crisis in Ukraine: Looking for Solutions By Mikhail Minakov and William Pomeranz As the gatekeeper of the Ukrainian Constitution, were unconstitutional.1 In response, President Zelensky the Ukrainian Constitutional Court is no stranger to introduced legislation calling for the early termination of controversy. It often has to balance competing legal all Constitutional Court judges.2 Later, in December, he and political interests in determining whether legislation suspended the chairman of the Court for two months.3 complies with the country’s highest law. The principle The result was widespread chaos in Ukraine’s political of judicial review, however, comes with an implicit system. Zelensky’s actions were of questionable warning, namely not to abuse these sweeping powers legality and provoked harsh criticism from all political and do more harm than good. sides. The ramifications of the Court’s decision include Despite this longstanding admonition, the the cancellation of over 100 pending corruption Constitutional Court of Ukraine (CCU) recently plunged investigations, a development that potentially could the country into one of its deepest crises in its 30-year endanger future EU-Ukraine trade and economic history. Specifically, on October 27, 2020, the Court cooperation under the 2014 Association Agreement.4 declared that the main elements of Ukraine’s anti- Whether the various players in this drama (particularly corruption legislation, adopted between 2014 and 2020, President Zelensky; the chief of the presidential office, No. 65 l March 2021 KENNAN CABLE Andriy Yermak; the head of the CCU, Oleksandr these officials regarding any important acquisitions Tupitskyi; and Rada Speaker Dmitro Razumkov) and expenditures. -
Of Dissolution, Prorogation, and Constitutional Law, Principle and Convention: Maintaining Fundamental Distinctions During a Parliamentary Crisis
Of Dissolution, Prorogation, and Constitutional Law, Principle and Convention: Maintaining Fundamental Distinctions during a Parliamentary Crisis Warren J. Newman* 1. INTRODUCTION The preamble to the Constitution Act, 1867, declares that Canada is to have “a Constitution similar in Principle to that of the United Kingdom”, which thus in- cludes a constitutional monarchy and a system of parliamentary and responsible government. The law of the Constitution of Canada is to be found primarily in the provisions of the Constitution Acts, as well as the rules of the common law and the royal letters patent relating to the exercise of the Crown’s prerogatives. The con- ventions of the Constitution are rules of conduct, informed by principle and prece- dent, which govern the exercise of legal power by constitutional and political ac- tors. The distinction between the legal and the conventional rules of constitutional behaviour are fundamental to our system of government, as the conventional rules are not enforceable by the courts, since they are not rules of law. This distinction guides us, from the standpoint of the separation of powers, as to the appropriate role of the courts and the legitimate purview of constitutional judicial review. It also assists in delineating the boundaries of the competency of constitutional law- yers and other constitutional experts such as historians and political scientists, respectively. On September 7, 2008, the Governor General of Canada, Her Excellency Micha¨elle Jean, issued a proclamation dissolving the 39th Parliament. The dissolu- tion was on the advice of the Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Stephen Harper. The Governor General also signed the proclamation issuing election writs, which set the polling date for a general election to be held on October 14, as well as a proclamation summoning Parliament to meet in November.