September 10, 2001 His Excellency Assoumany Aboudou Minister Of

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September 10, 2001 His Excellency Assoumany Aboudou Minister of Finance, Budget and Privatization Ministry of Finance, Budget and Privatization Moroni Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros Re: Credit No.3563COM (Emergency Economic Recovery Credit) Development Credit Agreement (Article I, Section 1.01 (a) ) List of Participating Countries Excellency: We refer to the Development Credit Agreement (the Agreement) of even date herewith between the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros (the Borrower) and the International Development Association (the Association) and, more particularly, to the definition of "Participating Countries" to be found in Section 1.01 (a) thereof. We have to inform you that, for purposes of the Agreement, the following countries are not "Participating Countries" and, therefore, not eligible to supply goods and services under the Credit: The Bahamas, Bahrain, Brunei Darussalam, Cyprus, Oman, Qatar, Singapore and United Arab Emirates. This list of ineligible countries is in addition to the list of ineligible countries under paragraphs 1.6 and 1.8 of the "Guidelines for Procurement under IBRD Loans and IDA Credits" published by the Bank in January 1995 and revised in January and August 1996, September 1997 and January 1999 (the Guidelines). In accordance with the operational policies of the Association, the term "ineligible countries" applies both to the nationality of bidders, and to the source of goods and services provided. Please confirm your agreement to the foregoing by signing the enclosed copy of this letter and returning it to us for our records. Sincerely yours, INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION By /s/ Hafez Ghanem Acting Regional Vice President Africa CONFIRMED AND AGREED: ISLAMIC FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF THE COMOROS By /s/ Azali Assoumani Authorized Representative.

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Comoros Mission Notes
Peacekeeping_4.qxd 1/14/07 2:29 PM Page 109 4.5 Comoros The 2006 elections in the Union of the support for a solution that preserves the coun- Comoros marked an important milestone in the try’s unity. After Anjouan separatists rejected peace process on the troubled archipelago. New an initial deal in 1999, the OAU, under South union president Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed African leadership, threatened sanctions and Sambi won 58 percent of the vote in elections, military action if the island continued to pur- described by the African Union as free and fair, sue secession. All parties eventually acceded and took over on 27 May 2006, in the islands’ to the 2001 Fomboni Accords, which provided first peaceful leadership transition since 1975. for a referendum on a new constitution in The AU Mission for Support to the Elections in advance of national elections. the Comoros (AMISEC), a short-term mission The core of the current deal is a federated devoted to the peaceful conduct of the elections, structure, giving each island substantial auton- withdrew from Comoros at the end of May, hav- omy and a turn at the presidency of the union, ing been declared a success by the AU and the which rotates every four years. Presidential Comorian government. The Comoros comprises three islands: Grande Comore (including the capital, Moroni), Anjouan, and Moheli. Following independ- ence from France in 1975, the country experi- enced some twenty coups in its first twenty- five years; meanwhile, Comoros slid ever deeper into poverty, and efforts at administra- tive centralization met with hostility, fueling calls for secession and/or a return to French rule in Anjouan and Moheli.
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African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt.
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Formal Name: Union of the Comoros Short Name: Comoros Adjective: Comoran Capital: Moroni Government: Republic LAS Member Since: November 20Th, 1993
Formal Name: Union of the Comoros Short Name: Comoros Adjective: Comoran Capital: Moroni Government: Republic LAS Member since: November 20th, 1993 DEMOGRAPHICS Ethnicity Groups: Antalote, Cafre, Makoa, Independence Day: Oimatsaha, Sakalava July 6, 1975 Religions: Muslim 98%, Roman Catholic 2% Total Area: Languages: Arabic (official), French (official), 2,235 km² Shikomoro Population: Life Expectancy: 63.48 years 766,865 Median Age: 19.2 years Sex Ratio: 0.94 male/female Gross Domestic Product: Literacy Rate: 75.5% $911 million Military Spending: ECONOMY NA% of GDP Labor Force: 233,500 Unemployment Rate: 20% Poverty Rate: 60% Inflation: 2.5% Exports: $19.7 million (vanilla, ylang -ylang, cloves, copra) Imports: $208.8 million (rice and other foodstuffs, consumer goods, petroleum products, cement, transport equipment) 1912 Comoros becomes a French colony 1947 Comoros given representation in the French parliament 1961 Comoros given autonomy from France 1974 3 islands vote for independence; Mayotte votes to stay with France 1975 Comoros unilaterally declares independence, with Ahmed Abdallah as President Abdallah replaced by Prince Sai Mohammed Jaffar through coup 1976 Ali Soilih takes power, pushing for a secular, socialist republic 1978 Soilih toppled, Abdallah is restored to power 1990 Said Mohamed Djohar elected President 1996 Mohamed Abdulkarim Taki elected President; drafts a constitution establishing Islam as the basis of law 1997 The islands of Anjouan and Moheli declare independence from the Comoros 1998 Tadjidine Ben Said Massounde
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Towards a More United & Prosperous Union of Comoros
TOWARDS A MORE UNITED & PROSPEROUS Public Disclosure Authorized UNION OF COMOROS Systematic Country Diagnostic Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized ABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYMS i CPIA Country Policy and Institutional Assessment CSOs Civil Society Organizations DeMPA Debt Management Performance Assessment DPO Development Policy Operation ECP Economic Citizenship Program EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone EU European Union FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDP Gross Domestic Product GNI Gross National Income HCI Human Capital Index HDI Human Development Index ICT Information and Communication Technologies IDA International Development Association IFC International Finance Corporation IMF International Monetary Fund INRAPE National Institute for Research on Agriculture, Fisheries, and the Environment LICs Low-income Countries MDGs Millennium Development Goals MIDA Migration for Development in Africa MSME Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises NGOs Non-profit Organizations PEFA Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability PPP Public/Private Partnerships R&D Research and Development SADC Southern African Development Community SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SOEs State-Owned Enterprises SSA Sub-Saharan Africa TFP Total Factor Productivity WDI World Development Indicators WTTC World Travel & Tourism Council ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank members of the Comoros Country Team from all Global Practices of the World Bank and the International Finance Corporation, as well as the many stakeholders in Comoros (government authorities, think tanks, academia, and civil society organizations, other development partners), who have contributed to the preparation of this document in a strong collaborative process (see Annex 1). We are grateful for their inputs, knowledge and advice. This report has been prepared by a team led by Carolin Geginat (Program Leader EFI, AFSC2) and Jose Luis Diaz Sanchez (Country Economist, GMTA4).
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Petroleum in Comoros Islands 2004
PETROLEUM IN COMOROS ISLANDS 2004 1. POSSIBLE OIL RESERVES IN THE MOZAMBIQUE CHANNEL The small island republic of Comoros has no oil or gas production, either onshore or offshore. Its downstream oil industry is wholly dependent on refined petroleum products imported from Tanzania and other mainland African countries. The Comoros Ministry of Planning regulates the industry. Distribution and marketing of fuels products is carried out by the state owned oil company, Societe Comorienne des Hydrocarbures (SCH), the only oil company in the Comoros. The company owns 2 products storage depots. With a population of 585,000 people and an economy based largely on fishing and tourism, its consumption of petroleum products is small. Oil-derived products supply 91.5% of the islands' commercial energy needs. In 1999 Assoumani seized power in a coup. Limited democratic progress has being made in terms of an all-party agreement signed in February 2001. The President of the Comoran Union Azali Assoumani, is at loggerheads with the three autonomous leaders, Abdout Soule Elbak of Grande Comore, Mohamed Bacar of Anjouan and Mohamed Said Fazul of Moheli, who accuse him of hogging the power and more importantly the slim pickings, mainly from customs revenues. South Africans is interested to get influence in this geopolitical zone. The Comoros still owes South Africa $50-million of a soft loan for hotel building during the apartheid era. Mired in debt, Comoros has no chance of repaying the South African loan, which constitutes half of its annual repayments to other creditors. The South African embassy closed nine years ago but there are plans to reopen a mission later this year.
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The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
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Operation Carthage
Credits For the Digital Forensic Research Lab Principal researcher and author Andy Carvin, Senior Fellow Editorial support Luiza Bandeira, Research Associate Graham Brookie, Director and Managing Editor Iain Robertson, Deputy Managing Editor Research support Nika Aleksejeva, Research Associate, Baltics Alyssa Kann, Research Assistant Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Ayushman Kaul, Research Assistant, South Asia Tessa Knight, Research Assistant, Southern Africa Jean le Roux, Research Associate, Southern Africa Roman Osadchuk, Research Assistant Esteban Ponce de Leon, Research Assistant, Latin America Cover design Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Find us online: digitalsherlocks.org facebook.com/dfrlab twitter.com/dfrlab [email protected] 1 Executive Summary A Tunisia-based company operated a sophisticated digital campaign involving multiple social media platforms and websites in an attempt to influence the country’s 2019 presidential election, as well as other recent elections in Africa. In an exclusive investigation that began in September 2019, the DFRLab uncovered dozens of online assets with connections to Tunisian digital communications firm UReputation. On June 5, 2020, after conducting its own investigation, Facebook announced it had taken down more than 900 assets affiliated with the UReputation operation, including 182 user accounts, 446 pages, and 96 groups, as well as 209 Instagram accounts. The operation also involved the publication of multiple Francophone websites, some going back more than five years. In a statement, a Facebook spokesperson said these assets were removed for violating the company’s policy against foreign interference, which is coordinated inauthentic behavior on behalf of a foreign entity. “The individuals behind this activity used fake accounts to masquerade as locals in countries they targeted, post and like their own content, drive people to off-platform sites, and manage groups and pages posing as independent news entities,” the spokesperson said.
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A Contradictory 2019 in the Arab World
I Ait Youssef, R Alsheikh Ali, E Comaro, E Diana, S Lavigne Delville, N Maaninou, M Pannunzio & C van der Werf ‘A contradictory 2019 in the Arab world: The heralds of a second Arab Spring in times of increased vulnerability and upgraded authoritarianism’ (2020) 4 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 230-262 http://doi.org/20.500.11825/1693 A contradictory 2019 in the Arab world: The heralds of a second Arab Spring in times of increased vulnerability and upgraded authoritarianism Iasmin Ait Youssef, Rana Alsheikh Ali, Elena Comaro, Elise Diana, Solène Lavigne Delville, Nouha Maaninou, Marta Pannunzio and Charlotte van der Werf* Abstract: During the year 2019 mass mobilisations broke out throughout the Arab region, with protestors calling for regime change and denouncing mismanagement, corruption and the lack of basic services and human rights in countries as diverse as Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon, Iraq and Egypt. In some cases they were violently opposed and quelled; in others they brought about a transitional process. These democratic processes and authoritarian reactions were accompanied by an important case of democratic consolidation in Tunisia and peaceful transfer of power in Mauritania. Some observers saw in these movements the sparks of a second Arab Spring, while others noted an upgrading of authoritarianism, through different repression techniques against protesters, activists and civil society organisations. Security forces and tribunals have been used for repression, but so have new constitutional and legislative texts that have shifted the balance of power in favour of the executive and the military. The repression of cyberspace was extended through new technological tools that allow for the monitoring, tracking and silencing of dissenting voices.
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Comoros Short Brief
Comoros Short Brief I. Activity Summary: The AU in the Comoros Background The Union of the Comoros, a three-island archipelago nation located in the Indian Ocean off of Madagascar, has been chronically unstable since independence from France in 1975, suffering more than 20 coups. The state has been persistently unable to create a shared sense of national identity amongst its citizens, leaving the three islands of Grande Comore, Anjouan, and Moheli frequently at odds and wary of exploitation at one another’s hands. While conflict in the Comoros is endemic, it has generally been small-scale. With a few exceptions, most clashes have resulted in fewer than five deaths and a slightly larger tally of injuries. However, the security forces have generally been divided and disorganized, with six separate security forces (military and police) reporting to at least four different authorities. This disorganization has been historically encouraged by leaders trying to divide the support base for possible coups, and by the mutual distrust of the separate islands, each of whom would rather control their own forces than be subject to central authority. Many argue that these problems can be traced back to the conditions of the Comoros’ independence – France opted to retain (through a legally contested referendum process) control of the fourth island in Comoros archipelago, Mayotte, in order to maintain a strategic base in the region. Since then, Mayotte, far more prosperous than its neighbors, has drawn investment away and contributed to brain drain from the Comoros. Additionally, several of the military coups of the 80s and 90s were engineered by French mercenary Bob Denard, with, it is widely alleged, at least the tacit approval of the French government, which benefitted from the nation’s relative weakness.[i] Comorian instability was further exacerbated by the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions in the country in the 1990s.
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Symptoms of a Broken System: the Gender Gaps in COVID-19 Decision- Making
Commentary BMJ Glob Health: first published as 10.1136/bmjgh-2020-003549 on 1 October 2020. Downloaded from Symptoms of a broken system: the gender gaps in COVID-19 decision- making 1,2 3 2 Kim Robin van Daalen , Csongor Bajnoczki, Maisoon Chowdhury, Sara Dada,2,4 Parnian Khorsand,2 Anna Socha,3 Arush Lal,2 Laura Jung,2,5 6 7 8,9 Lujain Alqodmani, Irene Torres , Samiratou Ouedraogo, 10,11 2 12 3 Amina Jama Mahmud, Roopa Dhatt, Alexandra Phelan, Dheepa Rajan To cite: van Daalen KR, A growing chorus of voices are questioning Summary box Bajnoczki C, Chowdhury M, the glaring lack of women in COVID-19 et al. Symptoms of a broken system: the gender gaps decision- making bodies. Men dominating ► Despite numerous global and national commit- in COVID-19 decision- leadership positions in global health has long ments to gender- inclusive global health governance, making. BMJ Global Health been the default mode of governing. This is COVID-19 followed the usual modus operandi –ex- 2020;5:e003549. doi:10.1136/ a symptom of a broken system where gover- cluding women’s voices. A mere 3.5% of 115 iden- bmjgh-2020-003549 nance is not inclusive of any type of diversity, tified COVID-19 decision- making and expert task be it gender, geography, sexual orientation, forces have gender parity in their membership while Handling editor Seye Abimbola race, socio-economic status or disciplines 85.2% are majority men. within and beyond health – excluding those ► With 87 countries included in this analysis, informa- Received 27 July 2020 tion regarding task force composition and member- Revised 22 August 2020 who offer unique perspectives, expertise and ship criteria was not easily publicly accessible for Accepted 24 August 2020 lived realities.
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State Date of Indep. Type of Govt Head of State And/Or Head of Government Geography Rural Prev
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Executive Database 10 September 2020 Nb
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