Yemen 2020 OSAC Crime & Safety Report
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Japan Between the Wars
JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations. -
Yemen in Crisis
A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP. -
Dou-Shuu-Sei and the Capital System
Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism vol.65 March 2008 Dou-shuu-sei and the capital system Kiyotaka Yokomichi, professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies Capital-related issues under the dou-shuu-sei system Recently, controversy surrounding dou-shuu-sei is becoming heated again. Dou-shuu-sei is a regional sys- tem where Japan is divided into blocks (dou and shuu) that are larger than current prefectures, establishing com- prehensive regional governmental bodies. The 28th Local Government System Research Council, which is an advisory body for the Prime Minister, sub- mitted the Report on the Modality of the Dou-shuu-sei Regional System (hereinafter referred to as the Report) in February 2006. The Report points out that implementing dou-shuu-sei is appropriate, considering it as a reform reflecting the national structure of Japan. The Report also points out that dou-shuu-sei should follow the following three basic policies : 1. Abolishing prefectures (to, dou, fu, and ken) and establishing dou and shuu 2. Dou and shuu are upper-level regional government blocks 3. All of Japan is divided into approximately ten blocks (dou and shuu) (The Report suggests three zoning examples, where Japan is divided into 9, 11, or 13 blocks) The government has formed the Dou-shuu-sei Vision Forum, which is working to develop Dou-shuu-sei Visions. Their visions will probably follow the three basic policies mentioned above. If dou- shuu-sei with these policies is implemented, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government will be abolished, and Kanto-shuu will be established instead. (According to the zoning examples of the Report, it will be Kanto-Koshinetsu-shuu in the case of 9 regions, and Minami-Kanto- shuu in the cases of 11 and 13 regions). -
Laikinoji Sostine.Indd
THE TEMPORARY CAPITAL IN LITHUANIAN LITERATURE Summary The object of this study is the temporary capital of Lithuania – not the historical Kaunas of the interwar period, but its literary coun- terpart created in accordance with the distinctive principles of the world of art. Literature not only captures the specific characteristics of the citys’s reality, but also encompasses the relations of individual and collective consciousness with a particular urban space of a par- ticular period. Therefore, literature allows the reader a glimpse at the temporary capital through the eyes of its contemporaries – writers who were forced to either become post-war émigrés or live under Soviet rule, whereas to the literary historian it provides the materi- als needed to reconstruct the development of the literary image of interwar Kaunas. One of the main methodological backings of this study is the concept of the Petersburg text developed by Vladimir Toporov of the Moscow-Tartu school of semiotics. Following Toporov’s example, this study focuses on those works of literature that not only reflect the empirics and realities of the temporary capital, but also reveal the mythopoetic interpretation of the city. In them, empiric reality gives way to a historiosophical summary that conveys the very essence and uniqueness of the city. Even though Toporov’s methodological instruments for analys- ing the literary city are, in many aspects, useful when examining the temporary capital in Lithuanian literature, they cannot be used 277 without reservations as it was created with Petersburg in mind and heeds the specifics of the city’s founding and historical develop- ment. -
Capital Controls and Foreign Exchange Policy
WORKING PAPER SERIES NO 1415 / FEBRUARY 2012 CAPITAL CONTROLS AND FOREIGN EXCHANGE POLICY by Marcel Fratzscher In 2012 all ECB publications feature a motif taken from the €50 banknote. NOTE: This Working Paper should not be reported as representing the views of the European Central Bank (ECB). The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect those of the ECB. Acknowledgements Prepared for the 15th Annual Conference of the Banco Central de Chile on “Capital Mobility and Monetary Policy”. I am grateful to Norman Loayza, my discussant, and conference participants for comments and discussions, and Bogdan Bogdanov for excellent help with the data preparation. Views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily refl ect those of the European Central Bank. Marcel Fratzscher at European Central Bank, Kaiserstrasse 29, 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany; e-mail: [email protected] © European Central Bank, 2012 Address Kaiserstrasse 29, 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Postal address Postfach 16 03 19, 60066 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Telephone +49 69 1344 0 Internet http://www.ecb.europa.eu Fax +49 69 1344 6000 All rights reserved. ISSN 1725-2806 (online) Any reproduction, publication and reprint in the form of a different publication, whether printed or produced electronically, in whole or in part, is permitted only with the explicit written authorisation of the ECB or the authors. This paper can be downloaded without charge from http://www.ecb.europa.eu or from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=1991084. -
Yemen: War Amongst Divided Alliances 1 Executive Summary
Contents Executive Summary 2 Divisions on Each Side 3 Coalition woes in Aden . 4 Collapse of the Houthi-Saleh Alliance . 6 A Lasting Siege 7 The Nihm Offensive Towards Sanaa . 7 Breakthrough at Bayhan . 8 Operation Golden Spear. 9 Stalemate in Midi . 10 Progress in Jawf . 10 The Coalition Air Campaign . 11 Houthi Missile Capabilities . 12 Al Qaeda and the Islamic State . 15 Yemen: War Amongst Divided Alliances 1 www.force-analysis.com Executive Summary Over the months of December 2017 and January 2018, both the Houthi Movement and the internationally recognized government of Yemen under President Hadi have gone through unprecedented challenges to the cohesion of their respective alliances within the Yemen conflict. In Sanaa, the Houthi Movement did see a definitive break with loyalists of former President Saleh, though was also able to retain significant support from military units, tribal elements and political factions. As such, the crisis in the Houthi alliance led to a temporary disruption of Houthi capabilities, but has not caused a general collapse. Just less than two months later, the city of Aden witnessed intense fighting between the Southern Resistance and troops loyal to the government of President Hadi. While fighting between these groups has occurred before in Aden, the recent fighting witnessed an aggressive and successful conquest of Aden by the Southern Resistance. The reliance of both these actors on external support, however, keeps Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in a position to mitigate the effects of this internal conflict. The inherent conflict between the Southern Movement and the government of President Hadi continues to be a source of friction within the coalition ranks, and is likely to re-emerge. -
Music Education in Taiwan Taiwan (Officially Named the Republic
CHAPTER FOUR MUSIC EDUCATION IN TAIWAN Taiwan (officially named the Republic of China; hereafter the ROC) is bordered on the east by the Pacific Ocean and on the west by the For- mosa Strait, which separates it from mainland China by over 100 km. During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), in the sixteenth century, there were only a few Han immigrants living in Taiwan, which was populated mainly by Malayo-Polynesian aborigines who had been living there for thousands of years. The first Europeans to visit Taiwan were the Por- tuguese, who arrived in 1590 and were so impressed with the island that they called it Formosa, which means “beautiful” in Latin. Dutch traders came to Taiwan in 1623 and used the island as a base for com- mercial activities with Japan and coastal areas of China. The following year, Taiwan became a Dutch colony. The Dutch East India Company administered the island and its predominantly aboriginal population until 1662, establishing a tax system and schools, in which aboriginal languages were taught using romanized scripts (Blusse and Everts, 2000; Campbell, 1915). In 1664 the Ming resistance forces directed by Zheng Cheng-gong (also known as Koxinga) expelled the Dutch and set up a local Chinese government in Taiwan (Li, 2009). It was the first time for Taiwan to be incorporated into the Chinese Empire. Taiwan was thus incorporated into the Chinese Empire for the first time. In 1895, the Japanese defeated the Manchus in the Sino-Japanese War; Taiwan was ceded to Japan under the Treaty of Shimonosek, and remained under its control until 1945. -
A New Model for Defeating Al Qaeda in Yemen
A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen Katherine Zimmerman September 2015 A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN SEPTEMBER 2015 A REPORT BY AEI’S CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 3 Part I: Al Qaeda and the Situation in Yemen ................................................................................................. 5 A Broken Model in Yemen ...................................................................................................................... 5 The Collapse of America’s Counterterrorism Partnership ........................................................................ 6 The Military Situation in Yemen ........................................................................................................... 10 Yemen, Iran, and Regional Dynamics ................................................................................................... 15 The Expansion of AQAP and the Emergence of ISIS in Yemen ............................................................ 18 Part II: A New Strategy for Yemen ............................................................................................................. 29 Defeating the Enemy in Yemen ............................................................................................................ -
Introduction
1 Introduction Lowell Dittmer China’s contentious relation to Taiwan began when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded in October 1949 and the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) set up an exile regime on the island two months later. Without now delving into the rich legal and historical complexities, suffice it to say that the island’s autonomous sov- ereignty has been in contention ever since, initially because of the KMT’s stubborn insistence that it continued to represent not just Taiwan but all of China, and later, when the tables had turned, because Taiwan refused to cede sovereignty to the now dominant power that had arisen on the other side of the Strait. At this writ- ing, the election of a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government under Tsai Ing-wen in January 2016 brings the island to a new inflection point. For, like the Chen Shui-bian administration in 2000–2008, the incoming DPP regime would really prefer to drop all claim to be part of the Chinese mainland and to embrace political independence. Of course they dare not say this in so many words because it would infuriate Beijing, which continues to insist that there is one China, that Taiwan is a part of it, and that any assertion otherwise by Taiwan constitutes an il- legal attempt at secession that Beijing has the legal right to prevent by force. China would prefer that contingency not to arise. Its use of force against Taiwan would result in great damage to the lives and property of people with whom mainland- ers share a Chinese ancestry (compatriots in an ethnic or cultural sense, tongbao) whom the PRC aims to return to the motherland’s embrace and possibly to the mainland as well. -
The Wartime Planned Economy and Private Sector
Title The Wartime Planned Economy and Private Sector Author(s) Sawai, Minoru Citation 大阪大学経済学. 60(1) P.1-P.19 Issue Date 2010-06 Text Version publisher URL https://doi.org/10.18910/46082 DOI 10.18910/46082 rights Note Osaka University Knowledge Archive : OUKA https://ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/ Osaka University Vol.60 No.1 OSAKA ECONOMIC PAPERS June 2010 The Wartime Planned Economy and Private Sector Minoru Sawai† Abstract This paper fi rst examines the process of the introduction and intensifi cation of wartime economic controls and the response of the private sector, specifi cally taking up the case of the machine tool industry and a controversy concerning state control over electric power. Next, the concept of the “New Economic Order”, which was expected to play a primary role in breaking through the impasse of the wartime economy, as well as the transformation process with respect to competition among private firms, are discussed. Lastly, the malfunctioning of the wartime planned economy is considered, along with the role of government in encouraging private fi rms to expand their production, focusing primarily on the Pacifi c War period. Introduction In comparing real personal consumption trends in Germany and Japan, the biggest losers of World War II, an impressive difference can be confirmed. In both countries, real personal consumption declined continuously following the outbreak of the war. In Nazi Germany, however, although the 1944 fi gure had fallen to a level that was 73 per cent of that in 1939, it was still at least 20 per cent greater than during the Great Depression. -
YEMEN Outlook for April-September 2020 Risk Overview – 2 April 2020
YEMEN Outlook for April-September 2020 Risk Overview – 2 April 2020 COVID-19 epidemic in Yemen Risk 1: Renewed Houthi offensive in Marib Risk 5: causes displacement east/southwards and severely reduced access to essential services Risk 4: Rapid depreciation of the Yemeni riyal sparks inflation reducing households’ ability to purchase basic goods and services Risk 3: De -facto partition results in reduced provision of basic services and reduced operating space for humanitarian actors Risk 2: Conflict escalates across the southwest causing significant loss of life, mass displacement, and severely reduced access to essential services. Questions? Feedback? Contact [email protected] ACAPS Yemen Analysis Hub: Risk Report March 2020 Risk 1: Renewed Houthi offensive in Marib causes displacement Risk 3: De-facto partition results in reduced provision of basic services east/southwards and severely reduced access to essential services and reduced operating space for humanitarian actors Given that the Houthis have established a commanding hold over much of the north, The Houthis currently see themselves in a position of strength compared to the and that there is little prospect of the GoY regaining outright control of Yemen, both Government of Yemen (GoY). Control of Marib would nearly complete the Houthis sides may choose to focus their efforts on peace negotiations. Saudi Arabia could help control over northern Yemen. An intense conflict in Marib would cause casualties and to negotiate peace and recognise the Houthis’ mandate to administer much of displace over 500,000 people into the eastern and southern corners of Marib northern Yemen. This could result in a shifting focus towards post conflict governance (immediately to Harib), potentially spilling into Bayhan and Shabwah. -
Capital Controls: an Evaluation
This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Capital Controls and Capital Flows in Emerging Economies: Policies, Practices and Consequences Volume Author/Editor: Sebastian Edwards, editor Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-18497-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/edwa06-1 Conference Date: December 16-18, 2004 Publication Date: May 2007 Title: Capital Controls: An Evaluation Author: Nicolas Magud, Carmen M. Reinhart URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c0157 14 Capital Controls An Evaluation Nicolas Magud and Carmen M. Reinhart 14.1 Introduction The literature on capital controls has (at least) four very serious issues that make it difficult, if not impossible, to compare across theoretical and empirical studies. We dub these apples-to-oranges problems, and they are as follows. First, there is no unified theoretical framework (say, as in the currency crisis literature) to analyze the macroeconomic consequences of controls. Second, there is significant heterogeneity across countries and time in the capital control measures implemented. Third, there are mul- tiple definitions of what constitutes success (capital controls are a single policy instrument—but there are many policy objectives). Fourth, the em- pirical studies lack a common methodology and are furthermore signifi- cantly overweighted by the two poster children—Chile and Malaysia. Our goal in this paper is to find a common ground among the noncompa- rabilities in the existing literature. Of course, there is usually a level of gener- ality that is sufficiently encompassing. After all, an apples-to-oranges prob- lem can be solved by calling everything fruit.