RISE Moldova / OPEN Media Hub COPYRIGHT NOTICE

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

RISE Moldova / OPEN Media Hub COPYRIGHT NOTICE STORY NAME: The shadow banker COPYRIGHT HOLDER: RISE Moldova / OPEN Media Hub COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Ownership of content belongs to RISE Moldova / OPEN Media Hub USAGE TERMS: Share & Adapt - Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ EDITOR’S NOTES: N/A SOURCE: RISE Moldova - www.rise.md Open Media Hub – http://www.openmediahub.com “This production was supported by OPEN Media Hub with funds provided by the European Union” LANGUAGE: Romanian DURATION: 00:23:41 JOURNALIST: Liuba Șevciuc EMAIL: [email protected] SLUGLINE: Money laundering schemes applied by Veaceslav Platon HEADLINE: The money laundering schemes used by Veaceslav Platon to steal the money from a Moldovan bank system. DATELINE: Kiev, Ukraine & Chisinau, Republic of Moldova - 14/11/2018 1 SCRIPT: 00.01 - 00.30 - VO Kiev, Ukraine. July 25, 2016, half past eight in the evening. Veaceslav Platon, a controversial Moldovan businessman, is forced down to the ground and handcuffed by Ukrainian police. The arrest takes place only nine hours after the head of the Anticorruption Prosecution Office in Chisinau had announced that Mr. Platon was in international manhunt for participation in the one-billion-dollar fraud – the biggest financial crime in Moldova’s history. 00.31 - 00.34 - Interview - VIOREL MORARI, head of the Anticorruption Prosecution Office A 30-day arrest warrant on his name has been issued. 00.34 - 00.47 - VO During his arrest, Mr. Platon had in possession a Ukrainian passport that identified him as Vyacheslav Kobalev. Kobalev is the family name of his former spouse. He said he has been a Ukrainian national for 23 years and that he changed his name in 2002. 00.48 - 01.01 - Interview - Veaceslav Platon Yes, an ordinary person may wonder why my Moldovan passport identifies me under one family name, and in my Ukrainian passport I have another name. I am a law professional and be assured that this isn’t illegal. 01.02 - 01.26 - VO The status of Ukrainian citizen gave Mr. Platon peace and prevented his extradition. The neighboring country’s constitution forbids the extradition of Ukrainian citizens. However, shortly after his arrest, the Ukrainian security service announced that Platon’s passport was forged. Therefore, on August 29, 2016 – one month after the apprehension operation – the controversial businessman of Moldovan roots was turned over to the authorities in Chisinau. 01.27 - 01.36 - Interview - Veaceslav Platon Please go away. All the money was stolen by Plahotniuc! 01.37 - 01.58 - VO For years, Mr. Platon had done business to the limits of law. His name appears in many police investigations related to frauds in many companies, in Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine. He had been retained in custody on several occasions but never sentenced to a prison term. Until his apprehension in 2016. 01.59 - 02.11 - VO Veaceslav Platon 45 years old Studied Law A former member of the Chisinau Municipal Council (1999 - 2002) A former member of Parliament on behalf of Our Moldova Alliance (2009 - 2010) His declared fortune: 60 million US dollars. 02.12 - 02.20 - VO A long period Veaceslav Platon was connected to several banks in Moldova. In some he 2 was a shareholder, others he controlled via proxies. 02.21 - 02.39 - VO Investprivatbank. In 1996, at the age of 23, Platon managed to buy stocks in Investprivatbank for which he paid 800,000 lei. We don’t know exactly when he withdrew from Investprivatbank, which in 2009 had its license cancelled and has been in the closure process ever since. 02.40 - 03.08 - VO Moldindconbank. In 1997 through 2004 Veaceslav Platon served as the deputy chairman of the managing board in Moldindconbank. He and his family owned around 4% of shares in Moldindconbank, but prosecutors claimed that he actually was the proprietor of the control stock in the bank via inter-posed persons. In 2010-2014 Moldindconbank was involved in the laundering of approximately 20 billion dollars from Russia. This operation was later called “Russian Laundromat.” 03.09 - 03.18 - Interview - Veaceslav Platon There’s been no money laundering through Moldova. You are all suckers. 03.19 - 03.32 - VO Moldova-Agroindbank. According to law enforcement officers, in the period 2013-2016 Mr. Platon controlled from shadow almost 40% of shares in Moldova-Agroindbank, the largest commercial bank in Moldova compared by assets. 03.33 - 04.03 - VO Banca de Economii. He controlled almost 30% of shares in Banca de Economii. Mr. Platon says he bought those shares in 2011 via intermediates from Mr. Vladimir Plahotniuc, the current chairman of the Moldovan Democratic Party, and then sold them to Mr. Ilan Șor. In late 2015 Banca de Economii had its license withdrawn and filed for bankruptcy. The motive was the disappearance of around one billion US dollars from that bank and from two other banks. Mr. Platon is one of the men who were charged with the fraud. 04.04 - 04.21 - VO Victoriabank. In 2011 Veaceslav Platon walked into the shareholding of Victoriabank by acquiring 27% of Victoriabank stocks from a firm connected to Mr. Plahotniuc, via intermediaries again. Mr. Platon assures that he sold his shares in Victoriabank in 2014, when the National Bank of Moldova obliged him to do so. 04.22 - 04.52 - VO The range of interests of Mr. Platon wasn’t limited to the banking sector alone. Since the 1990s he had been spotted in various fraudulent schemes in such sectors as energy, insurance, and industry. Both in Moldova and Ukraine. Most often he used to earn easy money in a very simple way: by generating fictive debts that were later certified and recognized by a court of law. Olexyi Svyatogor is a Ukrainian lawyer he had worked for Veaceslav Platon and helped him engineer such schemes. 3 04.53 - 05.22 - Interview - OLEXYI SVYATOGOR, former lawyer for Veaceslav Platon I met Mr. Platon Veaceslav Nikolayevich approximately ten years ago. He was looking for legal services and I was providing this kind of services. He used to invent various kinds of debts with fake documents. I can positively confirm that Mr. Platon Veaceslav Nikolayevich was keen in learning the “Law of War Strategy” by heart – otherwise quite a sound approach. It means that success is guaranteed when fighting takes place at home. 05.23 - 05.27 - VO „At home” means in the courts of law in Moldova. 05.28 - 05.35 - Interview - OLEXYI SVYATOGOR, former lawyer for Veaceslav Platon No one knows where the claim is examined – in a remote court of law, in a little known district where the risks of getting annihilated exists. 05.36 - 05.48 - VO Even worse, lawyers who dared to defend the companies robbed by Mr. Platon could face criminal charges in Moldova. The legal representative of a Ukrainian firm says that Moldovan law enforcement agencies had prosecuted him. 05.49 - 06.05 - Interview - OLEG POLISHCHUK, authorized legal representative of Energoatom, a state-owned energy company in Ukraine One of the alleged witnesses was in Cyprus, the second one in the USA, the third one in the United Arab Emirates, and the fourth - a Moldovan national who had testified against me on false evidence - was actually residing in Moscow with no exact address to be found. I was waiting for justice but no one was investigating that case. 06.06 - 06.17 - VO Apprehended in Ukraine and convoyed to Moldova, he appeared before magistrates in Chisinau under the charges of implication of the billion-dollar theft. Mr. Platon claimed that in fact oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc was behind the fraud in the Moldovan banking system. 06.18 - 06.23 - Interview - Veaceslav Platon Plahotniuc has stolen all the money! 06.24 - 06.28 - VO Platon’s spouse, too, finger pointed to Mr. Plahotniuc at a press conference. 06.29 - 06.37 - Interview - Yevgenia Tulchevskaya, spouse of Veaceslav Platon He [Plahotniuc] demanded half of [Platon’s] business but my husband refused, so the two have come to this conflict. 06.38 - 07.07 - VO In an interview for the investigative journalist project RISE, Mr. Platon says he first met Vladimir Plahotniuc in 2005 and did business with the oligarch since 2011. That year Mr. Platon acquired a part of assets from Plahotniuc’s OTIV Prime Holding in Moldova including 27% of shares in Victoriabank. OTIV Prime Holding is a Dutch-registered company connected to Mr. 4 Plahotniuc who was represented in the deal by Andrian Candu, the current chairman of the Moldovan parliament and the espousal godson of the millionaire. 07.08 - 07.39 - VO In a formal complaint submitted by Veaceslav Platon to the Department for Investigation of Organized Crime and Terrorism in Romania, the controversial banker said he had paid 80 million US dollars for OTIV Prime Holding’s assets. The money originated from borrowings obtained via affiliated companies from Victoriabank and Moldindconbank. The official destination of those borrowings however was different: purchase of hardware, medical equipment, and construction materials – which are not quite bank stocks. 07.40 - 07.52 - Interview - ION CREȚU, lawyer of Veaceslav Platon This was legal money, taken from credits, though it was not used as indicated in the contract. Nonetheless, this is clean money, from Victoriabank’s resources. 07.53 - 08.07 - VO Ion Crețu is one of Mr. Platon’s many lawyers. He accepted to talk to us via Skype. He maintains that he has been under pressure from Moldova’s law enforcement agencies ever since agreed to defend the businessman. 08.08 - 08.41 - VO In his complaint in Romania, Mr. Platon also claimed that in spite of his possession of a significant share in Victoriabank he was never able to capitalize on his assets in that bank because of regular obstructive measures by the authorities.
Recommended publications
  • Annual Report 2018
    ANNUAL REPORT 2018 PAGE 1 Table of Contents IT TAKES A NETWORK OUR MISSION & VISION................. 2 TO FIGHT A NETWORK LETTER FROM THE PUBLISHER ......2 THE NETWORK: MEMBER CENTERS .......................... 3 Letter from the Publisher THE NETWORK: MEDIA PARTNERS ........................... 4 In February 2018, I got the call that no editor required to expose this growing, menacing ever wants to receive. Pavla Holcova, an editor threat to democracy. OUR MISSION at the Czech Center for Investigative IMPACT TO DATE ............................. 5 As we reflect on the past year, it is clear we are Reporting, called to tell me a young living in a dark era for journalism and freedom By developing and investigative reporter she had been partnering STORIES THAT MATTERED: of the press. Around the world, populist with had been murdered, along with his equipping a global leaders are openly hostile toward the media 2018 HIGHLIGHTS ........................... 6 fiancée. network of investigative and incite their followers toward hatred and ACCELERATING IMPACT: journalists and publishing Ján Kuciak was a reporter at Aktuality.sk, an violence. Reporters in many countries are outlet in Slovakia that partnered with Holcova routinely smeared, accused of terrorism and THE GLOBAL ANTI- their stories, OCCRP for a series of investigative stories. He was other false charges, and thrown in jail. CORRUPTION CONSORTIUM ....... 10 exposes crime and working on a story for us about the Reporters Without Borders cites 2018 as the corruption so the public ‘Ndrangheta, a notorious Calabrian-based most dangerous year on record for journalists, STRONGER COLLABO- can hold power to mafia group that had crossed into Slovakia.
    [Show full text]
  • State Subsidizing Private Media in Republic of Moldova Statligt Stöd Till Pr
    Linköping University | Department of Management and Engineering (IEI) Master thesis | Political Science Spring semester 2017 | ISRN: LIU-IEI-FIL-A—17/02640--SE State subsidizing private media in Republic of Moldova – a potential way to correct media market failure and promote Quality of Government? Statligt stöd till privata medier i Moldavien – ett potentiellt sätt att korrigera mediemarknadens misslyckande och förbättra styrningskvaliteten? Diana Savina Supervisor: Per Jansson Examinator: Mikael Rundqvist Linköping University SE-581 83 Linköping 013-28 10 00, www.liu.se 1 Title: State subsidizing private media in Republic of Moldova – a potential way to correct media market failure and promote Quality of Government? Abstract: 2017 has been described as a decisive year for the Republic of Moldova. Following years of economic and political turmoil, it is more urgent than ever before that crucial reforms are not only adopted, but fully implemented – primarily within justice, media and banking sectors. Using a theory of impartial institutions and two central theories of state intervention into media markets, this counterfactual deductive thesis sets out to investigate arguments for and against a system of state subsidies to private media as a tool to increase Quality of Government in Moldova. Through analyses of qualitative interviews with six country experts within relevant fields as well as secondary data, the conclusion of this single case study is primarily confirming previous research indicating on the one hand, that a more social responsible role of the state within Eastern European media markets is a realistic future path, on the other hand it can hardly be expected soon. Further, the possibility of media to improve Quality of Government is perceived as low – even with sufficient financial resources – due to lack of other prerequisites such as accessibility, accountability and responsiveness; as well as low scores on crucial indicators such as corruption, law and order and quality of bureaucracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Laundromat Exposed
    The Russian Laundromat Exposed Credit: Ion Preașcă/RISE Moldova by OCCRP 20 March 2017 (http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?status=The Russian Laundromat Exposed+https://www.occrp.org/en/laundromat/the-russian-laundromat-exposed (http://www.facebook.com/share.php?u=https://www.occrp.org/en/laundromat/the-russian-laundromat-exposed/&title=The Russian Laundromat E Donate (https://www.occrp.org/en/donate) Three years after the “Laundromat” was exposed as a criminal financial vehicle to move vast sums of money out of Russia, journalists now know how the complex scheme worked – including who ended up with the $20.8 billion and how, despite warnings, banks failed for years to shut it down. The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) broke the story of the Laundromat in 2014, but recently the reporters from OCCRP and Novaya Gazeta in Moscow obtained a wealth of bank records which they then opened to investigative reporters in 32 countries. Their combined research for the first time paints a fuller picture of how billions moved from Russia, into and through the 112 bank accounts that comprised the system in eastern Europe, then into banks around the world. Reporters can now say that much of the money ultimately found its way to Russian businessmen who own groups of companies involved in construction, engineering, information technology, and banking. All held hundreds of millions of US dollars in state contracts either with the government directly, or with state-owned entities. They are named in this project and their spending sprees on fancy autos, prep school fees, furs, and electronics are revealed.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova, Early Parliamentary Elections, 11 July 2021
    INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Moldova, Early Parliamentary Elections, 11 July 2021 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 11 July early parliamentary elections were well administered, competitive and fundamental freedoms were largely respected. While lower-level commissions enjoyed trust, key decisions of the Central Election Commission brought into question its impartiality. Candidates had ample opportunities to campaign and voters were provided a wide range of alternatives. The lack of effective campaign finance oversight left potential breaches unaddressed. Numerous televised debates allowed voters to be informed of contestants’ policies, but the majority of monitored news outlets displayed bias. The legal framework does not adequately regulate electoral dispute resolution, and the handling of electoral complaints further highlighted the importance of strengthening judicial independence. Election day was calm, transparent and the process was assessed overwhelmingly positively despite isolated cases of overcrowding and non- adherence to procedures. The legal framework is generally conducive for the conduct of democratic elections. The parliament’s 101 members were elected under a proportional representation system, which was reintroduced more than one year prior to its application and following an inclusive consultation process, in line with international good practice. Some key aspects of the electoral framework were also revised, including the lowering of thresholds for parties and blocs and strengthening the gender quota for candidate lists by introducing a placement requirement, in line with previous ODIHR and the Venice Commission recommendations. While some previous ODIHR and Venice Commission’s recommendations were addressed in recent amendments, further improvements are needed in particular to the legal framework on the complaints and appeals process and campaign finance oversight.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rule of Law in Moldova's Age of Covid-19
    Mobilizing Civil Society to Support Judicial Integrity in the Republic of Moldova [ #1 ] JANUARY 2021 THE RULE OF LAW IN MOLDOVA’S AGE OF COVID-19 by RADU MÎRZA The Moldovan government has used threat of the COVID-19 pandemic to justify a wide variety of extraordinary measures which under normal circumstances would be considered illegal. Some of these measures – including restrictions on freedom of movement and public assembly, and suspension of public services and commercial activities – are legitimate and legally-grounded responses to the pandemic that have become common practice around the world. However, other uses of emergency measures have threatened core components of the rule of law; these include the unnecessary weakening of the separation of powers, increasing the risk of corruption, limiting access to justice and imposition of arbitrary punishment for citizens, and restricting the public’s access to vital information. While in some cases these excesses were successfully blocked by the courts or civil society activism, they nevertheless reveal the fragility of the rule of law in Moldova. As the fight against the coronavirus continues into 2021, it is vital that the government act quickly to avoid repeating these mistakes. This brief examines threats to the rule of law in Moldova that have resulted from the misuse of emergency powers by the government during the pandemic. The brief argues that the key vulnerability that gave rise to these threats is Moldova’s outdated state infrastructure that fails to effectively share information and limits the transparency of government organs, complicating public accountability and citizen oversight. It presents actionable recommendations for the Moldovan government to address this vulnerability by improving communication with the public and increasing government transparency, accountability, and citizen participation.
    [Show full text]
  • STATE CAPTURE in the REPUBLIC of MOLDOVA a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate Schoo
    THE PUBLIC HAS NO OUTRAGE LEFT: STATE CAPTURE IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Ryan Knight, B.A. Washington, DC April 23, 2019 THE PUBLIC HAS NO OUTRAGE LEFT: STATE CAPTURE IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Ryan Knight, B.A. Thesis Advisors: Molly Inman, Ph.D. and Alan Tidwell, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Since the theft of $1 billion from its economy in 2014, the Republic of Moldova’s nominally pro-European ruling coalition has failed to implement reforms needed to deal with endemic corruption. Instead, power has become increasingly centralized in the hands of controversial oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc. This thesis tracks Plahotniuc’s consolidation of power and analyzes Moldova’s recent political history to define the unique characteristics of corruption in a small state. ii This thesis is dedicated to Moldovans working for justice. Thank you to all those generous souls who helped along the way. A special thanks to my thesis advisers, Dr. Molly Inman, and Dr. Alan Tidwell, for their patience and support through the writing process. Thank you as well to Igor Ciurea, Stephanie Roland, and Lyndon Allin for their long hours explaining Moldovan politics, to my graduate colleagues and friends, Brian Kerr and Anna Khandros, for their help and support during the writing and research of this thesis. And to my parents, Steve and Dianne, and my sister, Sarah, for their support over the years.
    [Show full text]
  • PNUD Moldova
    RAPORT ANUAL RISE Moldova / Raport anual 2017 2 Carte de vizită RISE Moldova este o comunitate de jurnaliști de investigație, programatori RISE Moldova și activiști din Republica Moldova și România. Investighează crima organizată (Asociația Reporteri de Investigație și și face conexiuni din zone offshore, dezvăluie scheme de spălare a banilor din Securitate Editorială din Moldova) Europa de Est, scheme de corupție, contrabandă, fraude fiscale, trafic de arme a fost înregistrată la Ministerul Justiției pe 17 martie 2014. și scoate la lumină afacerile ascunse ale politicienilor. RISE Moldova #2017 Date de contact PARTENERI: 8 [email protected] RISE Project 5 www.rise.md Prague Civil Society Centre b facebook.com/risemoldova The Network for Reporting on Eastern Europe (n-ost) b facebook.com/risemoldovarussian MEMBRU: a twitter.com/risemoldova The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) s risemoldova Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN) PARTENER PENTRU MOLDOVA: #The Russian Laundromat Exposed, proiect regional coordonat de OCCRP RISE Moldova / Raport anual 2017 3 Echipa IURIE SANDUȚA DUMITRU LAZUR Director, membru al OCCRP Jurnalist Specializare: investigații transfrontaliere Specializare: investigaţii pe subiecte de corupţie NICOLAE CUŞCHEVICI DOINA IPATII Editor de limbă română Jurnalistă Specializare: investigații și reportaje-anchetă Specializare: anchete sociale OLGA CEAGLEI INNA CÎVÎRJIC Jurnalistă Jurnalistă Specializare: investigaţii pe subiecte de corupţie Specializare: investigarea fraudelor
    [Show full text]
  • MOLDOVA Vibrant Information Barometer 2021 Vibrant Information Barometer MOLDOVA
    MOLDOVA Vibrant Information Barometer 2021 Vibrant Information Barometer MOLDOVA In 2020, the Republic of Moldova was rocked by the COVID-19 to saturate the country’s information space. Although Dodon Highly Vibrant Highly pandemic and chronic political instability, with inevitable was defeated in the November voting, his Socialist Party holds a repercussions for the media. A fragile parliamentary majority, a plurality in parliament. These lawmakers and their For Moldova bitter campaign season, and the authorities’ inability to manage allies quickly passed several controversial laws, including a repeal the pandemic all fueled the sense of crisis. After the first cases of of provisions curbing television broadcasts from Russia. the coronavirus were registered in Moldova, the new governing In 2020, the VIBE panelists observed that professional and coalition of the Socialist Party of the Republic of Moldova OVERALL nonprofessional content creators, such as bloggers, social-media (SPRM) and the Democratic Party declared a constitutional SCORE users, and influencers, produced information of rather poor state of emergency. The coalition gave broad new powers to the quality overall. Moreover, the straitened circumstances of many Commission for Emergency Situations (CSE) and other executive media organizations have left them vulnerable to takeover or agencies to fight the pandemic. The ambiguity of these new influence by deep-pocketed partisan figures, which in turn has 23 emergency powers threatened the right of access to information. narrowed the views and news in Moldova’s media landscape. In addition, officials’ persistent refusal to provide complete Somewhat Vibrant Somewhat and timely information resulted in an inaccessible and opaque The events of 2020 led to unprecedented constraints on the government.
    [Show full text]
  • ANNUAL REPORT Photo by Spenser Hans, Unsplash.Com, Covered Under CC License
    ORGANIZED CRIME AND CORRUPTION REPORTING PROJECT 2016 ANNUAL REPORT Photo by Spenser Hans, Unsplash.com, covered under CC License “Many news networks are cartoonish parodies of their former selves, individual billionaires appear to have taken up newspaper ownership as a hobby, limiting coverage of serious matters concerning the wealthy, and serious investigative journalists lack funding.” —’John Doe’, anonymous source of the Panama Papers 2 Amman, Jordan Moscow, Russia Bogota, Colombia Riga, Latvia Bucharest, Romania Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina Johannesburg, South Africa Tbilisi, Georgia Kyiv, Ukraine Washington DC, USA Table of Contents Vision of the Future . 4 Who We Are . 6 Board of Directors . 8 Why We Need Investigative Reporting . 10 Our Stories: Highlights from 2016 . 12 2016 Was a Turning Point for OCCRP . 17 Gauging The Impact . 4 OCCRP Tech Team: Digitizing a Revolution . 24 Fact-Checking: Writing Stories Based on Solid Evidence . 30 Awards . 31 OCCRP’s International Media Partners . 36 Our Growing Network . 38 Our Donors . 45 Combined Financial Statements . 46 Looking Forward . 52 3 Vision of the Future The media landscape continues to change, and everyone is struggling to keep up . That’s why, at OCCRP, we’re deter- mined to stay on the cutting edge -- and this year is no dif- ferent . The unique model we’ve developed allows regional re- porters who know their countries better than anyone to come to us and get the editors, programmers, researchers, and re- sources they need to do great cross-border investigations . Think of us as the Uber or AirBnB of journalism – we don’t have our own reporters, but we’ve built the infrastructure that lets them reach new heights .
    [Show full text]
  • Attacks on Journalists, Bloggers and Media Workers in Armenia, Georgia and Moldova 2017-2019
    ATTACKS ON JOURNALISTS, BLOGGERS AND MEDIA WORKERS IN ARMENIA, GEORGIA AND MOLDOVA 2017-2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS 2 authors of the report 3 about jfj foundation 4 introduction 7 armenia 15 georgia 21 moldova 29 annex 1 30 annex 2 31 annex 3 32 annex 4 AUTHORS OF THE REPORT • Armenia: The Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression (CPFE) Non-profit journalistic non-governmental organisation. It was officially registered on 16 January 2003. Throughout its existence the organisation implemented more than 40 projects. The Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression is a member of the Armenian National Platform of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum and has actively taken part in the activities of the Forum. The main direction of the CPFE activity is the monitoring of the free speech situation in Armenia, detection of and responding to the violations of the rights of journalists and the media, as well as drafting and publication of periodic reports on the basis of the above data. The CPFE also takes practical steps to protect the rights of the media and their representatives, including before courts. An important area of the Commitee’s activities is the improvement of the media-related legislation. With a view to this, the CPFE drafts new legislation and amendment packages and submits them to the parliament. • Georgia: Oleg Panfilov Georgian journalist, commentator and writer. Author of 52 books and of more than one hundred TV programmes about Georgia. He has won various international prizes and is a Cavalier of Georgia’s Order of Honour. In the 1990s, he headed the Moscow bureau of the Committee to Protect Journalists (1992-1993), and was in charge, from 1994 to 1999, of the monitoring service of the Glasnost Defence Foundation in Moscow, before setting up the Centre for Journalism in Extreme Situations (Moscow) of which he was director from 2000 to 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report
    2014 ANNUAL REPORT + 373 688 50 555 facebook.com/risemoldova + 373 687 77 590 twitter.com/risemoldova [email protected] ok/risemoldova www.rise.md risemoldova ANNUAL ACTIVITY REPORT 2014 2 RISE Moldova • About • Mission RISE Moldova Members About RISE Moldova Moldova and regional organized crime networks (The Association of Investigative Reporters Investigations and Editorial Security) is an independent, non- • „Russian Laundromat”: Moscow–Riga via Chisinau governmental and non-profit organization • Vladimir Plahotniuc, monitored abroad • Kingdom of His Wealthiness Metropolitan consisting of investigative journalists, bishop Vladimir and transactions made during the Holly Week programmers and activists from Moldova and • Houses and rental businesses of Moldovan priests Romania. RISE investigates on such issues as • Bishop’s houses and lost business of a local bishop corruption, conflict of interests, money laundering, • Ministries with secret businesses • State officials with business hidden in offshore connections, and cross border organised masonic lodge „Alianta” • Russian arms traffic in Ukraine with the help of criminal network from Moldova crime schemes and networks. • Assassin in Law RISE Moldova in media • national • international RISE Moldova was registered at Ministry of Justice Statistics of Moldova at March 17, 2014 as a NGO • web (Registration number: 1014620001999). • facebook Mission Activities planned for 2015 Our mission is developing and promoting RISE Moldova Projects professional investigative journalism. Partners ANNUAL ACTIVITY REPORT 2014 3 RISE Moldova • About • Mission Members Members RISE Moldova members IURIE SANDUTA ION PREASCA Moldova and regional organized crime networks are experienced investigative He is President of RISE He worked and member Editor in chief, Mold-Street journalists and researchers.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Investigative Journalism Can Make a Difference Results of the N-Vestigate Discussion-Panel in Odessa
    Why Investigative Journalism Can Make a Difference Results of the n-vestigate discussion-panel in Odessa by Kristine Aghalaryan Investigative journalism has developed and evolved in various ways from one country to another. In one country, it has become a basis for changes, in another – a precondition for dismissals and formation of a new system, and in the third – even a serious discovery has remained without any response. Nevertheless, in the last decade, investigative journalism has crossed the borders thanks to the new methods and tools. During the discussion-panel concerning the state of the investigative journalism in Europe, Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan and Ukraine, held in Odessa in October 2017, executive director of the German NGO n- ost Hanno Gundert said that the impact of investigations largely depends on the public readiness. In other words, the society is somehow responsible – whether it is ready to react, to enter into a legal struggle, to incite officials to act. In that case, investigative journalism may have an effect and change something. "Society does not realize the value of the positive side that investigative stories can have," added the speaker. Hanno Gundert is convinced that there is a hero and some risk in the investigative journalism. This was evidenced by the activity of murdered journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia in Malta, who pointed out serious deficits in public administration. In the end, she had to pay that effort with her life. James T. Hamilton, Hearst Professor of Journalism at Stanford University, writes in his book ‘Democracy’s Detectives: The Economics of Investigative Journalism’: "For each dollar invested in an investigative story, there can be over $ 100 in benefits to society”.
    [Show full text]