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E v a s c u, T h o m a s L y n n

SEGAGEA: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN A TRANSYLVANIAN MOUNTAIN VILLAGE OF ROMANIA

The Ohio State University Ph.D. 1980

University Microfiims International300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 18 Bedford Row, London WC1R 4EI, England SEGAGEA: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN A TRANSYLVANIAN MOUNTAIN VILLAGE OF ROMANIA

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Thomas L. Evascu, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1980

Reading Committee: Approved By Dr. Erika Bourguignon Dr. John C. Messenger Dr. Chung-Min Chen idviser Department of Anthro'^blogy PREFACE

The fieldwork material and most of the biblio­ graphic information which is presented in this disserta­ tion were obtained while I was a Fulbright-Hays_predoc- toral research grantee in the Socialist Republic of Romania from September, 1975 to August, 1977* I would like to thank those people at the American Embassy in Bucharest who were so helpful in resolving many of the administrative problems which arose during my two-year residence in the country. I would also like to thank my Romanian hosts who did everything that they could to assist me in my research project as well as to make my visit to Romania the enjoy­ able one that it was. I am especially grateful to Dr. Professor Dumitriu Pop who was my in-country adviser throughout the period of my research. I am also indebted to Mrs. Yiorica Pascu, the director, and the staff members of the Ethnographic Museum of Transylvania in Cluj-Napoca who aided me in my preparation for the field. In this regard, no one was more helpful to me than Mr. Tiberiu Graur. Without his professional assistance and personal friendship very few of my fieldwork goals would have been realized.

ii I would also like to give a special recognition to Dr. Valer Butura, a former director of the Ethnographic Museum, for his kind support during my stay in the field. As "both a native of the Western Mountain region (from Salciua-de-Jos) and an authority on the ethnographic research which has been conducted there, Dr. Butura was gracious enough to share with me many of his personal experiences and firsthand knowledge of the area where the village of Segagea is located. A brief look at the dis­ sertation references will reveal to the reader the disproportionate extent to which I drew upon Dr. Butura's expertise. In the Department of Anthropology at The Ohio State University I would like to acknowledge the help which was given to me by those on my dissertation committee: Dr. Erika Bourguignon, Dr. John C. Messenger and Dr. Chung-Min Chen. I deeply appreciate the time that they were willing to devote to reading and commenting upon earlier disserta­ tion drafts. I am also grateful to Dr. Garrison Walters of the College of Humanities, The Ohio State University, for his suggestions regarding my interpretation of Romanian history. Although all four of these people re­ viewed all or parts of the dissertation at various stages of its development, I alone am responsible for its final contents. More than anyone else, of course, I want to thank the villagers of Segagea who took me so warmly into their homes. If it were not for their tolerance toward me and my presence in their lives, this study would have never been completed. Throughout the body of the dissertation, but especi­ ally in Chapters IV and V, I have included Romanian words to highlight certain terms or phrases. I have also used Romanian orthography for all geographic and other Romanian nouns that do not have a specific English spelling. For those readers who do not speak Romanian but would like to pronounce these words correctly, a few short rules may be helpful. First, Romanian is basically a phonetic language in that, as a general rule, each letter of a word is pro­ nounced and the letter's pronounciation is rarely influ­ enced by its position within a word. There are, however, a few exceptions to the rule. One of these is when the letter "h" is positioned between the consonants of "c" or "g" and the vowels of "i" or "e." In these cases, the "h" is silent but transforms the pronunciations of "c" and "g" from their "soft" to their "hard" forms. For example, in Romanian, "ce" is pronounced as in the English word "check" and "ge" is pronounced as in the English word "gem." However, "che" is pronounced as in the English word "kept" while "ghe" is pronounced as in the English word "get." In all, Romanian has 26 letters in its alphabet: 7 vowels and 19 consonants. Although none of the phones in Romanian have truly identical sounds in English (Nandris 195352), only a few are so different that they would re­ quire a great deal of practice to reproduce correctly. One that would, however, is the phone "1 ," sometimes written as "a"— a closed, unrounded middle vowel— which is pronounced by putting the tip of the tongue against the back of the lower teeth (Nandris 1953*^)• The rest of the vowels are pronounced as follows: a as in now a as in father e as in inen i as in see o as in sport u as in food Romanian also has five major dipthongs: "oa," "ia," "ea," "ie" and "ua." The Romanian consonants are pronounced very similar to their English counterparts except that the "r" is trilled and the "j" is pronounced as in the English word "pleasure." And, finally, Romanian has two consonants which are not found in the English alphabet. The first is "t," which is pronounced in English as "ts" as in "what's." And the second is "s," which is pronounced in English as "sh" as in the word "sheep."

v VITA

October 19, 19^6 .... Born, Alliance, Ohio 1971 ...... B.A., Psychology, Waynesburg College, Waynesburg, Pennsylvania 1971-1973...... Teaching Associate, Department of Anthropology, University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 197^ ...... M.A., University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 1973-1975; 1978-1979 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of Anthropology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1975-1977...... Fulbright-Hays Grantee, Romania 1977-1978...... NDFL Fellowship Recipient, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1979-1980 ...... Teaching Associate, The Romanian Language Program, Department of Romance Languages and Literatures and Department of Slavic and East European Languages, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio Adjunct Faculty, Sociology, Franklin University, Columbus, Ohio

PUBLICATIONS 197^ A holocultural study of societal organization and mode of marriage: a general evolutionary model. New Haven: HRAF Press (HRAFlex Book W6-003» 2 Volumes). 1976a Data quality and inodes of marriage: some holo- cultural evidence of systematic errors. (With Dr. James M. Schaefer, University of Montana.) Behavior Science Research 11:25-37* 1976b Review: Kippel: A Changing Village in the Alps. By John Friedl. IN Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei, 1976. Cluj-Napoca, pp. 3^-3^8. 1977 Altered states of consciousness within a general evolutionary perspective: a holocultural analysis. (With Dr. Erika Bourguignon, The Ohio State University.) Behavior Science Research 12:197-216. 1978 Segagea: social and economic change in a mountain village. IN Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei, 1978. Cluj-Napoca, pp. 67-8^.

FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Social Anthropology Studies in Holocultural Methodology Professor Bourguignon Studies in Evolutionary Theory Professor Chen Studies in Peasants Professor Messenger TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE...... VITA ...... LIST OF TABLES ...... LIST OF FIGURES...... Chapter I . INTRODUCTION ...... Research Objectives . . The Socialist Revolutions A Historical and Contemporary Perspective. . . . Chapter Contents: An Overview .... II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... Urban Development and Rural-Urban Migration ...... Kinship and Family Structure ...... Peasant-Workers...... Theoretical Implications ...... III. FIELD SETTING AND METHODOLOGY...... Participant-Observation...... Interviewing ...... Census Materials ...... IV. TRADITIONAL PEASANTRY: GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING AND EARLY HISTORY...... Transylvania ...... The Western Mountains...... The Domain of Trascau...... The Commune of Posaga and Segagea. . .

viii Page V. THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SEGAGEA 1848-19^8...... 125 Traditional Agro-Pastoralism and Economic Change ...... 130 The Agro-Pastoral Economy and Its Social Organization ...... 1*1-7 VI. STATE-LEVEL PROGRAMS IN SEGAGEA AND THEIR INFLUENCES SINCE THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTION...... 168 State-Level Programs in Segagea: 194.8 -196k ...... 169 State-Level Programs in Segagea Since 1965...... 182 VII. THE RESULTS: POST-PEASANTRY AND MODERNIZATION IN SEGAGEA SINCE 19*1-8.. 192 Economic and Social Change 19^8-196** .... 19^ Economic and Social Change Since 1965* . . . 205 Agro-Pastoralism in 1977 ...... 223 VIII. SUMMARY OF THE RESULTS AND DISCUSSION. . . . 235 Rural Out-Migration...... 239 Kinship and Family Structure...... 2*t<5 The Peasant-Worker ...... 2*J-8 REFERENCES...... 255

ix LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1. Population Statistics for the Commune of Posaga-de-Sus: 1890-19^1...... 156 2. Frequency of Patri-Avere and Matri-Avere Post-Marital Residence ...... l6l 3. Averages of Household Land Ownership for Segagea 19^8-197^...... 19^ Range of Household Land Ownership in Segagea 19^8-197^* ...... 196 5* Average Household Size in Segagea 1948-1977...... 199 6 . Population Statistics for Segagea 19^8-1977 201 7 . Household Composition in Segagea 1951-1977...... • • • • 202 8 . Out-Migration Statistics for Segagea 1951-1977...... 20^ 9 . Number of Wage-Earners in Segagea and Their Age Groupings 1971-1977...... 211 10. Age Group Percentages for Segagea 1951-1977...... 219 11. Number of Resident Married Males and Occupational Categories by Age Grouping: 1977...... 225

x LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page 1. Map of Romania, 1977 ...... 3 2. Judetul Alba and Comuna Posaga...... 6 3. Regional Map of Romania...... 12 4. Area Map of Comuna Posaga...... 66 5. Map of Segagea...... 70 6. Interview Data Sh e e t...... 82 7* The Western Mountain Zone...... 99 8. The Eastern Section of the Western Mountains...... » ...... ' 107 9. Settlements Located Withinthe Domain of Trascau ...... 11^ 10. Nimas and Tarina Areas for 1976...... 13^ 11. Avere Names for Mijlocul Satului ...... 158

xi CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Since the end of World War II, American anthro­ pology has progressively shifted its center of attention away from the study of nonliterate or "primitive" peoples to include the analysis of what may be described as more "complex" societies. Today, in fact, the number of anthro­ pological studies being conducted, in existing peasant and developing countries exceeds that being carried out in any other type of socio-cultural setting (Gamst 197^:1)- The focal point of this research is typically a rural community, a village or a smaller hamlet, whose traditional agrarian economy has been modified, in some way, by the global, state and local processes of postwar moderni­ zation. For the most part, these studies have been taking place in the so-called "nonaligned" or Third World nations of Central and South America, Southern Asia, the Near East and Africa. However, since the late 1960s, because of improved economic, political and cultural relations between the West and the Socialist countries of Eastern and Southeastern Europe, American anthropologists have been doing field work in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Romania as well. Prior to the late 1960s, the only work which could be carried out by Americans in this part of the world was in Yugoslavia--the only Socialist country which had retained relatively close ties with the West after the establishment of the Com­ munist regimes in the late 19^0s. As a result, the bulk of the postwar ethnographic research which exists from Southeastern Europe comes from this one country. Over the past decade, however, this situation has changed significantly. Since 1968, the largest quantity of research con­ ducted in Southeastern Europe by Western anthropologists, with the possible exception of only Yugoslavia, has taken place in the Socialist Republic of Romania (The Romanian Research Group 1979:136). The Socialist Republic of Romania is considered to be one of the Communist- or Socialist-bloc countries of Eastern Europe (excluding Albania and Yugoslavia) and has close political and economic ties with the Soviet Union. Situated north of the Balkan Peninsula (see map, page 3). covering an area of 237,500 square km, Romania is the twelfth largest country in Europe and the third largest of the East European Socialist nations. In 1977» the popula­ tion of Romania was a little above 21 million inhabitants, the ninth largest population among the European states and Baia Mare

Cluj-Napoca Turda

Arad •) Alba-Iulia

Sibiu

Southern Carpathians . ^ ^ /v' /v>

Craiova Bucuresti Constanta

Figure 1. Map of Romania, 1977 the third most populated country (after Poland and Yugo­ slavia) in Eastern Europe (Direetda Centrala de Statistica 1977:531-532).

Research Objectives The objectives of my research were twofold. First, I wanted to reconstruct, as completely as possible, the economic, social and'cultural changes which have taken place in a noncollectivized village community since the beginning of the Romanian Socialist Revolution in 19^8. Secondly, I wanted to determine if these changes were unique or followed a more generalized pattern of socio­ economic transformation under the state-level programs of socialist modernization. To accomplish the latter objec­ tive, it was necessary to compare my research results with those from other studies conducted not only in Romania, but in the neighboring countries of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria--countries with similar, althought not identical, geographic, historical and cultural backgrounds. The village which I selected as the focal point for my own study is called Segagea. Segagea is a mountain community, one of seven recognized settlements within the commune (comuna) of Posaga, judetul Alba. The commune, in Romania, is the smallest nonurban administrative unit in the state's political and economic- organization; whereas, the judet or "district" is comparable to a county within an American state (see map, page 6). Officially, the village is registered as Sagagea (I. Anghel et al 1972: 44); however, I have chosen to use the spelling which is based upon local pronunciation and as suggested to me by many of the villagers. In Romania, as is probably true in all the East European Socialist countries, the most revolutionary changes have occurred within the larger lowland villages— where a statewide system of agricultural collectivization has taken place--and in the growing urban centers of the nation--where planned industrialization has had its greatest effects. These changes have brought about a significant reordering of the rural-urban structure of the society. In 194-8, the number of urban residents represented only 23.4- percent of the country's population. Yet in 1977. the urban population (including suburban communes) had grown to become 4-7.5 percent of the total population, more than doubling the 194-8 level (Directia Centrala de Statistica 1977 s 4-5). The change in the ratio between the rural and urban populations merely reflects the significant shift in the occupational status of the country's population as a whole since the end of World War II. In 1950, a little over six million persons were engaged in agriculture as their pri­ mary means of earning a living, a total of 74-. 1 percent of Cluj-Napoca

JUDETUL CLUJ

• Turda

Cimpeni

• Abrud

JUDETUL ALBA

Alba-Iulia

Figure 2. Judetul Alba and Comuna Posaga the nation's population. In 1977. however, the number of persons directly involved in agriculture had declined to a little above three-and-one-half million persons or to only 35*6 percent of the population. Concomitantly, the number of persons in industrial occupations rose from 12 percent in 1950 to 31-9 percent in 1977 (Directia Central! de Statistica 1977:101). Because it is a relatively remote, mountain com­ munity, Segagea cannot be labeled as a "typical" Romanian village. In fact, a fairly small noncollectivized village such as Segagea may rightly be viewed as being outside the mainstream of Romania's more recent and'even earlier economic and social movements. Nevertheless, a study of this nature does provide anthropologists, in a comparative sense, with a much broader and perhaps deeper perspective into the total range of change which has and continues to take place among the rural population of Romania, as well as in the other developing Socialist countries of South­ eastern Europe. For example, it is now, perhaps, a matter of common knowledge that the villagers of Romania very much resented the threat to their private ownership of land and even resisted the government's■earlier attempts to establish state farms and "voluntary" agricultural collectives. Though this may have been true in the majority of cases, in Segagea, private agriculturalists today, under no "threat" of collectivization, are voluntarily removing themselves from a dependency on their own agricultural land. Some members of the community are migrating out of the village completely. Others have decided to remain in Segagea but to enter into the nonagricultural sector of the nation's economy as peasant-workers. Obviously, the economic and political factors which were involved in the processes of collectivizing the low­ land villages in Romania 20 years ago are not the same factors influencing the changes that are taking place in a village like Segagea today. However, by observing and comparing such diverse socioeconomic situations within a historical perspective, it should be possible for us to understand much better not only the role that the social­ ist state plays in promoting change, but also the local reactions of the citizenry to state-level programs which are often aimed at achieving larger national goals. Although it is probably true that the collectiviza­ tion of land was initially viewed by the middle-level and more well-to-do peasants as a severe encroachment upon their perceived "right" to own property in whatever quan­ tity, it has also been suggested that today— in a rapidly industrializing society— collectivization has generally been accepted, even by a large segment of the rural population, as a "tolerable solution" to many of Romania's prewar agrarian problems (Fischer-Galati 1970:168). It has been reported by the Romanian government that through state-level investments in mechanization, irrigation projects and the use of chemical fertilizers, agricultural production has increased by more than two-and-one-half times the prewar level (Directia Centrala de Statistica 1977:319)* This is important for the state planners because it is absolutely imperative that the country's agricultural production keep pace with the rest of the nation's economic growth if both industrialization and urban development are to continue to increase at their present rates. It remains to be seen, however, what role today's rural population will actually play in Romania's economic future. In the larger lowland villages, state-level spending to expand agricultural production and to diver­ sify the rural economy will most likely continue to bring benefits to the local population. But, in the smaller mountain settlements, like Segagea, where the eventual economic rewards for large-scale state expenditures are difficult to predict, the degree to which the government will continue with or promote future modernization pro­ grams will depend most likely upon local environmental factors. The degree of its accessibility or remoteness, the presence or absence of important natural resources or 10 its potential for developing foreign and/or domestic tourism are variables which will influence greatly the state's willingness to make future investments in any given highland location.

The Socialist Revolution: A Historical and Contemporary Perspective Romania's Socialist Revolution— the beginning of state-level programs intended to transorm the country into a future communist society— was born of the political events surrounding-the causes and outcomes of World War II. In 1939, with the signing of the nonaggression pact between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, Romania found itself caught between the two dominant powers in Eastern Europe. Earlier in the same year, Romania had entered into an "economic alliance" with Germany. The agreement had actually been initiated, and practically imposed, by the German government to gain access to Romania's exten­ sive crude oil deposits near the city of Ploiesti (Keefe et al 1972:20). At first, neither Germany nor the Soviets had made their intentions toward Romania explicitly clear; however, it did not take long for the two powers to make their presence known to the Romanian people. In June, 19^0, the Soviet Union, with support from Germany, demanded the cession of the disputed territories of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina (see map, page 12). And, in August, under direct pressure from Germany, Romania was forced to cede the long-disputed territories of northern Transyl­ vania to Hungary and southern Dobruja to Bulgaria— countries which had been sympathetic to the Third Reich (Keefe et al 1972:20). The loss of the territories to Hungary and Bulgaria reflected the amount of control that both Germany and the Romanian Fascist Party had gained within the structure of the Romanian government. In the same year, 19^0, King Carol II was forced to abdicate the throne to his son Michael. The new government, headed by General Ion Antonescu, was decidedly pro-German and pro-Fascist in its orientation. Not long after Antonescu came to power, German troops entered the country under the pretxt of J securing the oil fields at Ploiesti, and Romania became officially allied with Italy, Germany and Japan in the Anti-Comintern Pact (Keefe et al 1972:21). In the follow­ ing year, Germany and Romania declared war simultaneously on the Soviet Union and Hitler's Eastern Front had become a reality. Early in the campaign, both German and Romanian troops were able to move quickly into Russian territory and Romania was able to bring under its control the areas which it had lost to the Soviets in 19^0. Between 19^1 and 19^2, the Romanians had played a major role in the Bukovina^ Maramures

(—

Crisana

Banat

MunteniaOltenia

ro Figure 3* Regional Map of Romania 13 German occupation of the Crimean area north of the Black Sea; however, in 19^3 the advantage began to swing to the Russians at the battle of Stalingrad. After defeating the combined Romanian and German forces here, the Soviets were able to rebuild their army in preparation for their long push toward the west and the eventual occupation of eastern Germany. By mid-19^4, the Soviet army had crossed the Romanian border at Bessarabia and was headed toward Bucharest (Bucuresti), the Romanian capital. On August 23 (the date now celebrated as Romania's National Holiday), with Bucharest liberated and the Antonescu government over­ thrown by a Communist-led coup, Romania re-entered the war on the side of the Allies and joined the Soviet troops in liberating northern Transylvania, Hungary and Czechoslo­ vakia (Keefe et al 1972:21). In the period immediately following the war, Soviet attitudes toward Romania were once again not completely clear. It did not take long, however, to see that the Russians were intent on directly controlling both the political and economic future of the country. It also did not take long for the once almost nonexistent Romanian Communist Party to come into political power. A Communist organization had not been formed officially in Romania until 1921 when a pro-Bolshevik element split from the Romanian Socialist Democratic Party to establish its own political faction. By 192^, however, the Romanian government had outlawed the Communist Party, forcing it to operate strictly as an underground movement. As a result, little is really known about the Party's activities prior to 1 9 ^ although it is known that the Party was dominated by non-Romanians and had suffered in popularity after supporting Russia's decision to annex Bessarabia. On the other hand, as Stephen Fischer-Galati (1970:75-83) points out, the Party's apparent lack of popularity and membership does not necessarily mean that it was completely without a group of sympathetic followers. By the summer of 19^4, after the Soviet invasion of Romania, the Party membership had grown from an estimated one thousand to a few hundred thousand in a matter of weeks. Between 1 9 ^ and 1952, various forms and stages of intra-Party battles were being waged. Central to these conflicts was a bipolar struggle for supremacy in the Party leadership. On the one side was a group of Roman­ ians who had championed their political causes at the "grass-roots" level and had spent the war period in Romanian jails as political prisoners. On the other side was a more "cosmopolitan" group.of leaders, not of Romanian descent, who had spent the war in Moscow under the training and watchful eye of the Soviets (Fischer- Galati 1970:109-158). By 1945. Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, an old Party activist who had spent the war in a Romanian prison, began to emerge as the leader of the Communist Party which had come to dominate the transitional government headed by Dr. Petru Groza. In August of the same year, the government leadership, with Gheorghiu-Dej as the Party's general secretary, was given official recognition by the Soviet Union. In 1946, the governments of both Great Britain and the United States did the same, leaving only the presence of the powerless King Michael as the last vestige of the prewar regime. However, in 1947. under the ultimatum of abdication or civil war, Michael stepped down from the' throne and on the same day, under complete Communist con­ trol, the former Constitutional Monarchy was declared the Romanian People's Republic (Keefe et al 1972:23-24-). With the transition of power finally complete and marked by the merger of the Communist Party with the Socialist Democratic Party to form the Romanian Worker's Party in 1948, the Socialist Revolution was begun as the new state apparatus began implementing its policies of socialist modernization. Because of Soviet influences on Romania's political and economic programs throughout the decades of the 1950s, many of the early administrative organizations and policies were merely carbon copies of their Russian prototypes. The three primary goals of the government followed a typical Soviet pattern: the 16 centralization of the national economy, the development of heavy industry and the collectivization of agriculture (a process which was finally completed in Romania in 1962). By 1951» Romania was ready to launch its first Five-Year Plan to begin laying the foundations for future industrial and economic growth. Although the 1950s represented a period of uncom­ fortable cooperation with the Soviets, by the 1960s, under the leadership of Gheorghiu-Dej, Romania was fully pre­ pared to chart its own course toward constructing a future communist society. Today, 30 years after the beginning of the Socialist Revolution, Romania has come a long way in developing its own economy while at the same time avoiding complete subordination to the Soviet Union in either economic or political matters. In 1977» the industrial output of the country was reported to be 31 times the highest prewar level (Romania. Yearbook 1978. 1979:77)* Between 1970 and 1975» Romania's average annual rate of economic production was superior to any East European country, including the Soviet Union. Within the same time period, Romania's rate of industrial growth was reported to be among the highest in the world (Directia Centrala de Statistics 1977:5^5-5^7). At least one reason for Romania's high rate of economic growth has been its increasing ties with Western Europe, Canada and the United States— a policy which, among others, has periodically brought Romania into seri­ ous confrontations with the Soviet Union. In 1 9 6 5 , Romania was the only Socialist-bloc nation to vote for the United Nations' resolution to end all nuclear bomb testing in the world. In 1968, Romania officially denounced the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, would commit no troops to the Warsaw Pact maneuvers, and publicly declared Romania's preparedness to defend its borders from any foreign threat. In 1969 > Romania openly rejected the Soviet policy of "limited sovereignty" (the Brezhnev Doctrine) for all East European Communist nations and declared itself free to pursue its own economic and poli­ tical policies toward developing an independent socialist state. In 1973. Romania became the first Socialist-bloc country to sign a trade agreement with the European Common Market. And, in 1975 > Romania received "most-favored- nation" status from the United States, which reduced tariffs placed on Romanian imports and cleared the way for a ten-year trade agreement with the United States, signed in 1976. In addition, Romania has stepped up its joint economic ventures with Western countries as a way of gain­ ing access to Western technology and certain natural resources. In 1977, for example, Romania made a large investment in a Virginia coal mine to extract a high grade 18 of coal needed in the production of iron and steel (Ro­ mania. World Book Year Book, 1978:466). Another reason for Romania's impressive rate of development has been the country's massive capital invest­ ments programs coupled with a high level of export trade in raw materials and agricultural products to pay for imported technology from the West. For this reason it is very understandable why many Romanians are willing to recognize the modernization achievements of their govern­ ment while, at the same time, they are of the opinion that the sheer rate of development sometimes places an almost unfair burden on the Romanian people. They are quick to point to the personal inconveniences of the six-day work week, the relatively low wages, the high prices which are often placed upon those commodities which the state con­ siders to be "luxury" items, and the general shortage of consumer goods and services. The Romanian government is well aware of the complaints of its citizens but appar­ ently feels that these are the prices that must be paid for continued economic growth and political self- determination. Despite the shortage of some consumer goods, the system of allocation has been very successful in redis­ tributing the most important advantages of Romania's economic development among the country's entire population. 19 As Fischer-Galati points out, "modernization" of some type would probably have taken place in Romania regardless of which form of government had come into power after World War II. However, as he states, it is most unlikely that the majority of the rural population (and the urban lower class) would have benefited as much as it has under the current Communist regime (Fischer-Galati 1970:218). As one of my own informants expressed it, "Of course, there are things that we could complain about, but, overall, it has never been better for us and under the Democrats (the Communist Party) we have a strong and stable leadership for the first time in our history."

Chapter Contents: An Overview The focus of this dissertation is on one village-- Segagea— a noncollectivized, mountain settlement in the Transylvanian region of Romania. As I have implied, it is impossible, when working in a complex society such as Romania, to conduct an analysis of a single local group without taking into consideration the mechanisms of the larger governmental system. As a result, there are always two perspectives that must be accounted for when analyzing any interaction between the village community and the state. I have tried to fuse both components of this dia­ lectic, so to speak, into a single thesis. However, if there is a bias on my part, it will probably be a 20 reflection of the association I naturally have with the village where my field experience took place. Chapter II, "Review of Literature," is an overview of the anthropological literature that has resulted from the fieldwork conducted in Southeastern Europe since the 1950s. The most salient research topics which have evolved from these published reports are essentially three: the processes of rural-urban migration, the analysis of "traditional" and modified kinship networks, and the position of peasant-workers as a response and further stimulus to socioeconomic and cultural change at the local level. The purpose of Chapter II is to provide the reader with a comparative perspective from which to view the changes that have taken place in Segagea, not only since the beginning of the Socialist Revolution, but over the larger history of the village from the time of its orig­ inal settlement. To combine both a historical and func­ tional frame of reference, I have utilized the peasant typology constructed by George Dalton (1972). Although Dalton had developed his historical paradigm with only West European societies in mind, with minor chronological changes, it appears to be equally applicable to the countries of Eastern Europe. 21 To reduce the field of comparison, Chapter II will he limited to a discussion of the three largest Communist countries in Southeastern Europe: Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Romania. As already mentioned, the greatest amount of published research has come from fieldwork in Yugoslavia. In terms of bibliographic material, only English language references have been cited in an attempt to tie the pres­ ent study into the larger body of American ethnographic research. Chapter III, "Field Setting and Methodology," has two purposes. First, it was written to provide the reader with a physical description of Segagea and the reasons why it was selected as the focus for the study. Secondly, it contains a discussion of the field methods I used in gathering the sociological and ethnographic data. The greatest part of the dissertation material was acquired through census research both from official commune records and from my own census-taking procedures carried out while I was in the field. Although the census data were the most important type of information which I could obtain in order to map the actual course of socioeconomic change that has taken place in Segagea since the end of World War II, the infor­ mation could never have stood alone as an independent body of research. Any census information gathered at the 22 community level is almost meaningless without the insights gained from first-hand contact with the members of the local group. To do this, the majority of my field stay was spent in participant-observation and in conducting extensive household interviews throughout the village. Chapter IV, "Traditional Peasantry," is devoted to a presentation of the geographic setting and early history of the Transylvanian region, the Western Mountain ethno­ graphic zone (Butura 1978:3^-^)--where the village of Segagea is located— and the commune of Posaga. One pur­ pose of this chapter is to provide the reader with an introduction to Romania's ancient past and to explain the historic formation of the Romanian people as a separate linguistic and ethnic group. Because I am a social anthropologist and not an archaeologist nor a historian, I have relied almost exclusively on secondary sources for this information. Most of the sources which I have con­ sulted have been written by Romanian scholars largely because so few works related to Romanian prehistory and history have been written by non-Romanian authors. The one major exception to this, of course, is the number of Hungarian scholars who have written extensively about the history of Transylvania. I am well aware of the discrepancies which exist between the Romanian and Hungarian historical schools concerning the indigenous populations of the Transylvanian region and their later subjugation under the Hungarian Crown. However, these are problems which must be left to future historians and pre­ historians to resolve. Furthermore, these issues really do not pertain directly to the more important objective of Chapter IV, which is to provide a processual sequence of events leading to the establishment of Segagea as a separate village community. According to all historical accounts, Romanian and Hungarian alike, Segagea was from its beginning, as it is today, completely Romanian in its ethnic composition. Chapter V, "The Early Modern Period," is basically an ethnographic description of Segagea during the height of its "free market" days. It was during this period-- from 18^8 and the abolishment of feudalism to 19^8 and the beginning of the Socialist Revolution— that the cultural content and dominant world view of most of the villagers over the age of 30 were formed. This was also a time when almost everyone's livelihood was dependent upon a system of agro-pastoralism. It is the analysis of the economic and social organization of this period which forms the starting point for understanding the subsequent changes that have occurred in Segagea since the end of World War 24- Chapter V is functional in its point of view and basically synchronic in its time perspective. Perhaps because this manner of looking at society and culture is the most familiar approach used in anthropology, I found Chapter V to be the most enjoyable to write. The material presented in this chapter has already been used to form the nucleus of a post-fieldwork publication (Evascu 1978). Chapters VI and VII, in combination, present to the reader the actual socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Segagea since 194-8. In preliminary drafts of the dissertation, I had included this material within the space of a single chapter. However, seeing that this could not be done adequately without deleting important information, I decided to expand the chapter contents into two separate but interrelated parts. Chapter VI focuses upon some of the state-level programs that affected Segagea most directly in the pro­ cess of transforming the economic base of the larger society. As will be seen, the planners of some of these earlier programs rarely took into consideration the negative effects that they might have on the more remote settlements of the country. As a result, many of the larger program objectives, which could never pertain to highland villages such as Segagea, produced very few benefits for either the state or the local population. 25 Some of the later programs, however, especially those related to education and health services, proved to he more "positive" in their scope. Chapter VII, "The Results," is devoted to describing the economic and social changes that have resulted in Segagea because of the state-level programs discussed in Chapter VI. In both Chapters VI and VII, the material is pre­ sented to the reader within the framework of two distinct time segments: an earlier period, from the beginning of the Socialist Revolution in 19^8 to 196^ and a later time period from 1965 to 1977» the "ethnographic present." This was not done merely as a matter of convenience or format, but as a way of underscoring what appears to be a significant point of demarcation both for the state-level and local processes of socioeconomic change. At the state level, 1965 was ‘fche year by when most of the more radical policies and programs of the Socialist Revolution had come to an end. By then it was considered that the economic infrastructure of the larger society had basically become transformed along the desired socialist lines. The year 1965 also marks the beginning of the present Ceausescu regime and Romania's boldest attempts to assert its independence from the political influences of the Soviet Union. At the village level, it was in 1965 that there ap­ peared the first signs of a shift away from agro- pastoralism as the single basis for the local economy. It was not until after 1965 that male members of the vil­ lage began to participate more directly in the industrial and money economy of the larger society. The economic transformations that resulted from the influences of the state-level programs and the initiatives of the local population produced significant changes in the social organization of the village as well. After 1965» there was an increase in out-migration, a decline in the village population, and an apparent shift in the structure of the average family household. The last chapter, Chapter VIII, "Summary of the Results and Discussion," reviews the changes that have taken place in Segagea since the beginning of the Social­ ist Revolution and places them in a comparative perspective by looking at the results of other studies conducted mainly in Romania and in Yugoslavia. The topics addressed are those that are discussed specifically in the body of Chapter II. CHAPTER II

• REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Beginning with the first indepth village study con­ ducted by an American anthropologist in Southeastern Europe (Sanders 19^9). the contents of such ethnographic studies have clustered around three major sequential themes: (1) a reconstruction of the early history of the geographic region and the origins of the particular village (ethnohistory), (2) a description of the tradi­ tional life way of the local peasantry (synchronic ethno­ graphy), and (3) an account of the economic, social and cultural changes which have taken place within the larger society and the village community since the establishment of a Communist governmental regime at the end of World War II (socialist modernization). Though each of these topics has been covered to some degree in each of the major village studies conducted since 19^9 (Halpern 1958, 1967, 1972; Winner 1971; Lockwood 1975). the overall emphasis has definitely been on the analysis of rural change under the policies and programs of socialist mo derni zati on. Although the term "modernization" does not have as yet a singular operational definition or meaning for the 27 social sciences (Eisenstadt 19665 1973)» it does have a specific area of focus for the Communist governments of Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria (Gilberg ..1975: 3-29) • The highest priority, often implemented at the expense of all other national programs, is the industrialization of the economy. Corollaries of the industrialization process have included increased urban development, as centers for industry and a growing labor force, and improved public education, as a means to prepare the nation's youth for future industrial, scientific and technical careers. The earlier efforts of the educational programs were aimed mostly at eradicating widespread illiteracy. This was especially true for Romania which had a very high illiter­ acy rate (Keefe et al 1972:79), but less so for Bulgaria which had the highest male literacy rate (92 percent) in the Balkans (Sanders 19^9:7)* In the social fields, major expenditures have also been made in the improvement of health care (especially for the very young and the aged), the electrification of selected rural settlements, the building and paving of new roads and the expansion of transportation facilities, mail delivery and other public services. In general, all three countries see themselves as leaping into the twentieth century through a complex of multilateral programs. Nevertheless, a certain conviction has always remained 29 that the success of any and all state-level programs is ultimately based upon the success of industrialization to produce a higher standard of living for the people and, perhaps more importantly for Romania at least, to create a level of economic and political independence great enough to secure true national sovereignty. To rural anthropologists, modernization, as a field of study in Southeastern Europe, has had three major foci of interests: (l) the process of planned urban develop­ ment and its effects on rural-urban migration (Halpern 1963, 1965i Bresloff 1967; Simic 1973, 197^, 1976; Denich 197^, 1976; Sampson 1976), (2) the analysis of traditional kinship organizations and their modifications in adaptive change (Ehrlich-Stein 19^0, 19^5, 1966; Pusic 1957; Halpern 1963; Balikci 1965; Baric 1967a, 1967b; Frolec 1967; Hammel 1968, 1969a, 1969b, Hammel and Soc 1973; Hammel and Yarbourgh 197^; Lockwood 1972, 197^, 1975a, 1975b; Buric 1976; Byrnes 1976; Cerna 1976; Chirot 1976; Cole 1976 and others), and (3) the position and role of the peasant-worker in the processes of socioeconomic change within the local setting (Halpern 1963, 1965; Beck 1976; Lockwood 1976). By reviewing the literature related to these three topics, it will be possible to create a background against which to view the results of the present study. Also, it 30 will be possible to compare the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Segagea with those that have occurred in other rural communities in the Socialist countries of Southeastern Europe.

Urban Development and Rural-Urban Migration As in other parts of Europe (Sjoberg 1955; Pitkin 1959)» the development of urban centers in Romania, Yugo­ slavia and Bulgaria has had both a preindustrial and an industrial phase. The first phase, in Southeastern Europe, began with the rise of preindustrial cities under a foreign hegemony (Bresloff 1967). The second phase began with the industrialization process which took place under the governments of the independent nations created after World War I (Halpern 1965; Simic 1973. 197^» 1976; Denich 1974, 1976). The preindustrial cities of Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, during their feudalistic periods, had two basic functions. First, they were local centers of a foreign political administration established to retain control of the area and to collect taxes from private feudal domains and the local peasantry. Secondly, they were the centers of commerce, transport and trade dominated by foreign merchants (Sjoberg 1955; Pitkin 1959; Bresloff 1967)* In Moldavia and Wallachia (Romania), Serbia, Bosnia-Herzego- vina, Macedonia (Yugoslavia) and in Bulgaria, the cities 31 were under Ottoman or Greek influences. In Transylvania (Romania), Croatia, Slovenia and, later, Bosnia (Yugo­ slavia), the cities were under Austro-Hungarian influences. In all three countries, the indigenous majority populations composed the bulk of the peasantry. To the peasant, the most important economic centers were not the cities, but the rural fairs or nearby market towns where minor surpluses could be traded for essential goods that could not be produced at home, such as salt, metal parts for agricultural tools and, perhaps, even certain grains or other agricultural products. What economic importance the city may have had for the villagers depended upon the local ecology and agricultural self-sufficiency of the rural settlement. In some villages, the city, if situ­ ated nearby, may have been a market for some types of peasant produce, but, in general, urban market trans­ actions for the peasant were very limited and, in some cases, even illegal (see Blum 1978:155-157)• With the development of industry, however, the role of the city began to change significantly. As the center for growing industrialization, the city became the termi­ nal point for rural out-migration (Pitkin 1959)• It appears that the earlier waves of migration were caused by local "push" factors such as overpopulation, underemploy­ ment, and the shortage of productive land (Denich 197*0 • For example, in Slovenia, the most industrialized region of Yugoslavia, there appears to have been a direct rela­ tionship between rural out-migration, land shortage and impartible inheritance. In those households with rather limited land resources, noninheriting sons were forced to become agricultural laborers or to migrate to larger towns or cities in search of industrial employment (Winner 1971). In those areas where land was more available, we may suppose that these push factors would have been less evident at least in the beginning stages of industriali zation. Although industrialization began in the Balkans after World War I , its greatest development occurred after World War II under the predecessors of the current Com­ munist regimes. The process was hastened by two major Communist policies: (1) the decision to make the majority of future state-level investments in the development of heavy industry as opposed to other sectors of the national economy and (2) the decision to control agricultural pro­ duction through the formation of state farms and collec­ tives or through the legislation of land distribution laws which eliminated most of the incentives for the peasantry to remain in private agriculture as a way of life (Halpern 1963). Accompanying these two major changes were also the increased educational opportunities made available to children of peasant heritage and the incentives and pres­ tige values which the state placed upon those aspects of society which were oriented toward the achievement of modernization. Although the earlier stages of rural-urban migration were based on the push factors of overpopulation and underemployment, the emerging perceived advantages of urban living: the conveniences of electrification and indoor plumbing, modern forms of entertainment, new styles, fashions, and so forth, produced a whole new set of "pull" factors for most of the nation's youth. It is, in fact, the younger generation that is most likely to be involved in the process of rural-urban migra­ tion. In Bette Denich's study (197*0 of peasant in- migration to the town of Titovo Uzice, Yugoslavia, the median age for her sample of migrants was 22, with three- fourths of them having left their villages by the age of 25. Only 10 percent of her sample were in their 30s and only one percent was over the age of *K). The process of planned urban growth in Southeastern Europe has flowed rather smoothly considering its rela­ tively rapid rate of development since the end of World War II. The reason for such a smooth rural-urban transi­ tion is largely the result of the rapidly expanding 3^ industrial sector of the economy which has been able to keep pace with the rate of in-migration. Another impor­ tant factor has been the absence of a large, truly indi­ genous urban elite class to create any degree of conflict in the face of planned urban change (Halpern 1963. 1965; Simic 1973, 197^. 1976). After years of subjugation under foreign empires, the native, urban-oriented aristocracies of Romania, Yugo­ slavia and Bulgaria were either absorbed into the ranks of the foreign elite or reduced to the level of the local peasantry. With the gaining of independence and the establishment of national governments dedicated to the development of industry and urban growth, there has been a more or less unopposed flow of the rural, national "Little Tradition" into the cities (Simic 197^217) • At the same time, under the programs of moderniza­ tion, "city ways" are also being channeled into the rural countryside through "cadres" of technicians, administra­ tors, school teachers and others who are employed to implement the state-level programs of sociocultural change. As Joel Halpern notes (1963. 1965)» process of modern­ ization in Yugoslavia (which we may also generalize to Romania and Bulgaria) has brought about not only the "peasantization" of the town but also the "urbanization" of the village. In Romania, this has literally been the case with respect to some of the rural settlements. The process of urban development among the Social­ ist countries of Southeastern Europe is probably nowhere more controlled by the state than in Romania. Under a program of "systematization" (Turnock 197^32-5^; Gilberg 1975; Sampson 1976), planned urban and industrial growth has been spread relatively evenly to each judet of the country. The result has been a more even redistribution of the country's economic wealth while, at the same time, an avoidance of many of the problems usually associated with rapid urban expansion in the world's "developing" nations: poverty, overpopulation, and the loss of cul­ tural and personal identity through regional dislocation (Eisenstadt 1966:10-11, 20-22, 52-57)* Under systematization, selected towns have been earmarked for intensive industrialization and growth. In those judete where true industrial towns did not exist or where urban development was considered to be necessary or desirable, large rural settlements have become towns or new urban centers in a relatively short period of time (see Sampson 1976). Despite strong controls, the rate of urban growth in Romania has been fairly impressive. In 1956, there were only 16 cities which had a population that exceeded 50,000 inhabitants and only eight cities which had a population over 100,000(Directia Centrala de Statistica 1969:XXIV). In 1977> however, the number of cities which exceeded 50,000 inhabitants had reached 36 while the number of cities with a population of 100,000 or more had grown to 18 (Directia Centrala de Statistica 1977«5^-55). Although rural-urban migration is a significant part of the modernization process, the more traditional identifications that the people have with their natal villages and home regions are not forgotten. Countries in Southeastern Europe are small in comparison to the United States, for example, and as both Halpern (1965) and Andrei Simic (197^) have noted, the process of migration is generally an intra-regional phenomenon. It is more likely that Serbians will migrate to Belgrade, the Serbian capi­ tal, and that Croatians will migrate to Zagreb, the Croatian capital, rather than to cities in other regions of Yugoslavia. Similarly, in Romania, Transylvanian Romanians identify with and often desire to remain in Transylvania as opposed to migrating to another region of the country. Of course, the same is also true for Moldavians, Oltenians and those from other regions of Romania who wish to stay in their native provinces. De­ spite the number of rural pushes and urban pulls, the bonds of old and familiar ties are not so easily broken. 37 Kinship and Family Structure The one traditional subject matter of anthropology which has found a solid place in the ethnology of South­ eastern Europe is that of kinship organization. The most important reason for this interest in kinship is the existence of the South Slavic zadruga or patrilocal, patrilineal, joint-extended family household (Ehrlich- Stein 1940, 1945, 1966; Byrnes 1976). Throughout the areas of Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzogovina, Macedonia, parts of Albania and Bulgaria, the zadruga was the ideo­ logical, if not the actual, bulwark of peasant social organization. The true origins of the zadruga are still unknown and are likely to remain so, but the historical relation­ ship between the Balkan frontier zones, both cultural and ecological, and the existence of the zadruga is too strong to be overlooked. As long as there were fields to be cleared and the threat of the "Turk" was ever present, the joint-family household as a means to open up virgin lands, to exploit several ecological subzones simultaneously, and to provide self-defense through numbers was a highly adap­ tive means of socioeconomic organization (Halpern 1958:1- 36; 134-150; Hammel 1969b; Buric 1976; Chirot 1976:140-141; Frolec 1967; Mosely 1976:61). However, in the face of industrialization, urban development and the growth of a 38 money economy, the zadruga has disappeared in all but the most remote areas of the Balkans (Ehrlich-Stein 1976; Grossmith 1976; Rheubottom 1976). In the most industrial region of Yugoslavia, Slovenia, the zadruga, as we know it, had either never developed at all or had disappeared so long ago that no historical proof of it ever having existed can be found (Winner 1971*59-6^; Mosely 1976:61). Though the analysis of the zadruga belongs to the more traditional interests of anthropology, the role of kinship in the process of adjusting to the forces of modernization is very much a part of current research. The most important new role which kinship appears to have today is that of helping to bridge the geographic and social gap between the village and the city (Halpern 1963. 1965; Hammel 1969; Simic 1976). Of the available means to help the new in-migrant to establish a residency within the urban setting— through state officials, friends or kin— by far the most frequently relied upon is the already existing network of kinship (Baric 1967a). The consensus of a number of recent kinship studies is that modernization has not destroyed the networks of kinship but merely modified or rearranged them in order to adapt to current socioeconomic changes (Pusic 1957; Halpern 1963; Baric 1967a, 1967b; Buric 1976; Simic 1976). Among these adjustments has been a shift from a very 39 strong, almost absolute, emphasis on the paternal side of the family to a more bilateral recognition of kin ties and obligations (Baric'’ 1967a; Hammel and Yarbourgh 197^; Buric 1976). Unlike the traditional pattern found in the village, urban transformations have lead to an increase in matri- local residence and a greater dependence on the wife's kin for economic support and contacts to establish a new house­ hold in the city (Simic 1976). Also influenced by the urban environment are the roles associated with the traditional ties of fictive kin­ ship. In Yugoslavia, the urban concept of Orthodox god­ parenthood appears to have been altered somewhat from its original religious and spiritual functions (Hammel 1968). In the village, a groom usually selected his marriage sponsor and the godparent to his children from among the older, more prestigious men of the community. Yet, today, an urban groom is more likely to choose someone, often a relative, from among his own peer group. In the city, in contrast to the village, godparenthood selection tends to place less emphasis on extending formal ties outside the family and more emphasis on strengthening already existing networks of kin and close friends (Simic 1976). Even after the new urbanite has become established in his residence, there continues to be a large amount of social and economic interaction between the city and the village. Rural life in a developing country is not with­ out its advantages. One of these advantages is the ability to grow vegetables as opposed to being forced to buy them in an urban market place or in state-owned stores where the prices are often high and the produce may be of a very low quality and frequently out of stock. Another benefit of rural living is the fresh air, open space and relaxation from hurried and crowded city life. On those occasions when relatives have the oppor­ tunity to return home to the village, usually on state- recognized holidays, there is always an exchange between kin of items that cannot be obtained anywhere else. The city dweller may receive vegetables, meat, home-made spirits (of a quality that would be very expensive if purchased in the city), seasonal fruits, mushrooms or berries, cheese and other village foods. The city dweller may bring with him "exotic" fruits such as bananas or oranges (sold only in the city), chocolate bars for the children, prepared meats, more expensive brands of cigar­ ettes or articles of clothing which are not available in the village Coop or store. Of course, the opposite is also true. Once established, the new urbanite becomes a guide for relatives who must go to the city on official business with government agencies or to attend health clinics, to buy things not available in the village, or just to visit relatives or friends who have moved away. Unlike the South Slavic zadruga pattern, Romanian culture has apparently never placed a strong emphasis on the ideal of the joint or large extended-family household. As far as is known, the zadruga never existed in true Romanian lands (Chirot 1976:139-1^0; Mosely 1976). Al­ though there was a tendency to stress the paternal side of the family and patrilocal residence was preferred, at least for a short period after marx-iage descent was bi­ lateral and the nuclear family was considered to be the ideal situation— at least from the point of view of the younger generation. Why this should be so, in contrast to the ideal of the South Slavic pattern, is not absolutely clear although it probably has to do with a more indigenous population which had adapted to a different set of ecologi­ cal and socioeconomic circumstances. According to Daniel Chirot (1976), the functional equivalent of the zadruga was the Romanian communal vil­ lage. Based upon strong territorial ties and endogamous marriage, the communal village, like the zadruga, was apparently a highly efficient social solution to the demands of a predominantly pastoral economy trying to adapt to a relatively pristine and sparsely populated area. However, during the seventeenth century, because of a shift in the basis of the regional economy away from animal husbandry toward grain agriculture, and the growing economic power of the noble class, the communal village began to disappear. It is Chirot's opinion that the Romanian peasantry deliberately divided its communal lands into separate nuclear-family holdings rather than to risk the possibility of a noble gaining rights to an entire village through the purchase of land from a single member of the settlement. Though Chirot's explanation for the absence of the zadruga pattern may sound plausible for the specific time period in Moldavia and Wallachia to which his research applies, it does not explain fully the empha­ sis on the nuclear family that was found after this period. Also it does not explain the emphasis on the nuclear family organization found in Transylvania where an admittedly different set of social, economic and political factors existed (Chirot 1976:1^0). The role of kinship, despite the apparent contrasts with Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, is just as important in the processes of modernization in Romania as it is in these other two countries. If one were to apply Ernestine Friedl's (1959) proposed typology of modernizing societies based upon their degree of increased social mobility, but continued kinship solidarity, all three countries would probably fit into the same social category. Under the Romanian program of systematization, a citizen who lives in one local group cannot establish ^3 residency in another local group without first acquiring official approval from the state. This is especially true when concerning movement into a city. Permission to move into an urban settlement can be obtained only with proof of local employment (which itself must be secured through a government agency) and a place to reside. And, although in-migration is definitely controlled, the high rate of influx to Romania's cities is such that to find a perman­ ent place to live is next to impossible without several years' wait for official placement. The most convenient and easiest solution to this problem is to seek the support of kin, either to share a room or an apartment or as a contact to find someone who is willing to rent. Similarly,, job contacts can also be made through kin though not as frequently. In one case, as an example, a girl from Segagea was able to find employment in the same factory where her older married sister was working. This was possible because her sis­ ter's husband was a foreman at the same factory. What is more, until she was able to find a place of her own, she was free to stay with her sister and brother-in-law in the city where the factory is located. More recently, there has been a new pattern of rural-urban migration: older persons, usually widowed or unmarried parents, who are now unable to carry on the agricultural duties which normally would have fallen to younger members of the family. In most cases, these older members of the community are leaving the village to live with their married sons or daughters who had migrated out at an earlier stage and are now firmly established in urban positions (see also Halpern 1965)• Since both of the younger couple are no doubt employed and away from the home most of the day, their parents or in-laws, whichever may be the case, are very helpful in taking care of the children, in waiting in lines to buy meat or other grocer­ ies, in preparing meals, or in performing other household activities. In these situations, the new "extended" family is very adaptive to the current problems of urban living. Marriage patterns have also been affected by the prospects of rural-urban migration. Under normal circum­ stances, a citizen who lives in one judet has no right to migrate permanently to a city in another judet even if that city is near his natal village. Through marriage, however, anyone has the right to gain permanent residency in the domicile of his or her spouse. The result has been an influx of young people from the more rural judete, which lack large urban centers of their own, into the cities and towns of the more urbanized .judete through marriage with former classmates or friends who were made while they attended school in one of the country's urban areas. k5 Though it is difficult to move directly into urban centers, it is less difficult to migrate into their sur­ rounding communes where employment is available. Often older migrants will begin by working for the local agri­ cultural cooperative. Since the industrial sector of the Romanian economy is still expanding, newcomers may reside in the suburban communes but commute daily by bus to jobs they have acquired in the city. These types of suburban moves are frequently made and are even encouraged by the state especially when the migrants are from the poorer mountain villages such as Segagea. In Romania, under the program of systematization, the process of rural-urban migration has continued fairly smoothly over the last 25 years. In Yugoslavia, however, the rate of urban migration, which occurred at a very rapid pace after the war, appears to be slowing down as a result of the decline in new urban positions opening up to rural youth. Under the pull of city attractions and modern life styles, this is a difficult set of circum­ stances for some of the younger people to accept especi­ ally after years of state-supported schooling and the high prestige placed upon urban-oriented careers (Denich 19 7 ^)• For some, the slowdown in urban migration may mean that they will have to stay in the village the rest of their lives although few would actually re-enter fulltime agricultural careers. For many,. it will mean that they will have to live on the family estate as part-time agri­ culturalists hut commute to work in a nearby town or rural location as miners or as forestry or factory workers.

Peasant-Workers Though there has been a great deal of emphasis placed upon rural-urban migration and new roles associated with kinship, the most significant socioeconomic change to take place at the village level has been the decline in the traditional agricultural pattern, paralleled by an increased involvement in the money economy of the larger society. One major source of money to come into and to circulate through the village is the peasant-worker. The peasant-worker is a rural agriculturalist who finds it difficult to commit himself completely to his fulltime industrial occupation (often found missing from his job at times of peak agricultural activity) for fear of future economic changes, but who, at the same time, finds it undesirable, with the present economic conditions, to remain in private agriculture. By definition, the peasant-worker is an individual who still clings to peasant ways, provides much of his own household and food needs, and earns a salary by working at a nearby indus­ trial installation. This definition implies that the peasant-worker owns his own land on which he conducts his own agricultural activities but commutes daily (or weekly) to a job site somewhere outside the village, either on foot if nearby or by train and/or bus to a more distant location (Halpern 1963, 1965; Bresloff 1967; Beck 1976; Lockwood 1976). Most of the analysis of the peasant-worker situ­ ation, as far as Southeastern Europe is concerned, has come from work done in Yugoslavia. This is largely true because the rural citizen in Yugoslavia (but not so in Romania or Bulgaria) has the right to retain land and re­ main in private agriculture as long as his holding does not exceed ten hectares of land. According to government statistics (Lockwood 1976:28^), peasant-workers in 1969 made up 23 percent of the total rural work force in Yugo­ slavia: over 1.^ million peasants. At the same time, one-half of all of Yugoslavia's 12 million rural inhabi­ tants lived in households with at least one member of the family working in a nonagricultural position. What is more, in 1969 at least, the trend toward the peasant- worker situation was increasing. There is no doubt that the peasant-worker has played a significant part in Yugoslavia's economic development. The advantages that the peasant-worker has in a Communist-oriented country over that of the "pure" peasant appear to be considerable:' the assurances of a steady 48 income regardless of the agricultural cycle, opportunities to choose among several state-provided options to help in­ crease his production, the right to free dental and medi­ cal care and lower hospital costs, and, lastly, hut perhaps most importantly, the eligibility to receive state-supported health and/or old age pensions after retirement. One of the most significant factors in planning economic strategies to adapt to the changing lifestyle in the village is whether or not one has a means of income or familial support for old age. Because the peasant-worker retains his land as a means to acquire a great deal of his food and household needs, his monthly pension can place him in a far better position than his city counterpart who must buy almost all of his food and also pay rent. Why some peasants choose to become peasant-workers and others do not is a dissertation topic in itself, but it appears that the dependent variables are very much linked to the local ecology, history and culture of the community. At least one study by Lockwood (1976) of a Moslem village in Bosnia shows that those who had become peasant-workers were those who were the less "well-to-do" in the traditional agricultural economy: small land holders, teamless or landless cottagers, who had the greatest push to seek an alternative means for gaining a livelihood. It was only those who had significant amounts of land who could "afford" to continue in the more tradi­ tional agricultural pattern. However, in other situations, where the agricultural land is unproductive and/or carries little prestige or real value, the choice to become a peasant-worker will perhaps not be based upon differences in traditional wealth. It is also possible that there are cultural or ethnic group differences involved. In Mace­ donia and other parts of southern Yugoslavia, it appears that it is the Moslem groups rather than those in either the Greek or Serbian communities who are most likely to remain in the more traditional social and agricultural patterns (Erlich-Stein 1976; Rheubottom 1976; Grossmith 1976). In Romania, "true" peasant-workers, as defined above, are found only in the mountainous areas of the country where private land owners are still permitted to carry on some semblance of the traditional life way. Since over 90 percent of the productive land in Romania is under cooperativization or state farm ownership (Keefe et al 1972s253-273)> the majority of villagers have only a small plot near the house to devote to private use. In many cases, this plot is used only for home consumption. In other cases, it is used to cultivate vegetables for sale in private market places. In either case, the 50 personal plot allowed to each cooperative member, who first must fulfill a specific work quota, usually does not exceed 15 ari (100 ari = 1 hectare) of land (Kideckel 1976). With such a small amount of land alloted to each worker, there does not exist a private economic base suf­ ficiently large to create a true "peasant class." In the highland villages, peasant-workers commute daily by bus or train (or by foot if their work is nearby) to logging operations, mines or in some instances to factories, only to return each day or so to combine their cash-earning efforts with such agricultural tasks as cut­ ting hay, caring for animals or even plowing or harvesting grain. Because of the mountain terrain and the long dis­ tances from the larger cities and towns, the rise of the peasant-worker in Romania (as elsewhere perhaps) is a product of rural industrialization and the opening up of new lines of transportation to exploit local natural re­ sources. The two greatest resources of the mountainous regions are their extensive forest coverings and their subterranean deposits of ferrous and nonferrous ores, such as iron, copper, silver and gold. As in all the countries where they are found, the families headed by peasant-workers must learn to adjust to the frequent absence of their adult males from the house­ hold. Adaptation to this situation usually means that the 51 women will have to engage in agricultural duties tradi­ tionally reserved only for the men. However, because the peasant-worker household does have a steady flow of cash from outside the community, local villagers can often be hired on a part-time basis to complete or to help with agricultural tasks that the peasant-worker family cannot handle by itself. In other cases, the peasant-worker may reduce his agricultural involvement to a minimum and spend his time and income to repair or build a new house or stable or to purchase commercial materials and hire one or two villagers to assist him in his work. In either case, the peasant- worker acts as a stimulus to further socioeconomic change by introducing money into the community and by setting modern styles for others to copy. As is shown in Lock­ wood's (1967) study, it was the peasant-workers who were tied to the money economy and not the more well-to-do agriculturalists that first introduced such "luxury" items as radios, metal stoves and commercially made clothing into the village.

Theoretical Implications The body of literature which has resulted from field studies conducted in Southeastern Europe related to such topics as migration, modified kinship networks and the peasant-worker situation has produced little in the 52 way of a true anthropological theory of "peasants." There is, I believe, a good structural reason' for this. Most of the theoretical writing which concerns peasant society has come from work done in those countries of the world where a large population of semi-autonomous, rural agriculturalists or artisans stands in juxaposition, both politically and economically, to a more powerful, urban-oriented elite class. It was in Mexico, for example, where such a situation exists and where American peasant studies began, that field work gave rise to such "classic" concepts as Robert Redfield's folk-urban continuum (19^1* 19^7) and great and little traditions (1955)* George Foster's dyadic contracts (1961, 1963) anc* image of the limited good (1965, 1972) and Eric Wolf's closed coorpor- ate community (1955* 1957)» culture brokers (1956) and peasant coalitions (1966). As of yet, nothing that would be comparable to these concepts has ever resulted from fieldwork done in Southeastern Europe. Though there does not exist as of now a singular operational definition for the term "peasant" (and perhaps never will), there is a general agreement that the most salient characteristic of peasant society is its division into two fundamental, and often diametrically opposed, class segments (Redfield 19^1* 1955* 1956; Foster 1953; Lewis i960; Fitchen 1961; Diaz and Potter 1967; Anderson 53 1971; Dobrowolski 1971; Kerbley 1971; Shanin 1971; Dalton 1972; Blum 1978 and others). If viewed historically, the rise of the first peasant society probably began with the first city-state organization which established control over its surrounding rural population (see Wolf 1966 and Gamst 197*0- The original "peasantization" process, therefore, was one of incorporating a previously autonomous rural population into a larger city and state politico- economic network. One such longitudinal view of the peasantization process can be found in George Dalton's (1972) classifica­ tion of West European society into three sequential types. According to Dalton, West European peasant society has had three larger historical periods: (1) Traditional Peasantry, from 800 to 1300 or before industrialization, (2) Early Modern, from 1300 to 1900 or early industriali­ zation, and (3) Late Modern, from 1900 to the present or high industrialization. The degree of industrialization as a primary factor in the construction of such a classification is of key importance because it is through the industrialization process that the majority of traditional peasant groups became incorporated into the state economic and political apparatus. The latter and more complete stage of this process is often referred to in the more recent 54 anthropological literature as "post-peasantry" (E. Friedl 1963, 1964). A historical review shows that Dalton's typology also fits very well into the sociological record of South­ eastern Europe though the demarcation dates for each period are necessarily more recent. In looking at Transylvania in particular, Dalton's Traditional Peasantry would have begun just prior to or after Hungarian domina­ tion in the tenth century and ended in 1848 with the abolition of feudalism in the Austro-Hungarian Empire (Daicoviciu et al 1961:89-253). The Early Modern period would have begun in 1848 and ended in 1948 with the beginning of the Romanian Socialist Revolution and the implementation of the Com­ munist policies of industrialization and the collectivi­ zation of agriculture. The present Late Modern or post­ peasantry stage would have to be considered as yet in an early period of its development as industrialization progresses under the current Communist regime. As an area of study, the processes of socialist modernization under Communist governments generally places Southeastern Europe outside the range of typical peasant theory. The implementation of programs based upon strong centralist planning and the collectivization of agricul­ ture have practically eliminated the existence of a truly semi-autonomous peasant class such as can still be found today in parts of Mexico, Central and South America, India, Southeast Asia and Africa. As a field of study, the analysis of rural socialist transformations often seems more appropriately covered by the disciplines of macro-economics and political science. This is true be­ cause of the strong, centralized economic power of the Communist state and the geo-political factors which greatly determine Communist state policies, especially in Southeastern Europe. The analysis of socialist modernization has, never­ theless, helped to shed some light on one of the most con­ troversial concepts to have arisen from earlier peasant studies, namely Foster's "Image of the Limited Good" (1965* 1972). Foster's concept is that peasants tend to view all good in the world, both material and spiritual, as being in a limited, finite supply. What is more important is that this world view or cognitive orientation which Foster attributes to peasants creates an extreme indivi­ dualism based on mutual distrust and fear of group or individual reprisals for personal achievement. Such atti­ tudes, therefore, are said to prevent the peasantry from working together in any cooperative enterprises to raise its own standard of living and lead to an individual re­ jection of attempts to implement programs of modern change (cf. Acheson 1972). Studies conducted so far in Southeastern Europe do not appear to support Foster's concept as a valid state­ ment of world view which is applicable to all peasant groups. Reconstruction of Early Modern peasant organiza­ tions shows that even before recent socialist changes had begun, the Balkan peasant was willing to cooperate in various joint efforts to benefit the larger village com­ munity. As Winner (1971:22^-239) points out, cooperative efforts and individual gain are not necessarily viewed as being mutually exclusive. What is more, under the pro­ grams of socialist modernization, the existing peasant groups have responded favorably to those positive incen­ tives that do in fact increase personal wealth. As modified by criticism, Foster's concept seems more plaus­ ible only when applied to a closed, preindustrial society where the peasants truly have limited opportunities for change and where the concept of limited resources or "goods" is indeed a reality and not merely a falsely perceived "image" (Acheson 1972). The contemporary rural studies which are being con­ ducted in Southeastern Europe are focusing on a much different economic and social situation than that normally attributed to developing peasant societies. In Segagea, unlike the Mexican field setting described by Foster, opportunities for social mobility and active involvement 57 in Romania's growing economy are readily available, espec­ ially for the young. In addition, individual decision making on the part of the peasantry is deeply involved in its adaptation to the changes which have resulted from state agencies that are actively engaged in bringing about significant socioeconomic transformations in the village and in the surrounding countryside. If nothing more, studies in Southeastern Europe appear to support the concept that a search for a single, universal definition for "peasants" and their world view, to be applicable in any and all socioeconomic situations, is both an unnecessary and a nonproductive approach to rural anthropology. To understand the relationship between the rural segment of society and a particular state-level political apparatus requires a more flexible and analytic stance with special attention given to the specific time period and cultural setting involved. A diachronic model such as the one proposed by Dalton (1972), and which seems to reflect the major structural changes which have taken place in Southeastern Europe, is at least helpful in pointing out the dynamics of a social transfor­ mation where "depeasantization" through industrialization has taken or is taking place. Though it may be true that anthropological field research in Southeastern Europe is not likely to bring ' 58 forth very much in the way of new theoretical material in and of itself, community studies of the type reviewed in this chapter and presented in this dissertation do provide us with a body of information for much larger comparative purposes. More importantly, perhaps, it is through this kind of anthropological fieldwork--the process of observ­ ing first-hand both the socioeconomic and cultural life way of a specific local group— that we can comprehend most clearly how larger state-level decisions are actually implemented and then received by the people whose lives they are intended most directly to affect. CHAPTER III

FIELD SETTING AND METHODOLOGY

The methodology of anthropology varies greatly depending upon the research problem and its level of analysis. The anthropologist may focus his attention upon one particular local group or he may attempt an analysis of the larger society or make various degrees of cross- cultural comparisons to present or test his social or cultural theories. However, the true basis of all anthro­ pological investigation, whether particularistic or more nomothetic in nature, lies in the collection of ethno­ graphic information in the field. The methodology I employed in the present study included the gathering of data from official administrative records, the direct interviewing of informants, and— the cornerstone of all ethnographic research— participant-observation. My entrance into the larger field began in July, 1975> through the University of Kentucky Summer Language Study Program held in Cluj-Napoca, Romania. The five-week program included not only an intensive study of the Romanian language, but also provided me with several opportunities to travel throughout the country. Comple­ tion of the program (which complemented earlier individual 59 6o language preparation at The Ohio State University) gave me not only the necessary language skills to begin my field- - work, hut also afforded a familiarity with Romania which enabled me to choose the region where the study would be conducted. Just a short while after the program terminated in August, I was able to select the actual village where the study took place. In keeping with the objective of working in a non­ collectivized, mountain community, I decided that the best geographic location from which to select a village would be in the Western Mountain (Muntii Apuseni) region of Transylvania. First, the Western Mountain zone has an ancient history. The territory was occupied by the Bronze-Age Dacian civilization and, therefore, is central to the origins of the Romanian people (see Chapter IV). Secondly, the Western Mountains have been studied quite extensively by Romanian ethnographers and cultural geo­ graphers and are recognized as constituting a distinct ethnographic zone (Butura 1978:3^-^) • The area has many unique characteristics from the point of view of tradi­ tional economy, social organization and folk culture. And, lastly, the Western Mountain zone is the most densely populated highland region in Romania. The Western Mountains have always been considered to be an economic "problem area" because of its over population and agricultural underdevelopment (Ciomac and Popa-Necsa 193&)• This means that the current changes that are taking place here are significant to Romania's plans to expand its economy and bring the advantages of modernization to the more remote areas of the countryside. Though many of the mountain villages are relatively iso­ lated by today's standards, once the traveler reaches one of the major lines of transportation, his journey to a major town or city will be only a matter of hours. Con­ ducting fieldwork here meant that I could carry out my study in a relatively remote village community while, at the same time, have access to the major research institu­ tions in the city of Cluj-Napoca. Because Cluj-Napoca was the ancient provincial capital and is the present cultural center of Transylvania, the "Babes-Bolyai" University Library, a branch of the State Archive, and various museums were able to furnish me with considerable biblio­ graphic material on the region. In actually selecting the village, at least three principal criteria were kept in mind. First, I decided that the village should be ethnically Romanian. In this way the study would not be complicated by the effects of historical, cultural or other ethnically based differences between the Romanian state majority and any of the several ethnic minorities that exist in the country. As mentioned 62 above, the Western Mountains are part of the ancient birthplace of the Romanian people; and, therefore, almost all of the settlements— except those few that were effected by Hungarian colonization— are Romanian in population. Secondly, I felt that the village should be small enough to allow each household to be entered so that com­ plete familiarity with the community would be possible within a one-year stay. And, lastly, it was desirable to find a village which was relatively nucleated and had fairly discrete physical and social boundaries. In Romania, highland settlements are often scattered over a large area and composed of dispersed homesteads linked by pathways and thus comprise a local group in name only. Where there are fairly clear-cut village boundaries, both the economic and social networks of the community are naturally easier to analyze and understand. After a few trips into the Western Mountain zone to familiarize myself with the local settlement patterns, I decided upon Segagea as the best location in which to con­ duct my field research. In 1977» the population of Segagea was ^63 inhabitants, composed of 135 separate family households. However, as an indication of the vil­ lage's rather homogeneous social makeup, the 135 registered independent households were represented by only 32 different family names. Five of these family names--Cirebea (15) i Pitea (15). Boboia (14), Pirtila (11), and Sdeorna (10)-- composed a total of 65 families, or 48 percent of all the village households. The commune of Posaga is only about two hours by bus from Cluj-Napoca. Buses leave the city almost every half-hour during the day as they head south toward the city of Turda. From Turda it is an additional hour and fifteen minutes by bus (approximately 40 km) along National Road (DN) 75 to Posaga (see map, page 6). The boundaries of the present-day commune encompass the whole of the Posaga Valley and a smaller section along the Aries River where the village of Lunca-de-Aries is located. The largest village and the administrative center of the com­ mune is Posaga-de-Jos ("Lower Posaga"). Here are located the Consiliul Popular ("The People's Council"), the mayor's office and the police station, the commune's Casa de Cultura ("House of Culture"), library and assembly hall and the telegraph office. Heading northwest toward Muntele Mare ("Big Moun­ tain"), whose winter snow cap can be seen from Posaga-de- Jos, the narrow logging road passes through the center of Posaga on its way to the higher elevations of the commune. In Posaga-de-Jos, the houses are scattered along the narrow valley floor. It is an elongated settlement, which 64 conforms, like all the settlements in the commune, to the natural terrain. The Posaga Valley ranges in elevation from a little above 410 m (1,3^5 ft.) on the banks of the Aries River to a maximum of 1,825 m (5>986 ft.) at the peak of Muntele Mare. Because of its extreme range in elevation, the com­ mune has several ecological subzones and habitats. Vari­ ations within the commune area occur in average tempera­ ture and rainfall, type of geology, soils and plant and animal life. Variations in the natural environment are reflected in the types and quantities of crops grown and in the types and systems of pasturing domestic animals. For example, in Lunca and Posaga-de-Jos, the people cul­ tivate corn (maize) intensively, raise cattle and prefer to use water buffalo as draft animals. In the higher elevation settlements, including Segagea, corn does not grow very well. In its place, spring wheat is cultivated and the most important domestic animal is the sheep. And, because of the cooler climate and mountainous terrain, oxen, traditionally, and now horses are the animals most often used for draft. Of all the commune settlements, Lunca and Posaga- de-Jos have undergone the most changes as a result of state-level programs. In 1963-1964, through local and matching state funds, both villages underwent electrification. In almost every house there is electric lighting and in many now there are television sets as well. Because both villages are situated along a major line of transportation (see map, page 66), most of the younger households have at least one member involved in some form of industrial employment. Approximately 8 km up the Posaga Valley, past the wooden monastery of St. Mary's (Sf. Maria), is the vil­ lage Posaga-de-Sus ("Upper Posaga"). Prior to 1950, it was called Belioara, as it is even today by most of the people who live in the commune. Posaga-de-Sus has no true village center except, perhaps, where the Cooperativa de Consum ("Consumers' Cooperative") is located. The home­ steads are merely arranged in the valley floor wherever there is enough fairly level ground on which to build a house and a nearby stable and where there is a sufficient amount of land for a garden. Near an intersection in the road stands a small wooden church which was built in 1857. Inside, one can . still see the original murals and smaller wall paintings which have earned official national monument status for the church. At this same intersection is a road which leads up the Belioara Valley toward the peak of Scarisoara- Belioara (1,353 m). On its opposite side is a high plateau area that has been declared a botanical reserve to protect Balacioia Plesesti Incesti Segagea Dealul Mic Dealul iue* Area of Map Comuna Posaga Figure*K Cortesti Dealul Mare Bilia A Orasti 1,353m i Posaga Valley Posaga Po§aga-de-Sus (Belioara) Salciua-de- jos Posaga-de- Jos Lunca-de- Aries O O n n several species of wild flowers which grow nowhere else in Romania. It was the custom for the peasant girls to come here early in the morning of St. George's Day (Sf. Gheorghe, April 23) to collect wild flowers and herbs to perfume and decorate their houses as a sign of spring. Continuing toward Muntele Mare (see map, page 66), the road forks at the base of a hill called Dealul Mare ("Big Hill"). To the left, the logging road continues to the village of Orasti and its hamlets of Cortesti and Incesti. Above them are the high pasture and cultivated areas of Fata Alba and Balacioia. To the right, the road leads up the valley between the hills of Dealul Mare and Bilia toward Segagea. At Dealul Mic ("Small Hill"), the road forks again. To the left it follows the "Bear Valley" to a group of four or five houses called Plesesti. Just before reaching a narrow section in the valley floor, called the "Segagea Canyon" (Cheia Segagii), is a string of homesteads-which parallel the roadway on the right, known as Valeni. Both Plesesti and Valeni are con­ sidered by the commune officials to be a part of Segagea, yet most Segageni would not agree with this interpreta­ tion. Above the canyon where the road rises more steeply is the settlement of Segagea— 14 km from the Aries River and over 400 m higher in elevation. 68 The village is situated in a triangular-shaped "basin eroded over the ages by several mountain springs which help to form the headwaters of the Posaga River. The basin has acquired its shape mainly through the forma­ tion of two interior valleys: Yalea Gerului ("Frost Valley") and Valea Marginita ("The Marginal Valley"). Their spring sources originate high above the basin floor and meet just above the Segagea Canyon. The basin interior, for the most part, is a gentle slope which then rises more abruptly toward the higher elevations of Muntele Mare. The area of the entire basin is approximately 5*06 square km (1.95 square mi.), ranging in elevation from about 780 m (2,558 ft.),, at the basin entrance just above the Segagea Canyon, to about 1,000 m (3*280 ft.) at the peaks of the surrounding hills. Above the village at approximately 1,200 m is a coniferous forest (mostly of spruce and fir) which extends to about 1,800 m at the beginning of the alpine subzone on Muntele Mare. The forest has been the principal source of building materials for all the structures in Segagea: the church, the school, houses, stables, mountain cabins and any other necessary buildings used to adapt to the mountain environment through agro-pastoralism. At one time the forest was an important resource for economic activities outside the village as well. The houses are all located within the basin floor, dispersed along the number of streams which flow through the village (see map, page ?0). Water is virtually every­ where and in the winter it forms sheets of ice along almost every trail and roadway. Most of the houses face downhill toward the southeast while the rest are oriented toward the east and west to face the streams or the alley­ ways which parallel them. The houses, as all the struc­ tures in the village, are made of logs that have been squared by hand with an axe. Here and there a thatched roof can still be seen on some of the older houses, but for the vast majority, their roofs are of wooden shingle or the more modern red tile. The largest conglomeration of houses is on the central interior slope of the basin. Other houses are located within the two interior valleys with larger groupings at their upper elevations away from the village center and with a smaller grouping at their confluence above the Segagea Canyon. The largest number of houses are found between the elevations of 800 and 950 m. Scattered among the houses are stables both large and small. Inside their fenced areas are haystacks, each constructed around a center pole. Unlike the houses, the majority of stables do have thatched roofs of straw. Only here and there does one see a stable roof made of tile or 1. Church 2. School 3. Tomnatic 4. Coop 5. Tree Nursery 6. Grain Mill

Figure 5- Map of Segagea 71 even of the more modern asbestos. Usually, these latter roofing materials are found only on the newer and much larger structures, which resemble more the American farmer's barn than the traditional peasant's stable. Also scattered throughout the basin floor and central slope, which interrupt the otherwise open hay plots, are fenced garden areas. And, finally, dotting the hillsides and hilltops which surround the village are small mountain cabins and stables used to pasture the animals. Situated in this highland basin, the last major settlement in the Posaga Valley, Segagea is not only a small village by Romanian standards but also fairly remote. Because of this, it has never been administra­ tively independent but always a part of some larger, and often distant, local governmental unit. For this reason, there are no administrative buildings in the village whatsoever. The only public structures in Segagea are the church, the schoolhouse and the Cooperativa de Consum (Coop) which acts as a small general store. All three buildings are located in the center of the village (see map, page 70) and all serve multiple functions. The church is used for various religious services, of course, but also for church meetings and other related assemblages. The school is used for teaching, but it also has the only room large enough to hold,village and Party meetings, dances and other public gatherings that cannot be held outdoors. The Coop sells canned goods, salt, flour, lamp oil and other needed supplies, but it also sells alcoholic bever­ ages which has made it the central meeting place and socializing spot for almost the entire village, day or night. Any stranger or outside administrator immediately goes to or is instructed to go to the Coop to conduct any business that he may have with a local citizen. If the person he is seeking to find is not there, he can be summoned quickly or the outsider is told where he can find him. Standing before the church yard on a small piece of level ground, known as Tomnatic, one can see the houses, stables and haystacks in the central part of the village and all of the surrounding hillsides. Over on one hill one may observe a woman who is taking her flock of sheep to pasture. Over on another, one may see a solitary man who is cutting hay with a scythe. And, across from him, on a third hill, one may make out the figure of a boy who is keeping an eye on two cows grazing quietly nearby. From one's vantage point on Tomnatic, it may appear that Segagea belongs to another era. Indeed, to an outsider from the United States, it may seem that Segagea has not undergone any change over the last 100 years or so. However, if the outsider were alert and stayed long enough, his -vantage point would provide him with a suffici­ ent amount of evidence to prove this untrue. Coming from the distant background, he may hear the familiar noise of a power saw and the sound of a tractor dragging logs through the village to waiting trucks parked below in the Segagea Canyon. Later, perhaps, a man on a motor bike may zip by him as he heads for work in some other part of the commune. The outsider may also observe a truck slowly ambling up the valley as it brings supplies to the Coop while another has come to pick up hay or lambs which have been sold to honor state contracts. And, at various intervals of the day or night, a group of miners would . surely pass near him. As they go downhill, they would move quickly to catch the bus which is waiting for them in the Canyon to take them to work. When they come back, they would walk more slowly, some with vegetables or com­ mercially made bread under their arms, as they head home to get a few hours sleep before cutting hay or completing some other task left from the day before. All of these observations from Tomnatic are essentially my own from the first day that I entered Segagea in September of 1975* At that time I was not fully aware of the implications of such subtle evidence of change. Furthermore, it would take another year for me to place them all in their proper economic and sociological perspective. Once the actual site of the fieldwork was known, it was possible for me to begin an extensive background re­ search on the Western Mountain zone and on the village of Segagea in particular. From September, 1975. to the end of January, 1976, I spoke with historians, archaeologists, ethnographers and folklorists from various local museums and research institutions in Cluj-Napoca to obtain infor­ mation related to the history and cultural formation of the Western Mountain area. In particular, I had the opportunity to work with several persons on the staff of the Ethnographic Museum of Transylvania in Cluj-Napoca. In addition, I consulted a number of specialists in geo­ graphy, geology and even botany and agronomy, mainly for information on the regional environment and the local ecology of the village. The month of February, 1976, I spent back in the United States in order to seek additional bibliographic material as well as to prepare for the actual field stay: to select appropriate clothing, purchase photographic supplies, decide upon specific types of note taking pro­ cedures and to resolve other related problems. Also, because the actual site of my fieldwork was known, I was able to present to my dissertation committee a research proposal which could be defended with a realistically obtainable objective in mind. 75 From March to April further preparations were made in Romania and on April 1, 1976, I entered the village with all my gear. It was at this time that I was intro­ duced hy the commune mayor to the family with whom I would be staying for the next 14 months. After having selected the village in September, 1975« government approval, al­ though very slow in coming, gave me official scholarly status during my entire stay. Although the choice of the family with whom I would stay was strictly in the hands of the local authorities, once I entered the village, I was totally free to conduct the mode of research that I felt was best for my study. From the vantage point of hind­ sight, I do not see how I myself could have selected a better family with whom to reside. The family I stayed with consisted of a childless couple in their forties. The husband (age 43) was the Coop clerk in Segagea and received a monthly commission on his sales. His wife (age 49) was a homemaker who tended her flock of sheep (about 16 animals) and saw to most of the household duties expected of a woman her age. Living next door to them and in the same house where I had my room were her parents, a man of age 76 and a woman of age 69* The older couple had no salaried income of any kind and conducted their daily activities around the tradi­ tional agricultural cycle as they had done all their lives. Living in day-to-day contact with these people, I was thus fortunate to he able to observe these two differ­ ent generations as they reacted to the forces of socio­ economic change. The younger couple was able to give me an understanding of some of the more recent adaptive trends, while the older couple was able to provide me with information on the local history and life way in Segagea prior to the Socialist Revolution of 19^-8. During my field stay in the village, I was able to gather information from many informants who lived in Segagea and elsewhere in the commune. However, for every­ day experiences and the bulk of my time spent in the field, I was in continuous contact with these two households and their immediate neighbors more than any of the others. By the time I had left the field, I had developed a special kind of relationship with these people who so warmly took me into their homes. When I could, I helped them with their agro-pastoral duties, after which time would be spent in informal conversation late into the evening. It was these people whom I consulted regularly about "foggy" perceptions I had after observing a wedding, funeral or other such activity or after a long day of interviewing other members of the community. They were, for me, not just a few of many original sources of information, but a constant source of comparison and check on what I believed 77 to have understood from my experiences in the village. In many ways, I suppose, I saw Segagea through their eyes and from their experiences. I point this out not as a form of self-criticism hut as a reality of the fieldwork situation. Once in Segagea I used three basic means to acquire both economic and sociological data. Because of the time needed to "enculturate" myself into the community and because of the time required for my presence to be ac­ cepted by the local residents, these research methods were applied in the following sequence: (1) participant- observation which, of course, continued throughout the period of my field stay, (2) formal interviewing, and (3) the use of official church and other administrative registers to record demographic data and agricultural inventories. The greatest part of the "hard" data pre­ sented in this study were acquired through census research, clarified through interviewing and experiences based on participant-observation.

Participant-Observation Participant-observation is considered by many social scientists to be the method of cultural anthropology. Though this may be true, what form it will take and how much it will really be relied upon to acquire data will depend upon the particular research problem involved and the individual characteristics of the fieldwork situation. 78 In nonliterate societies, for example, participant- observation may be the only method employed by the re­ searcher. But in literate societies, where local publica­ tions, census data and historical documents are available, participant-observation may be just one of several methods that will be used. The term participant-observation is a very general one; however, the overall implication is that the anthropologist will be in the field for some length of time in order to share in the physical and cultural envi­ ronment of his informants and to participate to some degree in the social activities of the local group. To collect information related to the more tradi­ tional economic life of Segagea, my involvement included such things as observing and participating in the activi­ ties of plowing, sowing and harvesting crops, cutting hay, weeding gardens and accompanying informants to market places and rural fairs where they sold their animals and acquired needed supplies. Though my participation in these activities was admittedly very limited compared to that required by the villagers to gain their livelihoods, these experiences did provide an opportunity for me to carry on conversations with my informants in an unstruc­ tured or more "natural" setting. To collect information related to the social life of Segagea, my involvement included such things as 79 attending weddings, funerals, church services and get- togethers at the Coop for beer and rachiu (a local term for Romanian tuica, or plum brandy). On almost all of these occasions, my presence became highly appreciated by the villagers because of the fact that I would not only photograph but also register these events on my portable tape recorder. Even months afterward, those who partici­ pated in my recordings enjoyed themselves immensely in reliving these occasions again and again. The true advantage of participant-observation over other forms of data collection is the type of personal interaction which it generates between the researcher and his informants. The day-to-day encounters which are made in the field situation eventually remove many of the social and cultural barriers which stand between the anthropologist, as an outside data-gathering agent, and the people whose lives and livelihoods he is trying to understand. To this end the greatest avenue to my under­ standing life in Segagea was through totally informal con­ versations where I and my informants exchanged ideas and personal experiences about the everyday problems of life we shared. It would be exaggerating, however, to imply that the anthropologist's participation allows him to become a true member of the society which he is observing. No matter how sympathetic or sincere the anthropologist may he in his desire to learn and participate in the culture, he always remains an outsider to a great degree. Although I enjoyed my experiences in the field, I was free to leave the hoe when my back began to ache because I knew that the food I subsisted on was not the product of my own labor. I was able to address the local authorities on an equal footing because I knew full well that I was outside their range of power. I was capable of purchasing most of the perceived "luxury" items of the village because of my "exorbitant" monthly stipend. And, I was permitted to escape the occasional feelings of boredom by taking long hikes through the mountains or by leaving the village altogether when I felt the need. From this point of view, I was not in the same position of any of my informants and my life as anthropologist appeared to be quite an ideal one both to me and the villagers. Despite all my efforts not to exaggerate them at the time, the special privileges which I possessed placed me far outside the sociocultural status and roles of any of my friends in Segagea.

Interviewing After the completion of the major agricultural tasks of the season and after my presence in the village had be­ come accepted by the majority of the people, I began a period of conducting house-to-house interviews. My goal 81 was to talk more formally with every head of household in the village in order to gain information on family gene­ alogies and the degree of participation of each household in the more traditional and changing patterns of the vil­ lage economy. This period lasted from December, 1976, to February, 1977* Of the 135 households in the village proper, I was able to conduct semi-structured interviews on approximately 100, or 7^ percent of the total. Of the 35 households in which I could not conduct interviews, because of the inaccessibility of senior household members, I acquired information through siblings or other close relatives. The' sociological and census data which I gathered from these interviews were used to compile demographic informa­ tion as well as to reconstruct kinship networks and, from there, the patterns of marriage, residence and the basic rules of inheritance. Other information was obtained on the household economic pattern related both to traditional agro-pastoralism and the degree of involvement in the growing money economy of the village. To collect true information on household income expenses was really not possible. The most that I could do was to inquire about active agricultural patterns and record the number of wage earners and their type of employment outside the household. The data were collected and then placed on an information sheet, an example of which is shown on page 82. House Site:______#______Ag. Reg. #_ HH:______B A Occup._ SP:______B A Occup._ BP: HH:______SP:______DM: Children:

HH: FA:______B______BP MO:______B______BP GF:______B______BP GM:______B______BP GF:______B______BP GM:______B______BP SP: FA:______B______BP MO:______B______BP GF:______B______BP GM:______B______BP GF:______B______BP GM: B BP Siblings of HH:

Siblings of SP:

Who built the house?_ Planted grain (1976)? Comments:

Figure 6. Interview Data Sheet 83 During the period of house-to-house interviewing, I also found it to he a convenient time to draw detailed maps of the physical layout of the village. These maps were very helpful when trying to reconstruct the history of individual landed estates, the compilation of which gave me a further insight into the patterns of residence, land use and inheritance. In addition to the semi-structured interviews which I conducted with the heads of households, I also conducted interviews with the local intelligentsia such as the school director, local teachers and the parish priest. Because of the general feeling of camaraderie on their part toward me, these "interviews" usually "became open- ended discussions about similarities and differences "between American and Romanian society and culture. Also central to our conversations were the policies and goals of the current Romanian government to bring about both local and national economic growth through programs of socialist modernization. One aspect of the fieldwork experience which I did not expect to encounter was that of the "informant- ethnographer." Not long after I arrived in Segagea, I made the acquaintance of Professor loan Rosa, a retired school director who was born and raised in the commune. For the past few years he had been compiling material for 8^ publication as an ethnographic monograph. The contents of his manuscript covered, among other topics, the local his­ tory, ecology and folk customs of the entire commune including Segagea. During my stay in the field, I was able to interview Professor Rosa several times and read ) his work. By the time I left Segagea, I had read his manuscript copy three times and each time I was able to glean more information as my own study progressed and as my language skills improved. Without a doubt, Professor Rosa's monograph had much to do with any success I may have had in understanding the more traditional culture and socioeconomic organization of the village and I have cited his work frequently in Chapters IV through VI.

Census Materials Although participant-observation and interviewing provided information on the current life way and culture of my informants, to race socioeconomic change over a period of 29 years required the kind of data that could be obtained only from official documents. To obtain demo­ graphic material related to such topics as births, deaths, marriages and godparenthood selection, I gathered informa­ tion from the local church records. For information re­ lated to household composition, work status, as well as agricultural inventories, landholdings and so forth, I 85 obtained data from the commune's Agricultural Register (Registru Agricol). The Agricultural Register is an annual census taken to determine the size and wealth of each household in the commune in order to assess the taxes to be paid on the house, stable, land, fruit trees and livestock. For this information I consulted the Agricultural Register for the years 1948, 1951» 1956, 1964, 1971 and 1974. Complete data were obtained for the years 1951 > 1964 and 1974, which combined with my own census material for 1977 pro­ vided an adequate coverage of this information within small enough time intervals to detect any significant transformations. It is the analysis of these data which forms the basis of the material presented in Chapter VII. Because of the bureaucratic "red tape" involved to acquire official governmental approval to copy information from the church and commune records, I was able to work with these data sources at intermittent periods for only two months beginning in May, 1977* This was enough time, nevertheless, for me to make a comparison between the material in the Agricultural Register and that which I was able to collect from my own interviews. I was somewhat surprised to find how unknowledgeable, or perhaps unwill­ ing, many of my informants were in their attempts to reconstruct past genealogical relationships. On the other hand, I was surprised to find how one or two informants, whom I trusted to "be sincere, could provide such high accuracy in reconstructing the kinship genealogies for almost the entire village. The conclusion I am forced to draw from this experience is that the method of depending on certain "key" informants to collect ethnographic infor­ mation, especially kinship data, may he just as reliable or more so than the currently popular statistical models proposed to conduct field research. These models suggest to us that the use of a random sample from the entire com­ munity is the only means to acquire accurate and unbiased results. Certainly, as my own experience shows, a com­ bination of both methods seems warranted. Although the Agricultural Register was an invalu­ able aid to my research, it was not without its own shortcomings as a body of census materials. For one, be­ cause the Agricultural Register is taken only once a year, usually in January through February, there exists a great deal of room for inconsistencies based on temporary absen­ tees (e.g., students who are away at school) and short­ term adjustments which reflect the composition of house­ holds only during the deepest winter months. For this reason alone, the Agricultural Register was not able to provide by itself an insight into the true workings of the family household, especially during the most important 87 part of the agricultural season. This could only be done by spending time directly in the field to reconstruct and observe firsthand the dynamics of the household both as an independent and interdependent socioeconomic unit through­ out the annual cycle. In addition to the above means for gathering socio­ economic data, I also attempted to record some ecological information as well. Early in my stay, I installed an outdoor thermometer to take frequent temperature readings throughout the daytime hours. I also recorded general weather conditions as accurately as I could. Occasionally, I gathered samples of commonly used plants some of which I took to botanists and agronomists at the University in Cluj-Napoca for specific identification. In all, my residence in Segagea lasted for 1^ months from April 1, 1976, to June 5* 1977• During this period of time, I made frequent trips to Cluj-Napoca to see friends and continue bibliographic research in the museums and at the University Library. I also made trips to Alba-Iulia, the judet seat and to Bucharest, Romania's largest city. I found that these periodic journeys not only allowed me a break from the normal routine, but they also impressed upon me the contrast between the mountain environment in which I was studying and that of the low­ land areas where these cities are located. Even after June, 1977. I made several trips back to the village as well as to nearby settlements in the neighboring commune of Ocolis to make a final geographic survey of the area. These excursions gave me a better understanding of Segagea's ecological and social position in the total network of human settlements in this highland zone. Two months after I had left Segagea and 25 months after I had entered the country for the first time, I left Romania from Bucharest in mid-August, 1977* CHAPTER IV

TRADITIONAL PEASANTRY: GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING AND EARLY HISTORY

Before presenting a discussion of the post-World War II socioeconomic changes which have taken place in Segagea, it is both necessary and enlightening to recon­ struct the relevant history of the larger geographic region and of the village in particular. Both the commune of Posaga and the village of Segagea were first established as settlements with a feudal domain— a socioeconomic structure which corresponds to Dalton's stage of Traditional Peasantry (Dalton 1972). However, because of the nature of the Western Mountain domains, a nonagricultural money economy developed rela­ tively early in the zone's feudalistic period. In the fourteenth century, a large percentage of the population, including the peasantry, was already responsible for pay­ ing its taxes in minted currency. By the fifteenth cen­ tury, a large percentage of the population was receiving money through wages earned by working in the local mining . and forestry operations (Zoltan 1955:20). For the Transylvanian region under a strong Hungarian feudalistic

89 90 system, this represents a relatively early period of peasant involvement in a money economy.

Transylvania Present-day Transylvania is a region in northwest Romania located northwest of the Carpathian chain and bounded by Hungary to the west and the Soviet Union to the north (see map, page 12). Although Transylvania is no longer considered to be a separate "province," it— along with "Wallachia" (Tara Romaneasca) and Moldavia (Moldova)--was one of the three largest native Romanian lands. In 1918, Transylvania was united with the then Kingdom of Romania to form "Greater Romania" (Romania Mare), which existed until the territories of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina were annexed permanently by the Soviet Union in 1944. The historical development of Transylvania is syn­ onymous with the formation of the Romanian people and the history of the modern Romanian state. The first evidence of human habitation in the Transylvanian region begins with the Neanderthal period with even earlier Homo erectus sites found in the nearby Olt Valley to the south (Otetea et al 1970:23-45). Although the paleo-archaeological record is in a nascent stage of reconstruction, site loca­ tions to date represent all periods of Homo sapiens from 91 at least the Middle Paleolithic to the most recent past (C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:16; Candea 1977:5)• The earliest historical accounts related to the Transylvanian region begin with sixth century Greek and, later, Roman descriptions of the Thracian tribes which inhabited the Balkans and the trans-Danubian area from at least 900 B.C. The confederation of Thracian tribes who lived in present-day Transylvania were called Getae by the Greeks and Dacians by the Romans (C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:19-25; Otetea et al 1970:^9-90; H. Daicoviciu 1972:7; Giurescu 1972:26-63; C&ndea 1977:6-11). In the first century B.C., after two centuries under the rule of the Celts, the Dacians had established a strong state which dominated the trans-Danubian area and controlled the overland trade routes to such Greek cities as Tomis (Constanta), Callatis (Mangalia) and Histra (in present-day Dobruja) on the Black Sea coast. Although the economic and social organization of the Dacian state is not completely understood as yet, it is known that Dacian society was based upon some type of "feudal" structure. The population was divided into a hierarchy of noble, peasant-commoner and slave classes. The Dacian state was ruled by a king whose chief advisor was a high priest (Cstn- dea 1977:9-11)* The economic base consisted of plow agri­ culture, animal husbandry, viticulture and a state 92 treasury supported by trade in silver and gold (C. Daico­ viciu et al 1961:19-20; H. Daicoviciu 1972:125-199)• By the mid-first century B.C., the Dacians began to encounter Roman legions who had advanced northward from the Roman colonies of Lower and Upper Moesia (in the present-day areas of Southern Yugoslavia and Bulgaria). Known as fierce warriors with a world view dominated by a belief in immortality and a deep faith in their god Zalmoxis, the Dacians had managed to defeat the Romans in their earlier campaigns. However, A.D. 101, under the leadership of Emperor Trajan, the Roman army crossed the frontier and established border installations on the north bank of the Danube (Forter and Rostovsky 1931s 60; Wolff 1956:32). From about A.D. 86, Dacia was under the leadership of King Decebalus, a strong ruler whose capital city was Sarmisegetuza located in the Hateg Valley of present-day Transylvania. Between A.D. 101 and 105, the Dacians were successful in their efforts to hold off Roman advances, but in 105 Emperor Trajan was able to defeat the armies of Decebalus (who took his own life rather than be taken cap­ tive) and establish part of the region as a Roman colony (Giurescu 1972:^3-^9)• The colony, known as Dacia Felix, encompassed mainly the present-day areas of southern and central Transylvania and Oltenia. The province was divided into three administrative districts with the provincial seat first at Sarmisegetuza and later at the city of Apulum (Alba-Iulia) (Candea 1977*1^-18). Romanization of the province occurred over a period of 168 years: "latiniz­ ing" the native Dacian language, establishing an early Christian religion and expanding upon local Dacian admin­ istrative and trade cities such as Napoca (Cluj-Napoca), Potaissa (Turda) and Apulum (Alba-Iulia) as well as the mining centers of Abrutus (Abrud) and Ampelum (Zlatna) in the Western Mountains. The new province of Dacia Felix was rich in natural salt deposits where several Roman mines were constructed near the present-day city of Turda and in silver and gold ores, which had been mined by the Dacians themselves centuries earlier in the Western Mountain zone (C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:59-60; C&ndea 1977:12-18). However, by the end of the third century, under pressure from several advancing nomadic groups and the free Geto-Dacians to the north, the Romans, under the leadership of Emperor Aurelian, were forced to withdraw their administration and army south of the Danube. Though the Roman soldiers in service moved out of the province, it is most unlikely that the entire Daco-Roman population did likewise. The archaeological record now being pieced together shows evidence for a continuous Daco-Roman cul­ tural tradition in the Transylvanian region through the fourth century A.D. It is also known that under the Eastern Empire reigns of Constantine the Great (306-337) and Justinian (527-565). large areas of the region north of the Danube were from time to time under imperial rule (Seisanu 1939:19-26; Candea 1977:18). During the period from the fourth to the tenth cen­ tury A.D., the Daco-Roman population was beset by wave upon wave of invasions by nomadic peoples who came from the Asian Steppes and Eastern Europe: Vandals, Gepidae, Goths, Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Huns, Avars, Lombards and Slavs. Except for the more sedentary Slavs, who entered the area in the sixth century, these wandering peoples had little permanent influence on the culture of the indigen­ ous population. During periods of heavy invasion, the Daco-Roman population moved up into the highlands of the Carpathian and Western Mountains only to move down again during periods of relative calm. By the ninth century, the Daco-Roman population had been culturally transformed into the direct ancestors of the present-day Romanians (Forter and Rostovsky 1931*61- 62; C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:62-88; Candea 1977:19-22). The language had become thoroughly Romance in its struc­ ture, morphology and syntax, with’only traces of the 95 original Dacian. Even the basic stock of words in Romanian today is of Latin origin (Giurescu 1972:111-116). By the tenth century, Romanian communities throughout Transylvania had been organized into political entities called voievod-ships. Some of these political systems were merely a few rural settlements established for mutual aid; while others, much larger, had developed into true feudal domains headed by a powerful voievod or duke (C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:89-106; Pascu 1972:19-92, ^74-476). From the latter half of the ninth century to the beginning of the fourteenth, other Asiatic invasions oc­ curred from the East, including the Hungarians or Magyars (who settled in the Pannonian Plain), the Pechenges, the Cumans and the devastating Tartar conquest of 12^1 (Can­ dea 1977*22-23)* In the history of Transylvania, the most significant foreign influence came from the Hungarian ex­ pansion out of the Pannonian Plain eastward into the Transylvanian plateau, which resulted in a hegemony which lasted into the present century. Expansion into Transylvania occurred over a period of several years. To gain a foothold in the area and to ward off potential invaders from the East, the Hungarian monarchy first established several non-Hungarian free colonies. The first of these colonists were the Szekelers (Secui), a Ural-Altaic speaking population (different from 96 but very closely related to the Magyars) who may have originally entered Transylvania during the Asiatic inva­ sions of the ninth century or even earlier. Whatever their origin, the Hungarian Crown first settled the Szekelers in western Transylvania though they gradually moved eastward to settle at the foot of the Eastern Car­ pathians (C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:109-112; Pascu 1972: 105-115, 477). The second group of colonists were the Germanic "Saxons" (Sasi.), whose exact place of origin is also un­ known, but who settled near the areas of present-day Sibiu, Alba, Bistrita and Brasov from where they could guard the passages through the Southern Carpathians. The Szekelers became almost completely "magyarized" with time, losing a great deal of their language and culture. The Saxons, on the other hand, successfully resisted all at­ tempts to be culturally transformed and constitute a dis­ tinct linguistic and cultural minority in Transylvania even today (McArthur 1976). The Hungarian Crown also colonized the Teutonic Knights in 1211 but expelled them only 15 years later, after they defied the Monarchy and attempted to establish their autonomy under the jurisdiction of the Pope (Pascu 1972:477-^78). The actual conquest of Transylvania by the Hungari­ ans themselves did not begin until the latter decades of the eleventh century; yet, by the fifteenth century, the majority of the original voievod-ships of central Transyl­ vania were under Hungarian domination. The Romanian nobility had either been "magyarized" and absorbed into the Hungarian aristocracy or reduced to being members of the peasant class, the majority of which had been further reduced to the level of serfs (iobagi). It was the severe oppression under Hungarian suzerainty which led Romanian nobles to flee Transylvania in the fourteenth century to establish their own Romanian states of Wallachia to the south and Moldavia to the east of the Carpathian Mountains. In the nineteenth century, it was the merger of these same two principalities which created the first united Romanian state and the eventual Kingdom of Romania under Carol I

(Giurescu and Giurescu 1 9 7 5 ' ’ 259-283; Candea 1977 *24-28). For brief periods of time during the Ottoman occu­ pation of Hungary (from 1526 to the latter half of the seventeenth century) Hungarian nobles were able to govern Transylvania as an autonomous principality. However, in 1699» Transylvania was annexed by Austria, during Hungary's period of weakness, and remained tied to the Austro- Hungarian Empire until the end of World War I and its union with Romania ^Forter and Rostovsky 1931*81-82). 98 The Western Mountains The Western Mountains (Muntii Apuseni) are located in the center of Transylvania. Geographically speaking, the Western Mountains make up the middle and northern ex­ tensions of the Western Carpathians. These mountains are separated from the southern section and the Southern Car­ pathians by the Mures River which flows out of the Tran­ sylvanian Plain westward toward the Tisa and the Pannonian Plain of Hungary (see map, page 99)* The highest peaks of the Western Mountains do not rise much above 1,800 m (6,000 ft.) and, as a group, they are considered to be only medium-sized mountains by European standards. The dominant geologic formation of the mountains is the Bihor Massif, a large rotund horst composed mainly of intrusive rock and metamorphized crystalline schist. Other geologic features of the West­ ern Mountains include their extensive sedimentary deposits of metamorphized limestone and scattered karst formations found mostly in the central regions of the mountains (Ianovici et al 1976:19-3*0 • If viewed schematically, the outline or silhouette of the Western Mountains (looking from the south) may be described as a scalene triangle with a long base and its opposite angle (representing the Bihor Massif) skewed a little to the left (west). Although the Western Mountains Cluj-Napoca

Turda 100 are only medium-sized in elevation, the ranges are divided and interlaced with fairly steep and,narrow valleys, which make the lines of transportation and the most favorable locations for human settlement either within the valley floors or on the highland plateaus of the mountain terrain. The climate of Transylvania and the Western Moun­ tain zone is of a continental type. The amount of preci­ pitation and temperature ranges do not vary from what would normally be expected for Transylvania's geographic location. Annual precipitation in the mountains is over 1,100 mm (47 in.) with much of the precipitation in the form of winter snow. The natural vegetation includes a mixture of oak, beech and other hardwoods in the lower elevations; beech forest in the middle elevations (consti-. tuting nearly one-half of the total forest cover); and a coniferous forest of spruce and fir in the higher eleva­ tions above 1,000 m (3.200 ft.). On some of the higher summits such as Curcubata, 1,848 m (6,000 ft.), Vladeasa, 1,838 m (5.967 ft.) and Muntele Mare, 1,827 m (5.930 ft.), all in the Bihor Massif, natural alpine grass areas do exist. In general, the soils of the Western Mountains are of the less fertile types— largely as the result of their severe leaching caused by the clearing of the natural forest covering— and require intensive manuring to be agriculturally productive (Matley 1971*117-118). The first human inhabitation of the Western Moun­ tains goes back to prehistoric times. Early Neolithic evidence has been discovered as well as more recent Bronze-Age sites. Many of the latter belong to the Dacians, whose capital, Sarmisegetuza, was located not too far to the south. Both the Dacians and the Romans ex­ ploited the rich silver and gold deposits of the Western Mountain region, especially in the Muntii Metaliferi where the present-day city of Abrud and the commune of Rosia Montana.are located. The silver and gold deposits of the Abrud area have been worked for centuries and even today the zone has major mining importance. Other mining cen­ ters are located in the Crisul Negru and Crisul Alb valleys to the west and along the Aries River which flows from the central Bihor Massif eastward through the city of Turda (see map, page 99) and eventually empties into the larger Mures River at the village of Gura-Ariesului (Abrudeanu 1928:27-^2). The earliest historical documentation directly re­ lated to human settlement in the Western Mountains comes from the highland Muntii Metaliferi and Abrud areas, per­ haps the least inhabited part of the Western Mountain zone at that time. In 1201, the Hungarian Crown established the region of Abrud as an official domain, Terra Obruth, to be governed by the city of Balgrad (Alba-Iulia) in the 102 comitat (county) of Alba (the oldest county in Transyl­ vania) . The domain was established for the purpose of mining the area's extensive silver and gold deposits— the same deposits which were mined by the Dacians and Romans centuries earlier. By the end of the thirteenth century, several settlements had been established surrounding Abrud and a German colony was brought in to oversee the operation of the mines (Zoltan 1955*9-10). During the period between the eleventh and thir­ teenth centuries, the Western Mountains had acted as a natural boundary between the feudal domains of Hungary and those of the original Romanian voievod-ships in Central Transylvania. By the eleventh century, two of the largest voievod-ships, Bihor and Banat, both located in eastern Transylvania, had already succumbed to Hungarian rule. By the thirteenth century, except for the free "lands" (tari) in northern Transylvania and along the Carpathian Moun­ tains to the south and east, and for the free colonies of Szekelers and Saxons, all of the major Romanian voievod- ships were under Hungarian domination (Pascu 1972:131-165>

^78-480). Also by the thirteenth century, the whole of the Western Mountain zone had been divided and placed under the jurisdiction of a feudal domain. From the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the Western Mountain area 103 consisted of seven comitate each having several domains, some of which were headed by independent noble families. The land which is at present occupied by the commune of Posaga was under the jurisdiction of the Domain of Trascau in the Comitat of Turda (Binder 1975s519-5^0). The Western Mountains hold a special place in the history of Romanian nationalism and were the site of several peasant rebellions. For the majority of the Romanian population between the thirteenth and the nine­ teenth centuries, their status was that of serfs under the rule of Hungarian noblemen. Prior to the second half of the thirteenth century, the number of "free peasants," or those who had the right of inheritance and were free to move from one domain to another, outnumbered those who were bound to a particular estate as true serfs. After the second half of the century, however, the number of free peasants diminished rapidly as the local nobility and the Church vied for special favors from the Hungarian Crown and increased their output to the Royal treasury (Pascu 1972:^82-^86). The living conditions of the feudal serfs were ex­ ceptionally hard in the Western Mountains, especially in the Tara Motilor and Muntii Metaliferi subzones where mining and forestry operations were underway. In these domains, eking out a livelihood from the land was very 104 difficult and increased labor obligations gave little time to devote to meeting one's own domestic needs. These con­ ditions produced many peasant uprisings, fugitives and outlaws (haiduci). Many haiduci, to whom were attributed characteristics similar to those of England's Robin Hood, became popular Romanian folk heroes. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, many bound serfs from the Tara Motilor region fled to the free northern wilderness areas of the Western Mountains and established completely new settlements (Butura 1963:211-214). In other cases of peasant abuse, the results were fullscale revolts. In 1784, three serfs from Tara Motilor, known as Horea, Closca and Crisan, led an attempted rebel­ lion against the Monarchy and the local aristocracy which was brutally crushed and resulted in the deaths of all three men. Horea and Closca were "broken" on the wheel i and then quartered in a public square in the city of Alba- Iulia. From the same area in the Western Mountains, another Romanian hero named Avram Iancu came forward as the intellectual and popular leader of the Romanian Revo­ lution of Independence in 1848. The attempted revolution which was fought to gain civil equality for the Romanian majority population (comprising about 70 percent of the total Transylvanian population at the time) failed, but it did prove that the peasantry had the potential to unite 105 against the aristocracy in defense of its own interests. All four men quickly became popular symbols of Romanian nationalism (Abrudeanu 1928:235-479; Prodan 1938; Cheres- tesiu et al 1961:1-132; C. Daicoviciu et al 1961:263-275; Edroiu 1976). Even today the moti— those from Tara Motilor--are well known throughout the country as people who have a proud and independent nature. The Western Mountains have been widely studied by Romanian ethnographers and cultural geographers (Ciomac and Popa-Necsa 1936; Petrovici 1939; Apolzon 1942, 1943» 19*14, 1945; Butura 1958, 1963, 1964, 1966, 1969, 1971, 1972; Chelcea 1964; Maier 1967; Dragomir and Belu 1969; Dunare 1971, 1972, 1973; Focsa 1971; Graur 1973; Bocse 1975 and others). According to most Romanian ethno­ graphers, the Western Mountains constitute a single ethnographic zone with several ethnographic subzones (al­ though the actual number of subzones and their boundaries are not always agreed upon). Following Valer Butura, probably the foremost authority, there are 28 ethnographic zones in all of Transylvania. The Western Mountains, as a separate zone— based upon such factors as settlement pattern, subsistence economy and grai (minor linguistic distinctions below the level of true dialects)— is then further divided into seven subzones: (1) Tara Motilor, (2) Muntii Metaliferi 106 (sometimes referred to as Tara Abrudului), (3) Tara Zaran- dului, (4) Tara Bihariei, (5) Vadul Crisului. (6) Calatele and (7) Mocanime (Butura 1978:41-44). These subzones cor­ respond roughly to the major river valleys and larger geo­ logic depressions which became sites for human habitation in the mountainous terrain. For some years the people living in these subzones were relatively isolated from one another, which limited their amount of cultural exchange. Factors which distinguish one mountain subzone from another include such criteria as traditional dress, variations in secondary occupations or craft specializations, and folk customs related to special events and everyday life (Butura 1976, personal communication). In the Eastern Section of the Western Mountains (Sectorul Rasaritean al Muntilor Apuseni), three of the major ethnographic subzones are located within the water­ shed of the Aries River: (1) Tara Motilor, a densely populated highland depression in the heart of the Bihor Massif, (2) Muntii Metaliferi, in the gold mining areas of Abrud and Rosia Montana and (3) Mocanime, a lower-to-middle mountain zone centered in the middle Aries and Ampoi Valleys (see map, page 107). In Tara Motilor, settlements are often situated > —)--- above 1,100 m in elevation. Traditional forms of agricul­ ture were extremely limited and livelihoods for many were N v ^ X ' Muntele-N TARA MOTILOR Turda J » I f Mihai S Clm^ . Muntele Mare \ Viteazu \ Turzii Masca Buru Ocolis ~vyv/NA*Albac / Rimetea — ~zs | coltesti Salciua \ V'A? * ' ^ w Ocna Mures Vidra ^ Lupsa \ » CxmpeniT-''’ ~ --- Aiud / • Rosia Montand l •vAbrud N . \ yij

MTS. METALIFERI

Zlatna* v-w > * /^s— T ^ , ‘/Alba-Iulia Subzone ------^ B o u n d a r y ----- 107 Figure 8. The Eastern Section of the Western Mountains 108 centered around the exploitation of the forest through the selling of wood and wood products such as barrels, kegs, scythe handles and other craft items. The specialists from this region were known throughout Romania as well as in the neighboring countries as expert barrel makers. Each summer the men would set out for the lowland villages with their pack animals or wagons to trade their skills and ware for agricultural produce which they could not cultivate in sufficient quantities at home, especially wheat and corn (maize). In Tara Abrudului, agriculture was also very limited and many of the peasants were in­ volved in private mining operations to supplement their agricultural activities as best they could (Butura 1963s 203-21^). Although mining and forestry work were occupations held by many Romanians, these— as well as the majority of town-centered occupations--were, in most cases, the live­ lihoods of foreign specialists, usually Hungarians or Germans. The Romanian peasants may have worked in the ex­ traction or "washing" of gold or may have been seasonal specialists in a particular craft, but these occupations were usually only adjuncts to the larger traditional pea­ sant economy based on agro-pastoralism. Mixed agro-pastoralism was nowhere more developed in the Western Mountains than in the subzone of Mocanime. 109 The most frequent combination consisted of the cultivation of spring wheat (Velican 1955) and— after the seventeenth century— potatoes, with the raising of sheep for wool, cheese production and as a source of natural fertilizer to keep the agricultural land sufficiently productive. Corn, which was introduced into Transylvania in the early seven­ teenth century (Giurescu 1972:18), was cultivated exten­ sively only within the lower elevation settlements where the temperatures are warmer and the growing season is a little longer. Although agriculture was important, the amount of arable land rarely exceeded 21 percent of a household's total holdings. By far the greatest amount of land was devoted to hay production for animal forage, which meant that, even in Mocanime, outside sources had to be tapped to acquire the household's need for grain (Butura 1958, 1971). Segagea is located in the subzone of Mocanime. The word Mocanime comes from the term mocan which has several connotations. Although the term generally refers to an individual from the Transylvanian mountains (Galusca 19^5* Institutul de Lingvistica din Bucuresti 1975J560), it is rarely used by these mountaineers when making reference to themselves. During the days of Austro-Hungarian rule, the term mocan was often used by Hungarian authorities in a pejorative manner when they referred to the local "common 110 folk" of the area (i.e., you "mokany!"— as ins you pea­ sant or you country bumpkin). This connotation is preva­ lent even today in many ways and the term can be used in Romanian when one questions the industriousness or intel­ ligence of another person. In another sense, the term mocan refers to a (Transylvanian) shepherd. For example, there is the noun mocan and the adjective mocanesc (levit- chi 1973s648), but these are rarely used in place of the more common word for shepherd, cioban, or the adjective ciobanesc. In Segagea, the term mocan is often used when men poke fun at one another or, for example, when they self­ consciously explained to me some of their own folk customs which they perceived to be rather rustic or even "back­ ward:" "What can we do? These are our customs and this is the way we know best. We are mocanii" However, to most outsiders who would inquire, Segageni are more likely to identify themselves as being moti (or as they say, topi) rather than as mocani because of the nationalistic pride associated with those who are from the nearby area of Tarai-- —Motilor. *---

The Domain of Trascau The formation of Posaga as a commune and Segagea as a village is directly involved in the history of Trascau as a feudal domain. The area which is at present occupied Ill "by the commune of Posaga was apparently settled while under the jurisdiction of the Domain of Trascau in the Comitat of Turda. Turda was one of the seven oldest comitate in Transylvania. It was first mentioned in the historical documents as early as 1282. The original ad­ ministrative district included a large tract of land in central Transylvania— centered around the present-day city of Turda— and all of the Aries Valley including Tara Motilor (Merutiu 1929:87-90). The Domain of Trascau was granted its official status by the Hungarian Crown some­ time in the thirteenth century for the purpose of mining the extensive iron ore deposits in the Trascau Mountains (Butura 1972:585-586). Although the Domain was established in the thir­ teenth century, the Trascau Valley, where the Domain was centered, was inhabited since prehistoric times. During the period of Roman occupation in the second century A.D., the Trascau Valley was considered to be a strategic loca­ tion which connected the city of Apulum (Alba-Iulia) in the Mures Valley to the south with the lower Aries Valley and the cities of Potaissa (Turda) and Napoca (Cluj- Napoca) to the north. To secure this zone, a Roman mili­ tary settlement was established in conjunction with the Roman legion stationed at Potaissa (Giurescu 1972:68, 91-92). 112 Other evidence shows that even before the Domain was officially granted its status, the Hungarian King Geza II had colonized the area with a Germanic population be­ tween 1141 and ll6l to. begin mining the iron ore deposits. In 1241, Transylvania was overrun by a devastating Tartar invasion from the Eastern Steppes. To secure the Turda- Trascau area, the Crown established a Szekeler colony-- Scaunul Ariesului ("The Seat-of-the-Aries")— at the mouth of the Aries Valley. By 1289, the Scaun had become a permanent group of 29 settlements, one of which was the village of Trascau (present-day Rimetea) located in the Trascau Valley (Borbely 1927s7—52; Kos 1960:29-39)* At least from 1378 and probably earlier, the Domain of Trascau was ruled by the heirs of Toroczkay, a strong Hungarian family which held the Domain under its control until the mid-nineteenth century. The Toroczkay family lost control of the Domain only briefly in 1467 when King Mathew of Hungary stripped the land from them when they were accused of taking part in a conspiracy of nobles against the Crown. The Domain was then granted to another nobleman, Miklo's Csupor, but later returned almost in full to the Toroczkay family in 1494 (Butura 1972:585-586). Besides the noble family, the Domain was populated by two other socioeconomic groups: a privileged class of miners directly under the control of the Monarchy and the 113 larger body of agricultural serfs who were under the authority of the Toroczkay family. The majority of the miners were colonists from southern Austria who were settled in Trascau to extract the iron ore and to man the smelting and forging installations. Up to the fourteenth century, the miners were free to pay their "taxes" in the metal that they produced from the local ore deposits. However, beginning in the fourteenth century, they were obliged to pay all taxes in money only (Borbely 1927:29- k2) . The majority of the agricultural serfs were indi­ genous Romanians who lived in settlements located mostly in the middle elevations of the Aries Valley (see map, page 11^). The middle Aries Valley had been the site of old Romanian village alliances known as a cnezat (a Slavic term), the more notable of which had been centered in the present-day villages of Ocolis and Lupsa (Butura 19&3: 210). Other serfs were from the colonized Szekeler and Hungarian groups who lived directly in the Trascau Valley either in the settlement of Trascau or in the nearby ad­ ministrative center of Singeorgiu (present-day Coltesti). At Singeorgiu the Toroczkay family held its court and a nearby castle was constructed to defend the area during the Tartar invasion of 12^1. The castle, the re­ mains of which can still be seen today, was destroyed by Turda Magura-Ierii Fagetu- •

ColtestlV, Posaga-de- (Singeorgiu) ft* Podeni Brazegti " Jos Sale iua-de-Jos y Izvoarele Baia Sartas Salciua-de-Sus Valisoara CloSu

Lupsa Muncel

Ponor

Rimet J Aiud til Figure 9* Settlements Located Within the Domain of Trascau 115 the Austrians in 1702 (Vatasianu 1959s19; Butura 1972:585- 586). Between 1290 and 1293> the Hungarian Crown estab­ lished two Romanian settlements within the Trascau Valley. These "colonized" serfs were originally responsible only to the Crown (and probably were used as laborers in the mines), but in 1^61 they began paying taxes directly to the Toroczkay estates (Borbely 1927:57-63)* At the peak of its production Trascau was one of the most important iron-working centers in the Western Mountains and perhaps in all of Transylvania. All types of finished and nonfinished iron wares were produced and sent to distant cities in Transylvania and even beyond. Because Trascau had a large Germanic population, the Domain was closely tied with the free Saxon colonies of Sibiu, Sighisoara and Brasov. Many of the nonfinished goods such as plow shares and scythe blades were needed by the local free peasants and serfs (Kos 1960:3^-37; Butura 1977. personal communication). By 1371 Trascau had reached the status of a city and in 1590 it was granted an official seal (Borbely 1927:63). The Domain itself was subdivided according to the number of ruling heirs. In 1^73» for example, historical documents show that the Domain was divided into five separate "categories:" (1) the body of privileged miners, (2) the serfs and bound serfs of Laszlo Toroczkay, (3) the 116 serfs and bound serfs of Miklos Csupor, (4) the serfs and bound serfs of Zsigmond Toroczkay, and (5) the serfs and bound serfs of the widow of Peter Toroczkay. According to the same documents, the serfs of Posaga, along with those in the settlements of Trascau, Singeorgiu and four other villages, were under the control of Peter Toroczkay and later his widow (Borbely 1927:7^-86). The serfs and bound serfs had to provide various forms of labor to the Toroczkay estates in addition to their payment of taxes both in money and kind. A brief outline of the peasants' obligations to the noble family of a one Peter Toroczkay was presented in a 1785 document. The serfs were required to work at least one day per week on the Toroczkay land, to make payments of rent in the amount of two German florins and to offer a certain quan­ tity of grain and hemp each year. Bound serfs were re­ quired to offer a quantity of wool and hemp and to pay their rent in gold coins (Borbely 1927116-118). In addition to the labor obligations and rent paid by the serfs to the noble families, the villagers in the middle Aries Valley also provided a needed source of wood charcoal to operate the smelters and forges of the Trascau mines. Because up until 1516 the miners were completely free to conduct their own businesses, the production of charcoal became a means for the rural population to acquire 117 money needed to pay its taxes. The Aries Valley was rich in natural oak and beech forests. The charcoal was pre­ pared in local private "furnaces" and then transported on horseback over the Bedeleu Range to Trascau (Borbely 1927s 122-123; Kos 1960:32-3^). Although Trascau was a very important iron-producing center, its deposits were not really large enough to con­ tinue operation into the industrial era. By the end of the nineteenth century, the mining of ore on a large scale had essentially come to an end. Especially significant to Trascau's demise was the abolition of serfdom. By I860 serfdom had largely been terminated in the middle Aries . Valley although a few communities apparently were held in servitude until 1868. Prior to 18^9* there were an esti­ mated 50 mines and 20 hydraulic forges operating in the Trascau Valley. Yet, by the turn of the century, the number of mines had been reduced to less than thirty. In 1957 the last iron-working installation was removed from the village of Rimetea (old Trascau) and placed in an open-air museum in the city of Sibiu (Kos 1960:32-33; Kosa and Filip 1975; Butura 1977» personal communication).

The Commune of Posaga and Segagea The earliest archaeological evidence of human habitation in the area of the present-day commune of Posaga goes back to Neolithic times. For example, a 118 polished stone axe was turned up by a plow in 1956. Other artifacts from prehistoric times include jewelry and several ceramic pieces (Rosa and Martoma 1975!23). A con­ siderable number of Bronze-Age artifacts are also reported to have been found in the commune (Roska 1942:89). The earliest modern-day settlement and the largest is the current administrative center of the commune, Posaga-de-Jos. When Trascau was established as an inde­ pendent domain sometime in the thirteenth century, Posaga was apparently not among the original rural settlements which existed within the Domain (Borbely 1927:52). As far as is known today, the first official document which makes reference to Posaga (Pothsaga) dates back to 1365 (Suciu 1968:58). The first census material related to Posaga (Podsaga) dates to 1724. The population was registered as being entirely Romanian and of the 65 families recorded in the census, 47. or 72 percent, were headed by agricultural serfs (Az Orszagos Magyar Kir. Statisztikai Hivatal 1896: 216). In 1733, however, just nine years later, another census lists the total number of families at 170 (Togan 1894:184). This latter register is probably the first to refer to the total number of families that were living within the entire Posaga Valley and not just to those in the village of Posaga-de-Jos. As the population increased 119 in the original settlement, clearings must have been made in the forest areas higher up in the valley for the development of new homesteads. In 1750* the total commune population of Posaga (Potsaga) was listed to be 1,4^0 inhabitants, but no list­ ings for individual settlements were given (Bunea 1901: 282). It is most likely that all of the six present-day settlements in the Posaga Valley were inhabited to some extent by this time. This would certainly have been true for the three largest: Posaga-de-Jos, Posaga-de-Sus (Belioara) and Segagea. In 1762, the number of families registered as living in the commune had reached 263 (Cio- banu 1926:639)* In 1787, the first complete commune census was made. The population was listed at a total of 1,675 in­ habitants: 8^5 males and 830 females. There were a re­ ported 2^7 separate households (who were living in 216 houses) with an average household size of 6.7 persons. Of the 383 adult males, 33 were registered as "free peasants," whereas 315* or 82 percent, were listed as bound serfs (Kozponti Statisztika Hivatal i960:328-329)• As the commune population continued to increase throughout the eighteenth and into the nineteenth century, the administrative control became more difficult and less efficient. As a result, in 182^ the three higher-elevation 120 settlements of Orasti, Belioara and Segagea were combined into a second commune called Posaga-de-Sus with its admin­ istrative center in Belioara (Suciu 1968:58; Rosa and Martoma 1975J30)* Exactly when Segagea was first inhabited as a per­ manent settlement is unknown. At least one source (Mitropolia Greco-Catolica 1900:372) refers to Segagea as a separate church parish as early as 17^0. If this is true, then we might expect that at least 25 to 35 families were living in the Segagea area at the time. The earliest published document which mentions Segagea (Szegazsa) goes back to 1835 (Suciu 1968:103)* However, the earliest archival record which could be found at the branch of the State Archive in Cluj-Napoca which refers to Segagea as a specific settlement dates to 1807. The earliest official demographic records go back only to the Hungarian census of 1900 (Magyar Statisztikai Kozlemenyek 1902:^52-^53. 600-601; 1904:902-905)* By the most extreme estimates, it appears that Segagea is no more than 250 years old. In all probability, Segagea was settled by the local inhabitants of the lower Posaga Valley who had migrated up the valley toward Muntele Mare. Such migra­ tion patterns were apparently common in the northern sector of Mocanime (Butura 1958:96; 1977. personal com­ munication) . This expansion process, so frequently found 121 in the Western Mountains (Apolzon 19^3). may help explain the cultural and socioeconomic emphasis which is so often placed upon the nuclear family organization rather than on the extended or joint-family types. As sons married, they often moved out of their natal households to clear land and establish new households of their own. Whether forced by population pressure or merely as an attempt to escape feudal controls on their lives, the peasant migration up the Posaga Valley apparently continued as the forest was cleared. The first step was probably to establish new pasture and grazing areas and then later to transform favorable locations into plow land and sites for permanent homesteads. The most desirable locations included the wider stream valleys which provided a permanent water supply and enough nearby land suitable for cultivation. According to village tradition, the first homestead in Segagea was situated on Tomnatic--the small plateau near the present site of the church. It is described as having been the location of a beautiful clearing (poiaria) in the beechwood forest with level ground and a nearby freshwater spring. As time went on, the original home­ steaders continued to clear the forest as they were joined by other families who had migrated into the basin. By the mid-l800s, Segagea was probably fairly well cleared of its original beech forest covering. The only 122 areas which were not deforested were those on the steeper hillsides and on ground too rough to be cultivated or cut for hay. Most of the more gentler slopes and wider hill­ tops had been cleared, just as they are today. Because of the protective nature of the basin, its general southern exposure and relatively gentle slopes, and the abundance of fresh water and forest reserves, Segagea was well suited for settlement despite the otherwise harsh mountain environment. The dominant cultigen in the late eighteenth cen­ tury was the spring wheat Triticum monococcum (Vasile Velican 1977* personal communication). With only two rows of grain it was not very productive, but it was very re­ sistant to the cool, damp climate of the mountains. The average yearly temperature in the highland zone near Segagea is about 4° C (39-2° F) (Hodisan 1971*3)• (The highest daytime temperature that I recorded was 27° C (80.6° F) on June.28, 1976 and the lowest was -12° C

(10.V3 F) on December 13. 1976.) The average annual amount of precipitation is near 1,200 mm (k'J , 2 k in.) with about 120 days of snow on the ground (Hodisan 1971*3-^)* Other spring grains that were utilized included barley and rye, and, by the time that Segagea was firmly established, potatoes were also being grown for human consumption. 123 The most important domestic animal was the sheep. The breed most well adapted to the highland areas of Romania is the native Turcana (Butura 1978;240-24l). Even the present-day flocks in Segagea are descended from the original Turcana stock. Its wool production is somewhat limited and rather coarse in texture in comparison to other breeds, but the Turcana (or Zackel) is a hardy animal, reaches maturity quickly and produces more meat by total body weight than most other breeds (Camalesa 1975: 142-145)• Other important animals included pigs, cows, oxen for draft and the stocky mountain horse used as a pack animal where there were no roads. Because clear documentation is lacking, it is difficult to determine the exact kind of economic and social ties Segagea may have had with Trascau. Perhaps, because of Segagea's relative isolation, Segageni were able to free themselves from strong feudal obligations, perhaps not. It can be assumed, nevertheless, that the geographic location of the settlement did restrict the involvement of the local population in most outside economic activities. The development of commerce in the Posaga Valley during the eighteenth and nineteenth cen­ turies was severely limited even for the Western Mountain zone. The only real money transactions that were at all feasible involved the selling of charcoal (which was 124 apparently not done in Segagea because it was so far from Trascau) or livestock. The selling of livestock in any large quantity was made difficult because of the distance to the nearest large market and the absence of a roadway in the Posaga Valley for outside buyers to enter Segagea (Botezan 1976:149, 157). Rather than involve themselves directly in com­ merce, the peasants of Segagea were more likely to exchange their own labor for those commodities that they could not produce or acquire at home. At the very beginning of . significant expansion into the highland areas of Mocanime, a limited population may well have been able to exist with some degree of agricultural self-sufficiency. But, with an increas-e in the population density, the people of Segagea and other neighboring settlements became increas­ ingly more dependent upon the grain production of distant lowland villages. CHAPTER V

THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SEGAGEA: 1848-1948

The years of 1848 and 1849 marked the beginning of the end of the feudal period in the middle Aries Valley and the beginning of capitalist economic expansion. In 1848, Avram Iancu led Transylvanian peasants of both Romanian and Hungarian nationalities against the tyranny of the then existing feudal order. The Hungarian authori­ ties, who were at the same time attempting to gain their own independence from Austria, eventually silenced the revolt in Transylvania but not until some concessions were made. In both Hungary and Transylvania, serfdom was declared abolished in 1848 and officially terminated through legislation in 1853 and 1854 (Otetea et al 1970: 348-369)• By i860, serfdom had been dismantled in most of the rural settlements of Trascau. Segagea's own effort in the fight against Hungarian feudalism came at no little cost. In the fall of 1848 a group of Hungarian mounted soldiers were encamped near Segagea while some of Avram Iancu's men were stationed directly across the settlement on Muntele Mare. As the story is now told, some of the young people

12 5 who were tending their flocks nearby managed to steal the horses of the Hungarian soldiers. Avram Iancu's men were able to catch the Hungarians at a decided disadvantage, but before the skirmish was over, all of Segagea had been burned to the ground except for a few houses located at the margins of the hamlet (Rosa and Martoma 1975s209; Rosa 1976, personal communication). The ending of feudalism brought little significant economic change to the middle Aries Valley until a road was constructed from Turda to the village of Salciua-de- Jos in 1865* The establishment of the new roadway along the banks of the Aries River began to open the region to commerce and increased local trade. Prior to 18^91 only the noble classes were free to engage in true economic ventures, usually as middlemen or sellers of their own surpluses, while the serfs and free peasants of the area were often captive markets required to purchase the noblemen's goods. After 1865> outside merchants were free to enter the Aries Valley and establish local businesses wherever settlements were large enough to provide them a profit. The most successful businesses were those which made avail able to the villagers commodities that were usually ob­ tainable only in the city of Turda or the specialized market towns of Iara or Trascau. Especially profitable 127 were the sales of tobacoo and certain types of alcoholic spirits. By 1875. "the road from Turda had been extended from Salciua-de-Jos to the city of Cimpeni in Tara Motilor. In the same year, a two km road was built to connect the new road in the Aries Valley with the village of Posaga-de-Jos (Rosa and Martoma 1975*93)* Though the new road was able to stimulate commerce in the middle Aries Valley, the greatest stimulus to industrial development came between 1911 and 1912 with the construction of a narrow gauge railroad from Turda to Cimpeni. The railroad, called the mocanita, immediately expanded the mining and logging operations which already existed in the Valley. Prior to the coming of the railroad, cut trees were merely trimmed and then floated down the Aries River. To facilitate this process, a series of wooden dams were built at various locations along the river to trap and release the logs in a step-like progression until they arrived at the city of Turda. With the railroad in full operation, however, it was possible to transport larger quantities of wood in a much shorter period of time. Both the extension of the roadway into Posaga and the construc­ tion of the railroad in the larger Aries Valley acted to further the development of local forestry operations in the commune of Posaga-de-Sus, especially near the hamlets 128 of Incestiand Cortesti. The logs of beech and fir were » > > cut into one or two meter sections and then floated down the Posaga River to Lunca where they were loaded on rail­ road cars and moved to the lumber or processing mills in Turda (Rosa and Martoma 1975:93, 97, 117-118). Although commerce was spreading into the middle Aries Valley in the early years of the twentieth century, its effects were not strongly felt in the hamlet of Segagea. The basis of almost everyone's livelihood con­ tinued to be agro-pastoralism as it had been since the early part of the eighteenth century. The changes which came about in the immediate post-feudal era were felt more directly in the development'of local education. Prior to 18^8, the Hungarian authorities made little effort to provide the educational opportunities for the peasantry. In the villages and hamlets, education was predominantly in the hands of the local parish priests who oriented their teaching toward the basics of religious instruction. However, in 1897, the first state support for public education provided Segagea with its first trained teacher and in 1913 led to the construction of Segagea's first public school house. The school, a one- room building, was used up until 1961 to teach children between the ages of six and twelve. The only major prob­ lem was that each pupil was required to learn Hungarian as 129 the official state language. For the children in the more mountainous regions of Transylvania where there was a very small native Hungarian-speaking population this presented a significant stumbling block in the continuance of their education (Rosa and Martoma 1975s132-139; Rosa 1977, per­ sonal communication). Segagea's status changed significantly after World War I. With the formation of Greater Romania in 1918, the state's expenditure on rural public education in Transyl­ vania began to increase substantially. Other significant changes included land reforms which reduced the holdings of the large prewar Hungarian estates. In Posaga-de-Sus, vast forest and alpine tracts on Muntele Mare, which had belonged to the Toroczkay family, came under the direct ownership of the commune. In Segagea the new tracts acquired by the commune meant that local land areas could be expanded for agro- pastoralism and that each resident of the commune could have access to wood and lumber supplies at a minimum cost. The immediate effects of the land reform were rather in­ significant to Segagea's local economy; however, with time, access to the communal forest areas became increas­ ingly important. Other government reforms included land distribution laws to help colonize newly acquired Romanian territories 130 in Transylvania. In Segagea and in other settlements in the Western Mountains, citizens who so desired were granted free agricultural land in the Banat region of western Romania. Despite the harsh mountain environment, which many were now free to leave, only three families from Segagea appear to have accepted the government's offer. The significance of this fact may have been over­ looked at the time, but it certainly reveals the strong attachment that the people of this area must have had to their community and way of life.

Traditional Agro-Pastoralism and Economic Change The economy of Segagea from the time of its found­ ing was always centered around agro-pastoralism. In the early period of its settlement, each homestead chose to plow, cut for hay or pasture its land totally independent of its neighbors' decisions. Parcels of land, which then were usually situated near the family's house, were utilized only in terms of the household's own agricultural needs. However, by the middle or latter part of the nine­ teenth century, a community-wide system of land rotation had been established. By the 1900s, this Early Modern agricultural system had become the dominant feature of both the economic and social organization of the hamlet. The immediate settlement land, where the houses and nearby stables are located within the basin floor, is 131 called the vatra satului ("the hearth of the village"). Here the land was used only for hay production and for individual garden plots where onions, garlic, parsnips, beets, cabbage, carrots and other hardy vegetables were grown. In addition, both hemp (cinepa) and flax were cul­ tivated. Their fibers were spun into thread to be woven by the women into textiles for making articles of cloth­ ing, bed clothing, wall decorations, seed bags, table cloths and various other household items. Much thicker fibers were twisted together by the men to make rope. In the vatra satului, if the land were adequately manured, at least two cuttings of hay were made possible (fin and the later and much finer otava). Then, as now, only sheep and cattle manure was used for fertilizer. The land surrounding the settlement— on the higher slopes and hilltops— is called the hotar or "boundary land." This land was also used for hay production, but its major functions were the cultivation of grain and potatoes and the pasturing of livestock. Because spring wheat was the dominant grain crop, it was the hotar and not the vatra satului which made for the best growing area. On the hillsides, the exposure to the sun was much longer, the soil was not overly humid, and the constant wind kept the early spring and late autumn frosts from forming on the stalks. 132 Agriculture in Segagea truly meant mixed agro- pastoralism. In fact, cattle and especially sheep raising may have been more important than the growing of grain. The average family during the interwar period had no more than six or seven hectares of land of which only 1.25 to 1.5 hectares were truly arable. Permanent hay areas probably amounted to about 2 to 2.5 hectares. The remain­ ing land was composed of private pasture areas, forest land, the house site in the vatra satului and various non­ productive parcels. On the average, each household had from 20 to b0 sheep; however, some households held flocks well in excess of 100 head and owned more than 20 hectares of land. A family's sheep were its major source of milk to make cheese (a staple in the diet), wool to make blankets and winter clothing, lambs for sale on the open market and an important means of manuring the land for grain, potato and hay production. Because of the continuous leaching of the soil and its erosion by melting snow and rain, a system of fertilizing the land to keep it sufficiently productive was an absolute necessity. The agro-pastoral cycle was a balanced ecological and economic system. Each household had to balance the number of its animals with its potential to produce grain (food) and hay (feed). To have fewer animals than necessary would naturally have 133 resulted in the land being so infertile that the household would have had a difficult time meeting its overall agri­ cultural needs. Yet, to have more animals than needed would have meant increasing the household's production of hay and feed grains, only to result in less manure for the cultivation of wheat and potatoes for the family's own consumption. Although agro-pastoralism was strictly a familial operation with each family caring for its own sheep and cows, the commune was divided into two alternating sec­ tions of land: one for pasture, called the nimas; the other for cultivation and hay production, called the tarina. In Segagea this system divided the hotar into two almost equal parts: one-half for pasture and the other half for growing grain, potatoes and hay (see map, page 13*0. In alternating years, the pasture land came under cultivation and the land previously planted and cut for hay was left fallow and used only for grazing. By rotat­ ing the land use in this manner, not only was the arable land left to "rest" (a odihni) every other year, it was also manured by the village's flocks of sheep pasturing freely over the nimas during the day and by the family's sheep being kept in a pen placed directly on its own grain (miriste) and potato fields at night. Every other day or Forest

Margini Ruptura

\Plesestiy Stiolne

w / Satului

Blaj

Grosi Tarina/Nimas -- 9 No Annual Change Forest Line TARINA 9

Figure 10. Nimas and Tarina Areas for 1976 135 so, the pen was moved to evenly manure the strips of land which would come under cultivation or he mowed the follow­ ing year. Because of the nature of the tarina-nimas system, each household ideally had one-half of its arable land on each side of the hotar so as to be able to cultivate grain and potatoes each year. There were cases, however, where this was not possible, and the family was forced to cul­ tivate its tarina land intensively whenever it became available— that is, every other year. During the "off" years, these families were forced to depend more heavily upon grain acquired from outside the settlement. At the end of May, after the plowing and planting were completed, all the animals of the hamlet, including the chickens and pigs, were taken to the nimas area of the hotar. Here they would be kept all summer long. The coming of the pasturing season at the end of May and early June marked the beginning of a distinct sexual division of labor in the agro-pastoral cycle both in terms of the loca­ tions and the tasks to be performed. The women and child­ ren moved to summer cabins (colibi) and stables (poieti) located in the nimas , section of the ------hotar to tend the animals and to make the cheese. During the daytime, the women and children would graze their flocks upon the nimas. Each woman would carry 136 her distaff— which was slipped through the apron belt around her waist— and spin last year's wool into thread. Every morning and every evening, at the minimum, the sheep and cows were milked and at night the cows were put into their stalls and the sheep into their fold. A woman, or perhaps an older child, would stay all night on the hotar next to the sheep, sleeping in a small, movable "hutch"- like structure called a cramba. Her presence was neces­ sary to protect the flock from possible attacks by a fox or even wolves. While the women and children tended the animals, the men would be in the vatra satului cutting the hay--a continuous process which began in late June and lasted until the end of August. Areas on the hotar set aside for hay would normally yield only one cutting beginning in late July. Throughout the interwar period, Segagea's hotar area continuously expanded as the population grew and the forest was cleared in places for new hay and pasture lands. However, as the potential for growth exceeded the avail­ able commune territory, individual households began to purchase land in the neighboring commune of Ocolis. The greatest part of this land was in an area to the northeast outside and above the Segagea basin known as Stiolne or Sesul Rituri, which is one of the most highly productive 137 hay and pasture areas in the commune even today (see map, page I J k ). Another zone utilized heavily during the interwar period was the alpine pasture area on Muntele Mare. Un­ like the hotar land where the sheep were grazed, this area was prime pasture for cows and oxen. Each morning the older hoys of the community would take their family's cows to the mountain returning in the late evening for the last milking. The village oxen, on the other hand, were herded not individually hut in common under the care of a hired attendant (bouar). Each family'would provide the atten­ dant with a quantity of wool, food or money for each animal it had in the herd. Almost every household at one time or another had oxen (hoi). To most householders, a strong and handsome pair of oxen was a significant source of family pride and prestige. Unlike many other animals, oxen were used for only one purpose— for draft. To have a pair of oxen, therefore, indicated that the household had the necessary land and current wherewithal to support their keep. If a household had two pairs of oxen, it usually meant that it was more than capable of meeting its own consumption needs. By September the haying was completed, the animals returned for a short period of time to graze in the vatra satului and attention was turned to harvesting the wheat and potatoes. Depending upon the weather, harvesting usually began in late September and continued into October and sometimes into November. Using a sickle, only the women would actually cut the wheat. The men would help by binding the cut stalks into bunches (snopi) and stacking them on wooden poles to dry in the sun. Often, several women would join into a single group to harvest each other's fields in turn. At other times, a single family would sponsor a group of village women (p claca) to har­ vest its wheat in return for an evening of food, drink and dancing along with the promise to return the labor some­ time in the future. For those who were well-to-do, women would come or were even brought in from Tara Motilor to harvest their wheat in return for raw wool to be prepared for spinning. With the coming of winter, the men would take their turn on the hotar to tend the cattle and sheep which were now taken to the tarina section. Here fresh hay was available for feed and the men would spend the winter threshing the new grain by hand with a flail. At the same time, the women would be in the houses below spinning wool and weaving it into cloth to make winter clothing and a thick woolen blanket called a tol. 139 For the majority of households in Segagea, the agro-pastoral system was not highly productive. It was very labor intensive and time consuming in comparison to the farming that was carried out in the lowland areas near Turda and in the Mures Valley to the south. Almost all of the agricultural work was done by hand. For example, it was not until after World War I that a significant number of threshing machines became available to the hamlet and it was not until the early 19^0s that a resident of Segagea actually acquired a motorized thresher of his own. Even after these machines were introduced, it ap­ pears that the majority of men continued to thresh their grain by hand, clearly as a matter of choice. When I asked one old man why this was so, it was his belief that although the threshing machine could obviously do the job much faster and easier, it did not do it as "cleanly" as could be done by hand. After several different responses by several different informants to the same question, I am now of the opinion that the threshing of grain with a flail is just one of many agricultural activities that was viewed not so much as a task but as a way of life. During the winter of 1976-1977, at least one active old man was still threshing his grain by hand. When I asked him why he did not utilize the machine as all the younger men of the village did, his response was that 140 since he had so little grain (which raises the question as to why he planted it at all), it just was not worth the bother to do it any other way. Clearly the time he spent in plowing, planting and harvesting grain in the first place and then threshing it by hand was done so for rea­ sons other than those that we would traditionally call "economic." Perhaps with men having to spend so many days alone on the hotar merely to tend to the needs of their animals, the threshing of grain by hand, if nothing more, would have at least made the long winter months appear to pass by more quickly. Also, in contrast to the lowland areas, the soil in Segagea was not very rich or fertile. On the average, the ratio of harvest to seed grain was only about six to one, nearly one-half that to be found in the wheat fields sur­ rounding Turda. With an estimated 375 kg of wheat needed to feed each adult each year, and another estimated 100 to 150 kg of corn, it was very difficult, if not impossible, for each household to meet its annual grain needs. Only a few households were actually capable of pro­ ducing a true surplus of grain each year. In fact, a large percentage (perhaps as high as 80 percent) of Segagea's families had to have one or more of its members leave the hamlet at some time during the year to earn money or additional grain directly. The most frequent period for this temporary migration was in late summer and fall. In the late summer men would cut hay in the lowland areas for money and both men and women would participate in the lowland grain harvests for a payment in kind. In the fall, Segageni would head to lowland corn harvests to obtain an agreed-upon percentage of whatever they could pick each day. Although corn does grow in each of the settlements of the commune, in Segagea at least the local climatic conditions do not allow it to ripen thoroughly. As a result, it could not be ground into cornmeal for human consumption nor be stored adequately as feed for animals. Because of the rather low productivity of the soil and the environmental limitations of the highland zone, the resi­ dents of Segagea were continuously becoming more and more dependent upon outside sources to meet their own subsis­ tence needs. With this economic situation ever present, the people of Segagea were forced into seeking a nonagri- cultural commodity upon which to rely. In addition to frequent grain shortages, there was often an absence of animal protein in the diet as well. Sheep, the most important domestic animals, were rarely butchered because they were needed to produce wool, milk and manure and for cash by their sale on the open market. Although there were surplus sheep and lambs, the Romanian 1^2 agrarian economy kept the market glutted and, therefore, the profits from animal sales were often rather deflated. Any money acquired by the sale of animals was used to.pay taxes or to purchase needed goods that could not be pro­ duced at home. The major source of meat in the diet was pork from a fattened hog which was slaughtered for the winter holi­ day season. Far more important than the meat, however, was the fat bacon (slanina) which could be smoked and/or boiled to keep all year round. Slanina, along with bread, onions, whey cheese (cas) and brandy, was the major part of the daily diet during the peak agricultural season. At Easter (Pasti) and Pentecost (Rusalii), lamb was generally prepared as part of the traditional meal, but only if the family could honestly spare one or two animals from sale on the Easter-spring market. Although Segageni made trips to the city of Turda (35 km away) to attend weekly fairs and participate in the market and middlemen-buyers occasionally came directly into the hamlet to purchase livestock, the most common economic transactions took place at the nearby local fairs. The most important ones were held at the village of Salciua-de-Jos. Others were held in the village of Lupsa (higher up in the Aries Valley) and in the towns of Cimpeni and Iara. Cimpeni, located in the heart of Tara 1^3 Motilor and a full day's travel from Segagea, was a site of market transactions among mountain peasants. Items for sale and barter usually consisted of wood and various wood products such as barrels, kegs, scythe handles or utensils for the home made by craft specialists from Tara Motilor as well as various breeds of animals— horses, cattle and sheep— well adapted to the mountain environment. From Mocanime the peasants would bring their animals but also such products as raw and spun wool, toale (the heavy woolen blankets) and cheese. In Iara, on the other hand, a small town (or large village) on the edge of the Western Mountains (see map, page 107) and also a full day's travel from Segagea, the market was a meeting place and point of exchange between two separate geographic and ethnographic zones. From the mountains came villagers with their wood and woolen prod­ ucts and their animals, and from the lowlands came vil­ lagers with such things as wheat, corn and other grains plus various vegetables which do not grow in the colder mountain regions. Even today seeds for growing such vegetables as beans and cucumbers must be obtained from lowland areas because in Segagea these plants never reach maturity to produce a plantable seed. Iara itself was a center for ceramic goods: bowls, clay dishes, cooking vessels and so forth, and a place for smiths from Rimetea 144 to sell their iron products: plow, scythe, shovel and saw blades, drills and various other items (Karoly 1976:331- 340). Despite the nature and importance of the fairs held at Cimpeni and at Iara, the fairs attended most frequently and the ones which aroused the most attention were those that were held at Salciua. Because Salciua was much closer to Segagea than the other sites, it was naturally more convenient. However, it also provided Segageni with an occasion to meet other people from nearby villages, old friends and even relatives. The Salciua fair was much more than an economic market place; it was a local gather­ ing in a local setting among mocani— a fair day and a social holiday all rolled into one. Segagea's involvement in true commercial activities was always quite limited. Those enterprises that did exist were always at the family level and on a very small scale. At least eight families had grist mills for wheat and corn. These mills were handed down to heirs who gained the right to operate them on different days, build­ ing up their own clientele. Although payment in m o n e y would have been most welcome, the charge accepted usually was a small percentage (one-twelfth to one-fifteenth) in grain or in the flour produced. From time to time various individuals would open up a room in a house as a kind of pub (crisma) for the sale 145 of tobacco and spirits, but rarely did any of these ven­

tures develop into a going concern. In Segagea the money

economy needed to support such activities simply did not

exist; also, almost every household made its own brandy

from plums and apples which were relatively abundant.

Between 1897 and 1942, five different crisme opened up for

various lengths of time, but never was there more than one

in operation at any given time. One break between the

closing of one and the opening of another lasted up to

seven years.

The only other commercial operations were two

installations for making vegetable oil from flax seeds,

pumpkin seeds and beechnuts (jir) and a fulling mill. All

three were run by local families and the fulling mill

actually belonged to one of the grain millers. At the

same time, there were only two true specialists in

Segagea; that is, men who lived only by their specialized crafts. One was a barrel maker who came to the hamlet

from Tara Motilor in the 1930s. The other was a Gypsy blacksmith wno had moved to Segagea after the first world war. The rest of the population, including the priest,

the school teacher and the owners of mills, were all involved to some extent in agro-pastoral!sm.

With the completion of the road along the Aries

River and its extension into the Posaga Valley, the exploitation of the communal forest land grew steadily throughout the interwar period. By the 1930s, almost every family in Segagea was involved in transporting wood to the city of Turda or the lowland villages east and south of the Aries Valley. At first wood was merely cut up into firewood and then taken by horse and wagon down the Posaga Valley to the roadway and then oh toward Turda.

For only a small commune tax charged for each tree cut, the forest became the dependable nonagricultural resource that the people of Segagea could use in trade to acquire the various necessities from the outside. The trip to

Turda took at least four days, but it was worth the effort that had to be made. Some families even attempted to expand their operations by erecting water-powered saw mills to produce construction wood for sale to lowland villagers and even to some commercial retailers.

Although wood became an additional means of trade for many, no one in Segagea became solely dependent upon cutting wood as a means of earing a living. This was left to large-scale, private and state-owned operations which already existed in the western part of the commune. The vast majority of families continued i© concentrate their efforts on agro-pastoral ism as they had done for centuries past. However, the forest did serve an important economic function. It was a way of adding to the family's income 147 and, more importantly, as a means for acquiring needed grain. This was especially true for the landless or near landless householders who more than anyone else were en­ gaged in the trading of wood to meet their family’s basic subsistence needs. For a few it was not many days after they had returned from a week-long trip to Turda and back that they once again had their wagons loaded with wood and prepared to undertake a similar journey.

The Agro-rastoral Economy and Its Social Organization

Since 1824 and all through the interwar period,

Segagea was officially listed as being only a hamlet in the highland commune of Posaga-de-Sus although by the early part of the twentieth century it was the largest of the three recognized settlements in the commune* The other two settlements were the village of Belioara, the commune administrative center, and the hamlet of Or&sti with its two smaller branches (cringurl) of Cortesti and

Incesti. 1 As the local administrative unit and governmental body, each settlement was represented by elected council- men who in turn selected from among themselves the com- mune’s mayor, secretary, forestry chief and othdr public officials. The only nOn-elected position was that of the commune notary (notar)’ who was appointed by the judet. Of., all the commune officials, only the position of notary, and 148

secretary had to be filled by men who actually knew how to

read and write since they were in charge of keeping the

commune's vital statistics and official documents.

Although a separate commune, Posaga-de-Sus was

totally without postal or official police services until

the early 1930s and was not issued its notary position

until 1940. Prior to 1930 all official registers were

kept at the village of SSlciua-de-Jos, located more than

15 km from Segagea. Between 1930 and 1940, all official

documents were kept in the village of Po^iaga-de-Jos.

Though Segagea did not have the status of an inde­

pendent village, it had been a separate church parish for

a long time. During the interwar period, the parish in­

cluded all of Segagea, the settlement known as Ple^e^ti,

the area of Valeni as well as a few homesteads established

On Stiolne known as Bocsesti or Muntele Ocolisului. Since

the founding of the very first church in the early part of .

the eighteenth century, Segagea had always been affiliated with the Uniate (Unlta) or Greek Catholic Church (Mitropolia

Greco-Cat^UcS 1900«372).

The Uniate Church was firdt organized in Transyl­ vania in 1698 (Keefe et al 1972*67) through the influence V of the Austrian Crown in an attempt to gain more political power and allied support from Rome by bringing the Orthodox majority population under the Papal authority. Since ll*9 Orthodox parishes had no legal status within the newly,

formed Austro-Hungarian Empire, a large number of parish

priests agreed to convert to Greek Catholicism in return

for official recognition of their clerical positions and

accompanying freedoms.

Like the parish of Segagea, the parish of Belioara

was also Uniate, being converted with the construction of

its first and present church in 1857* Prior to this,

Belioara was a part of the Orthodox parish in Orasti,

itself the site of an old Orthodox monastery built some

time in the fourteenth century (Rosa and Martoma 1975*121-

127). Even though Segagea and Belioara were Uniate and

Orasti was Orthodox, there apparently was no true conflict

between the two religious groups. First, prior to 1918,

being Romanian, all three settlements shared essentially

the same social status vis-h-vis the Hungarian and later

Austrian authorities regardless of their religious

affiliations. Secondly, the Uniate beliefs and church '

services were not far removed from those of the original

Orthodox faith. It is very true, nevertheless, that

Segageni strongly identified with their Uniate-Catholic

traditioni and it was the custcm that any "mixed" marri­ ages between Uniate and Orthodox were to take place in the

Uniate church if the couple wishes to establish a household in Segagea. 150 Within Segagea there was no true socioeconomic

class structure. There ware obvious differences in per­

sonal wealth but no more than was present in most communi­

ties with such an economically homogeneous base. A few

households were completely landless or had only a small

amount of land on which to attempt to build a viable

domestic economy. Nonetheless! because of the tarlna-

nimas system, even these households were able to pasture a

moderately sized flock of sheep on the hotar. Those

families that were landless, or nearly so, usually had

members who worked in the households of the more well-to-

do as agricultural laborers or as house servants.

Agricultural laborers were contracted for a year,

receiving a set of clothing, meals and a small sum of

spending money or whatever could be arranged and agreed

upon by both parties. Some of the older girls of less

well-to-do families would leave the community to work in households in other nearby settlements or even to work for wealthier families in the cities of Turda or Cluj. Being

an agricultural worker or household servant apparently did not carry with it any true social stigma. Working for another household was viewed as being an acceptable step that several young people had to take before acquiring land through inheritance or before accumulating enough money to purchase land to establish a new household of their own. Although Segagea'8 geographic position gave i.t a • degree of economic, social and cultural parochialismt it was far from being what Brio Wolf (1955, 1957) has de­ scribed as a Mclosed-corporate,, community. Wolf has pro­ posed that the closed-corporate settlements of highland Mexico are the direct result of specific economic and political factors associated with Spanish colonialism (1955ih52-h69). However, as John Friedl's (197b) study of a Swiss alpine village shows, a similar type of closed- corporateness can apparently be caused by extreme environmental conditions as well. Prom the point of view of land ownership and exogenous marriage, Segagea was completely "open." Com­ mune property could be purchased by any outside individual or group. For example, in Segagea, a large tract of land was owned by a man from near the city of Sibiu. Once a migratory shepherd, he had bought the land as a hay and pasture area for his sheep, Other individuals had owned various tracts of forest land in diverse regions of the. commune and periodically contracted with outside logging companies to fell the trees* One owner of such land was the Uniate church which held over 270 hectares of forest area within the hotar of Segagea alone.

From the point of view of marriage patterns,

Segagea showed a relatively large amount of intercommunity 152 involvement. Of the 172 marriage caaea which I could reconstruct for the time period between 1975 and 1948, 53, or 31 percent, were exogamous (i.e., one of the spouses was not from Segagea). In an almost identical percentage, 27, or one-half, of these exogamous marriages involved a man who was from outside Segagea, while 26 involved a woman who was not from the hamlet.. Significantly, however 39, or 72 percent, of these exogamous marriages involved a spouse who although was not from Segagea was nevertheless from somewhere within the commune of Fo^aga-de-Sus, These data suggest that there may have existed a relatively strong degree of social bonding within the commune through fairly frequent intermarriage among its family units. At the same time, these statistics reveal a general absence of social alliance between Segagea and the older, single-village commune of Poaaga-de-Jos as it existed prior to 1950. Of the 53 exogamous marriages recorded as having taken place before 1948, only one in­ volved an individual from Posaga-de-Jos— a man who married and eventually settled in Segagea, Although it has been proposed that the higher elevation settlements of Pocaga- de-Sus were founded by a migratory expansion from lower in the Po|aga Valley, by the latter half of the nineteenth century there was obviously no evidence for a network of intermarriage connecting the historically related communi­ ties of Segagea and Posaga-de-Jos, 153 As a general pattern, the majority of exogamous marriages were between SegSgeni and persons from other highland settlements very similar in elevation to that of Segagea. Of the 53 exogamous cases, 45, or 95 percent, involved partners who were from settlements within or adjacent to the commune. Familiarity of life style, more frequent social interaction and the advantages of being able to combine land inheritances may explain why the vast majority of exogamous marriages involved the selection of a spouse from within the same general ecological subzone. At least one well-to-do family during the 1920s had sought to arrange a marriage between their son and a girl from the nearby commune of Muntele Bgisorii (see map, page 99), The reason given for desiring such a match was that it would help expand the family's access to nearby pasture and hay areas and bring into use land outside the commune that already had been acquired through a previous marriage, Ideologically, neither endogamous nor exogamous marriages were particularly encouraged or discouraged and, in point of fact, there were advantages and disadvantages to both. Intra-village marriage would naturally allow the partners to combine their land inheritance to adapt more efficiently to the requirements of the local jarinS-nlmas systemi however, because of ecological variations within the commune itself, inter-village marriage could provide 154 an access to resources that were not available in Segagea. By marrying someone from Belioara, for example, a Segagen could acquire nearby land capable of producing pipe corn and thereby make available an additional resource for meeting the family’s grain needs, JSxogamcus marriages did provide an occasion for some high-spirited inter-settle- ment pranks, mockery and kidding, especially when a wedding party from another community came to fetch the bride. It would be exceedingly difficult to determine the actual population of Segagea prior to the first Agricul­ tural Register of 19^8. In all the official census records before this* the smallest reported unit of demo­ graphic measurement was usually the commune itself and not the individual settlements which composed it. Even past church records are misleading because they too include two or more settlements without indicating them by name. At least one Hungarian census (Magyar Statisztikai Kozlemen- yek 19121629) places the 191Q population of Segagea (Sz^gazs) at 562, but this probably refers io the total Uniate parish rather than to just the hamlet of Segagea. fhe earliest demographic material which can provide us with some ideas as to what may have been the average else of the household in Segagea goes back only as far as 1930. According to the official census data for that year 155 (ApoXzon 1944,29, Table I), the average household size for the total commune of Posaga-da-Sus would have hesn about 4.6 persons* However, according to the data presented by loan Cioroac and Valeriu Popa-Neo|a (1936*271), the average household siae would have been somewhat lower, at 3,4 persons, Whichever of these two accounts comes closer to the truth, it is clear that the average household in Segagea was not very large, At least with reference to the twentieth century, we have enough evidence, to believe that the joint or large extended family household, if it existed at all, was probably more the exception than the ■rule. Although the exact statistics are lacking, it is possible to assume, with some degree of certainty, that throughout the period between 1848 and 1949 the population of the hamlet was increasing. This can easily be seen in the commune population record shown in Table 1 on page 155* For the most part, any increase in Segagea's popular tion was the result of an indigenous natural growth through endogamous marriage. Although exogamous marriage was quite frequent, the majority of marriages were between natal residents of Segagea, Qf the 172 marriages recon­ structed for the time period between 1875 and 1948, 119 or 69 percent were endogamous. 156 TABLE 1 POPULATION STATISTICS FOR THE COMMUNE QP " PO^AGA-DE-SUSi 1890-19^1

fear* i m iasa igio 193Q Populationt 1222 1328 1355 1373 lb?2

Adapted from Apolaan (19^ i29» Table I).

Unfortunately, there are no direct statistics which could indicate the degree of actual out-migration which took place prior to 19b8 • Thera nay ha a tendency to assume that, because of the evidence for Segagea'a popula­ tion growth and given its particular geographic location, the amount of out-migration must have been fairly small» however, this may not have been the case. Between 19b8 and 1977 (see Chapter VII, page 203), the rate of out­ migration was more than might have been expected even for the type of economic and social conditions that developed after the Socialist Revolution, It is quite possible, therefore, that this form of population movement has always been a part of Segagea1s history. Within the hamlet the majority of the homesteads were located, as they are today, on the central slope of the basin known as Mlllocul Satului or Drlcul Satulul (the "Middle-of-the-Village"). Other, and apparently later, 157 homesteads were established within the two major basin valleys and at their juncture above the Segagea Canyon* A household*s material wealth, usually with reference to its land, is called its avere. In Segagea each household or avere is Known by the family name or tbe nickname of its founder* The majority of avere names— which certain to land holdings both within the vat pa satului and on the* Jioj^--are^formed;by adding tbe masculine, possessive suf­ fix "*e|ti" to tbe end of each name (see map, page 15?)« However, when the family name associated with a particular household is relatively new to it, the avere name is fre­ quently formed merely by preceding tbe family name or nicKname by the preposition "la* (meaning MetN or "to"). For example! the avere of Nicolae Pitea became known as Pltestli that of loan "Butan* Bus became known as Butanesti. and the avere of the widow of Sabin "T-llu" Bodea became known as La Tiloaia (after the feminine derivative of his nickname). Avere names may change as new families become affiliated with the homestead property such as in some cases of matrilocal residence for example* By reconstructing the avere names* I was able to acquire some idea of the history of each household, its particular line of inheritance and the pattern of post-marital residence. I I

1, Bofeftl 3, U Cwrtiy 3. W t M t l %. Ramieitt 5* La Pi tie 6« La Scoala 7# ClrebejU 8* La ?iioaia 9* Twreftl 10* Butanesti •• Sobool I 15 11, Crimestl to* Coop 12, Crifeptl o* Church 13, La Sdeoma 14, BeXestt 15* Pope^t*

Figure 11. Avere Names for Mijlocul Satului 15? In Segagea the inheritance of land was partible among all sons and daughters in the family— as was the usual custom in almost all of the true Romanian lands* Xfi the family was less well-to-do, sons may have been favored with larger portionsj however, by the turn of the present century, equal inheritance had become the established norm* Marriage usually took place between the ages of 2b and 26 for men and between the ages of 18 and 21 for women, Before 1900, girls frequently married before their twentieth birthday, The nunher one priority for males was to have finished their mandatory military duty, At that time, a male had changed his social status from that of an older boy (bfiiat) to that of an eligible bachelor (factor)• Marriage was almost always preceded by a betrothal or credinta in which the families of the bride and groom agreed upon what economic support each would provide for the new couple. Which family gave what and how much de­ pended greatly upon the place of post-marital residence* Only the household that was actually losing a member had the immediate responsibility of providing land and live­ stock— a zestre— to the newlyweds. Immediate neolocal residence was practically unheard of and, until a com­ pletely separate household was established, the young couple was considered to be a part of the household or o pita ("one bread"), of the parents with whom they were 16Q residing. Regardless of the place of post-marital resi­ dence, a bride's zestre always included hep trousseau of clothing and bed clothing sewn and accumulated since her childhood both by her and her mother, Usually marriages resulted in a form of patri-avere post-marital residencej that is, the couple would reside immediately after marriage with, near, or on the avere of ; the groom’s parents or relatives, This was true for 62, or 79 percent, of 127 cases of endogamous marriage which took place between the years of I875 and 1948 and where the place of post-marital residence could be determined, It was also true for 35* or 6$ percent, of the 53 cases 0? exogamous marriage which occurred within the same time period. Although patri-avere residence was most favored, it was not always economically possible nor the most desirable situation, especially if the bride's family was more well- to-do or had direct access to specific, important re­ sources. Of the 62 substantiated endogamous patri-avere marriages which took place before 1948, 30, or almost one- half, occurred prior to 1900, Since 1900, the rate of matri-avere residence has fluctuated around 33 percent (see Table 2, page 160), The greater emphasis on patri- avere forms of post-marital residence appears to be related to the more traditional social organization of the TABLE 2

FREQUENCY OF PATRI-AVERE AND MATRI-AVERE POST-MARITAL RESIDENCE*

Total Patri-Avere Matri-Avere Percent Year Marriages Past Current Total Past Current Total- Matri-Avere

1900 *1 37 ... 37 ** 9.7 1900-10 16 12 — 12 * • -- . * 25.0 1911-20 2* 11 2 13 11 ~ ■ 11 *5.8 1921-30 28 11 9 20 6 2 8 28.5 1931-*0 26 7 12 19 3 * 7 26.9 19*1-50 27 1* 1* 12 13 *8.1 1951-60 31 2* 2* 7 7 22.5 1961-70 27 . - - 17 17 -- 10 10 37.0 1971-77 1* ** 9 9 5 5 35.7

♦Includes all endogamous and exogamous cases for which the year of marriage could he determined.

M O v 162

hamlet before such factors as land shortage, the strict

taring-nimas system and equal partiable Inheritance became

significant features of the Early Modern agro-pastoral economy.

After a few years of residing with either his or

her parents and usually after the birth of one or two

children, the couple would feel the need and desire to

establish their own independent household. It was then

that they would demand and receive a zestre from the parents with whom they had been residing. Establishing a new household, however, did not necessarily mean the con­ struction of a new house right away. It was frequently the case that the newer couple and his or her parents merely declared themselves as douS pite— "two separate breads." By so doing, in spite of the fact that they may have continued in the cooperative use of land, labor, draft animals and tools, each family from then on existed as an independent legal entity, usually only responsible to itself for handling money and/or paying taxes.

Although the zestre may have included land, and probably did, it was not a true inheritance according to the law. It was not until after the father died that the avere was distributed equally to each heir. At that time, it was up to the siblings to divide the land, animals and other belongings among themselves in a conscious attempt to arrive at parity. In most cases the house was given to the sibling who remained with the parents before their_ father's death. If their mother was still living, she and her children would decide which sibling she would live with. Usually the zestre land which was given or promised at the credinta was retained by the son or daughter who had worked it, but this was only a convention and not a law. On rare occasions, mostly as a result of intra-family disputes, a father would will all or the greatest part of his land to a single son (or more rarely, a daughter). As long as the act was put in writing and officially regis­ tered, it was perfectly legal. Only one such case was reported to have taken place in Segagea since 1920. Inherited land was considered to be the property of the heir who received it directly, whether he or she was single or married at the time. In Segagea, as a result of an imbalance in the ratio of women to men, as well as other economic and social factors, it was not infrequently the case that a woman who did not marry still established a family household of her own as a single head. In 1977 there were at least eight such households in the village. If the father of a woman's child remained unknown, then the child would inherit land only from his mother. If, however, the father was known, then the child could claim an inheritance from both his parents regardless of the 164 fact they had not been legally married. In at least two cases that I know of in Segagea today, a boy who was born into the household of an unmarried woman has since been adopted into the household of his natural father and his wife as their only child. As the only legal heir, the adopted son will eventually receive the complete avere of his father and "stepmother" as well as part or all of the avere of his natural mother if she so desires. In the case of legal marriage, the fact that land was considered to be the sole property of the spouse who inherited it still held true. For example, if a couple were legally married and then divorced but had no children, each spouse would retain the exclusive rights to his or her land. If children were involved, then each child would gain the right of inheritance both from his father's and mother's remaining avere. If any land had been jointly acquired by the couple after their marriage, then each spouse could claim one-half ownership in such land at the time of their divorce. If one spouse died and the other remarried, the surviving spouse was required to return up to three-fourths of-the-dead spouse's- eri-gi-nal inheritance to his or her former in-laws if so demanded by them. On the average each household had parcels of land in from eight to ten different areas in the settlement, 165 outside of the house site directly within the vatra satului. Several households had parcels in various, more distant regions of the commune as well. Despite the custom of equal partible inheritance and the fact the endogamous marriage revealed no particular pattern of inter-familial or inter-avere exchange (i.e., none that I could detect), land holdings were not randomly distributed within Segagea nor in any part of the commune. An analysis of ownership reveals that land distribu­ tion basically adhered to a pattern of geographic propin­ quity. That is to say, households tended to own parcels of land within the settlement which were nearest and most easily accessible to their house site within the vatra satului. This was true despite the dichotomy of land use produced by the tarina-nimas system. For example, it was those households that were centered in Mi.ilocul Satului that had a greater number of land parcels on Stiolne, Grosi, Huptura, Margini and Porcareti (see map, page 13*0 • It was those households located in Valea Marginita that had a greater ownership of land on Grosi and Porcareti; while those households that were situated in Valea Gerului had a disproportionate share of land on Bla.i and on the more distant hillsides of Bilia— near Belioara--and Balacioia— located above the hamlet of Incesti (see map, page 66). 166 Those with the greatest amount of land both on Bilia and Balacioia were a group of householders— almost all with the same last name— from the upper part of Valea Gerului. It was also true, as it is today, that these householders shared several kinship ties with families in Belioara. It may be hypothesized that this household grouping represents a more recent migration into the basin, having retained their ancestral ownership on Bilia, yet forced to go outside of the immediate hotar to acquire land on Balacioia--the nearest possible' area to their newer home sites in Segagea. The only explanation for the apparent nonrandom distribution of land in Segagea must lie in the fact that the inheritance imparted to each sibling was decided upon with the location of individual parcels clearly in mind. This especially would have been true if the parents' avere was distributed after all or most of the siblings had married and were established in households of their own. At the same time, exchanges of parcels between households for mutual ease of access must also have been a fairly common practice. In adapting to the mountain terrain, individual parcels of arable, hay or pasture land were often more than an hour's walk away from the center of the hamlet. The consolidation of land in one area of the settlement would have been an ideal for a n y o n e to strive 167 i for, but because of the tarina-nimas system of land use rotation, the custom of partible inheritance.and the various differences in the quality of land parcels, it., was an ideal that could never have been completely achieved. CHAPTER VI

STATE-LEVEL PROGRAMS IN SEGAGEA AND THEIR INFLUENCES SINCE THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTION

The year 19^8 marked Romania's rather abrupt emer­ gence into the socialist world. In February of that year, the new Communist government drafted its first Constitu­ tion and on June 11 the Grand National Assembly passed the appropriate laws to initiate the state-level programs required to implement a socialist form of postwar moderni­ zation. The first programs designed by the government were directed toward three basic goals: (1) the centrali­ zation of the national economy, (2) the development of heavy industry, and (3) the collectivization of agricul­ ture. The country's first Five-Year Plan, from 1951 to 1955. was primarily intended to lay the technological and material groundwork for developing Romania's industry--the state's number one priority. The implementation of the government's programs had their most direct effects on Romania's cities and lowland villages. Both the nationalization of industry and the collectivization of agriculture completely altered the life styles of over 90 percent of the country's population within a few years' time. In the more mountainous zones,

168 169 the changes may have been less direct, but perhaps no less disruptive of the more traditional economic and social organizations of these highland communities. Whether these changes were relatively accepted or completely rejected by the individual citizen, as will be seen, depended mostly on his economic and social position prior to 19^8. However, regardless of the diversity in points of view, the structural changes which were to result after 19^8 were so fundamental to the nation's economic and social organization that individual opinion hardly even mattered. The Socialist Revolution in the postwar era produced a political and social force of such a great magnitude that within a few short years it was apparent to all that the old capitalist order was quickly passing and that a new socialist era had indeed begun.

State-Level Programs in Segagea: 19^8-196^- As was true in the First World War, Segagea, located in the mountains, suffered no physical damage as a result of the Second World War. In late 1 9 ^ the local volunteers, in a battle near Posaga-de-Jos, engaged and defeated a Hungarian battalion that was moving up the Aries Valley in retreat from the joint Soviet and Romanian armies advancing into Transylvania. Though this was as close as the fighting ever came to Segagea, almost every 170

family was touched by the war in some way. A total of 2 k men from the commune of Posaga-de-Sus died in combat (one more than the number of men who gave their lives in World War I). Several others had been taken prisoner in Russia after the German and Romanian defeat at Stalingrad (Rosa and Martoma 1975-'209-213) • Between the liberation of Bucharest in August,

19kk, and the establishment of the People's Republic in 19^8 , the rural population was significantly aware of the possible changes that might take place in the coming years. In Segagea, a relatively poor community by Romanian stan­ dards, the average person was probably not ideologically opposed to the promises of a communist world. In fact, several men were early members of the Communist Party and even helped to implement locally the earlier political apparatus called for by the state. However, within a short period of time, the state-level programs needed to launch the larger society on the road toward socialist modernization came into direct conflict with the existing economic, social and cultural life of the settlement. In 19^8, as part of the nationalization of the economy, the forest reserves of the country came under complete control of the state. By the early 1950s, the repercussions of this action were felt in the Muntele Mare region, as laws were passed to prevent any further 171 deforestization of any kind without direct authorization by the new state forest management agencies. Within the communes of Posaga-de-Sus and Ocolis, the situation was compounded when the local area was declared a natural game preserve to increase and protect certain wild animal popu­ lations such as wild boar (mistreti) which was intended to attract foreign sportsmen and hunters into Romania. In Segagea any parcel of privately owned forest land that exceeded 20 ari was appropriated as state property. Unable to cut trees at will as they had done in the past meant that almost overnight Segageni were pre­ vented from engaging in the selling or trading of wood to obtain needed grain from the lowland villagers. This was a significant blow to the domestic economy of several households, especially those that were agriculturally less well off. In addition, trees could no longer be randomly cut as building materials for houses or for auxiliary structures used in agro-pastoralism. Only limited stands were allowed to be cut under state supervision and the cost to the local citizen was much higher than what he was accustomed to under previous regimes. A second major cultural transformation also came about in 19^8. To reduce outside cultural and potential political influences and to gain more control over organized religion within the country, a declaration was made by the state that all Uniate (Greek Catholic) churches had to revert back to the original Orthodox religion. In Posaga- de-Sus this was done by joining the Uniate churches in Segagea and Belioara with the Orthodox church in Orasti to form a single Orthodox parish with three village churches. At the time, Segagea was in the process of building a new church which was begun in 1947. The forced "conversion" to Orthodoxy was strongly resisted in Segagea as could well have been expected. To this day, although religion itself appears to have much less influence on peoples' lives than it did in the past, the older members of the community identify more strongly with Roman Catholicism than they do with the present Romanian Orthodox church. Even the church building itself, finally completed in 1951 and possessing none of the architectural features usually associated with the Orthodox faith, is a remaining symbol of Segagea's past Uniate tradition. More significant political transformations con­ tinued to be made throughout the decade of the 1950s. In 1950, as part of a larger state-level realignment in the administrative organization of the country (Wolff 1956 s 450), the communes of Posaga-de-Sus, Posaga-de-Jos and Lunca were combined into a single large commune, Comuna Posaga. The commune's administrative center was placed in the village of Posaga-de-Jos, the largest and most 173 centrally located of the seven recognized settlements which comprised the new local administrative unit. At the same time, the village of Belioara was officially renamed "Posaga-de-Sus" (after the former commune), and the ham­ lets (catune) of Segagea and Orasti were given the status of "village" (sat). The reorganization of the commune was the product of a planned change in the means of establishing the "people's council" (consiliul popular) at the most local level. In the new commune, the local political council was made up of elected deputies (deputati) from each village. The three villages of old Posaga-de-Sus, as well as the villages of Posaga-de-Jos and Lunca, were each represented by three Party members selected through vil­ lage popular vote. Although equally represented on the people's council, the citizens of old Belioara, Segagea and Orasti viewed the administrative realignment as an encroachment upon the already limited amount of autonomy that they had previously enjoyed at the local level. Today, only the school system and the local church parish are organized to reflect the old commune arrangement. The state-level programs of the 1950s also intro­ duced significant economic changes. In 1951 new laws were passed by the government to prohibit the operation of any private enterprises of whatever nature at the village level. As a result, all grain mills, saw mills and oil- making installations were declared illegal. All peasants were obliged to frequent only those installations which were state owned or privately operated under strict state supervision. Because of Segagea's relative isolation— the nearest state-owned grain mill was miles away--the loss of these household industries created quite a hardship for the local population. Eventually, the importance of the local milling operations was recognized by the state officials and a few mills were allowed to reopen. Two were located in Valeni and later one was also permitted to operate in Segagea proper. In addition to the control on household industries, the postwar programs brought an increased control on household agricultural production as well. In order to recuperate from tremendous agricultural losses suffered during the war and as a way of meeting part of the high cost of war reparations to the Soviet Union, the state imposed a "quota" system on agricultural produce. By law, all peasants were required to sell a certain percentage of their produce to the state at state-determined prices. At first the quotas applied only to a few items; yet, with time, the number of products covered by the program began to increase. In Segagea, the first obligatory quota was 175 placed on raw wool, "but by 1952, almost all produce, in­ cluding meat and dairy products, came under control. Because the state-determined prices were so far below those of the free market, the quota system was in actuality not just a state-controlled market but a gradu­ ated tax in kind. Though the average agriculturalist saw the system as an unfair price to pay for his productivity, the quota scale was especially hard on the more well-to-do peasants or "kulaks," known in Romania as chiaburi. By law, a chiaburi was any peasant who had more than ten hectares of land and/or employed hired labor (Wolff 1956s 499)> but, in reality, who was or who was not declared a chiaburi was often determined by local commune officials who used very subjective criteria. Accompanying the quota system, the state also im­ posed high taxes on all private land. The reason behind such taxes was to penalize the larger land owners and to create negative economic incentives intended to persuade private agriculturalists to join their properties into collectives. In Segagea, where there were no collective, organizations in existence, the imposition resulted in an early redistribution of land to heirs as households at­ tempted to reduce the amount of their total land holdings which could be taxed. 176 In the Western Mountains the state did not actu­ ally attempt to collectivize agricultural land. Because of the poor productivity of the soil and the inability to introduce mechanization which could accommodate the mountainous terrain, the administrative expenses for such large state-level programs were considered to be too costly to be justified on ideological grounds alone. Nevertheless, in the latter half of the 1950s, the govern­ ment did establish what were called intovarasire1--- zootehnice. In Segagea the intovarasire was formed by requiring each household to provide one sheep and one stack of hay each agricultural year to create a communal flock. A local man was hired from the village to shepherd the animals and at the end of each summer each household re­ ceived a share in the flock's production of cheese. The rest of the production of cheese, wool and lambs was to enter into the state market in an attempt to make the intovarasire totally independent of outside aid. Though planned to be self-sufficient, the amount of expected profits was not forthcoming. After various trials to modify the intovarasire systems, they were eventually abandoned in almost all of the settlements of the Western Mountains by the early 1960s. It should be pointed out, however, that some of 177 these cooperative enterprises were more successful than others. Those that were, were capable of generating enough revenues to combine with direct state funding to bring needed health and educational programs into these communities. Although the late 19^0s and the decade of the 1950s were revolutionary and consequently turbulent years for Romania as a whole, and for thousands of villages like Segagea, they were not totally devoid of some locally "positive" economic and social programs. In 19^9» through the efforts of both the local citizenry and the state, Segagea established its first Consumers' Cooperative (Coop). Each household was required to provide an initial fee— the amount of which depended upon its level of wealth— to begin transporting consumer goods into the settlement. From then on only a small, annual tax was imposed. The first items included, among other things, salt, lamp oil, certain hardware materials, tobacco, matches, and other consumer goods which normally one had to leave the village to acquire. Each year thereafter the Coop tax increased, but only as the number and variety of consumer items did likewise. The Coop was the first general store of its kind ever in Segagea and the first truly positive, tangible evidence related to the state-level programs of 178 the postwar era. Today, the Coop has "become an integral part of every household's economy and is frequented "by almost every member of the community. In hindsight, even the nationalization of the local forest reserves has had some positive aspects. First, increased forest management has produced a much healthier stand of trees and the increased forestry operations have provided a new source of salaried income for many in the local population (as well as to bring outside workers into the commune). Secondly, as part of the headwaters of the Posaga River, Segagea has received considerable attention through state soil erosion programs. Today, the village is the site of a tree nursery used to reforest the commune area. Seedlings are systematically planted and given to anyone for the asking wherever they are needed to help prevent continued soil erosion— once a major source of agricultural destruction. In addition to economic programs, the first two decades after the war were also a period of extensive refurbishing of the country's educational system. In Segagea evening extension classes were held for anyone who wished to attend. Although class hours could be put toward gaining a minimum grade school education, the major emphasis of the program was to eradicate widespread rural illiteracy. Before 19^8 the illiteracy rate in Romania 179 was one of the highest in Europe. In 1930 more than 3 8 percent of the population was illiterate— 50 percent of the women and over 25 percent of the men (Keefe et al 1972:79)* By i960 the literacy rate for the country had reached 90 percent or over as a direct result of the ex­ tension education programs. Even today continuing education courses are given on an individual basis for anyone in the commune. Instruction is arranged with a local school teacher and examinations are given each spring and fall for credit toward earning a primary school diploma. If the period before the 1960s can be seen as a time of state expropriation, the decade of the 1960s would have to be seen as a period of statewide investment-- especially in the nation's youth. In i960 the highway in . the Aries Valley, linking Turda with the city of Petru Groza on the western side of the mountains, was widened and paved to accommodate its ever increasing use by trucks and buses which transport goods and people through the Western Mountains. Also in i960, the commune's logging road was widened and extended. By 1963 a complete forest road existed from the village of Posaga-de-Jos to Valea Alba (see map, page 66) above the hamlet of Cortesti (Rosa and Martoma 1975*97-98). 180

The increased transportation facilities also hrought about an easier and more efficient means of com­ munication. In i960 Segagea received its first state- salaried position for a postman. Prior to this, mail came only as far as Posaga-de-Sus (Belioara). Citizens of Segagea had to go there whenever they wanted to send or receive letters. With the new position of postman, offi­ cial newspaper delivery also began along with package and telegram service as well. Easier truck transportation also meant increased supplies to the Coop. In i960, with increased agricultural production in the country, corn meal (malai) became the first grain flour available for sale. The availability of corn meal was a significant addition to the local food supply. For the majority of Segageni during the postwar era, corn (meal) was obtainable only in Turda or in other distant market places. Although the impact of improved transportation systems was to bring significant economic changes to Segagea, perhaps the most important programs of the 1960s were those related to improved educational and medical services. In 1961 the state's commitment to improving its educational facilities was demonstrated by the construc­ tion of a new school. The new three-room building was constructed to replace the one-room structure which had 181 been built 48 years earlier in 1913- In addition, for the first time in Segagea's history, the school could offer more than just four years of grade school education. In 1961 a fifth grade was added to the curriculum and all books required for all grades, one through five, were ab­ solutely free to each registered pupil (Rosa and Martoma 1975:129-140). In 1962 the commune's first medical dispensary was constructed in Posaga-de-Jos. Prior to 1940, the whole commune area did not even have a trained midwife to assist with childbirths. The nearest physician was stationed in the village of Salciua-de-Jos, about 5 km from Posaga-de- Jos; however, it was his duty to serve seven other communes besides Salciua. With such a large area to cover, he was able to come to Posaga only about twice each month. In 1945 a physician was assigned directly to Posaga-de-Jos, but the lack of adequate facilities meant that he was severely limited in what he could do. Medicines, for example, could be obtained only in Turda, 38 km away. The cost of the new dispensary and an adjunct pharmacy was paid for through both local intovarasire and state funds. Today, the commune has a resident physician, two qualified midwives and a certified nurse who cares for expectant mothers, newborns and infants. The latter ser­ vices are totally free regardless of the economic status 182 and occupation of the parents (Rosa and Martoma 1975:38- *K)). Up until a few years ago, all births took place in the commune dispensary. Today, however, most first child­ ren are born in the hospital at Baia-de-Aries. Upon notification by phone call from Posaga-de-Jos, a hospital ambulance comes either to Posaga or to Segagea (over 35 km away) to take the expectant mother to the hospital, usually a day or so before the time of delivery.

State-Level Programs in Segagea Since 1965 The year 1965 has a special importance in the post­ war history of Romanian communism. Upon the unexpected death of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, the country was faced with the selection of a new leader of the Communist Party and de facto head of state. In 1965 the Ninth Congress Assembly elected Nicolae Ceausescu (who became the coun­ try's first, and current, president in 197^) as the new Secretary of the Party. The change in Party leadership, was an opportune moment for Ceausescu to make significant internal and external shifts in the political orientation of the government. In 1965« under Ceausescu's supervision, a New Con­ stitution was written and adopted. One of the most signi­ ficant themes of the new document was its open assertion of Romania's independence as a sovereign state. To empha­ size what was becoming an increasingly overt political 183 position, the name of the Romanian Worker's Party was changed to the Romanian Communist Party (Partidul Comunist Roman) and the name of the country was changed from the People's Republic of Romania to the Socialist Republic of Romania (Republica Socialista Romania). These changes represented more than just political rhetoric. They were in fact a declaration of Romania's independent status as a socialist state and its preparedness to go its own way in the political and economic arena of Southeastern Europe (Keefe et al 1972*130-131). Internally, being more secure in its political authority but in need of public support to back its inde­ pendent position vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, the govern­ ment began to broaden its popular appeal by increasing the people's input into local decision making and by launching several cultural programs intended to heighten the people's sense of Romanian nationalism. Also by 1965> many of the more unpopular economic programs of the late 19^0s and 1950s had come to an end. The quota system had been ter­ minated (except on such items as wool and milk) and so too had been the intovarasire organizations in the mountainous regions. In the lowland areas of the country, the Intovarasire programs had been replaced by the complete collectivization of agricultural land. Terms such as chiabur no longer held 184 much economic or social significance since most of the larger landholdings under private ownership had been eliminated. For the most part, the rural population, despite the variance in individual attitudes, was both destined and forcibly reconciled to a new way of life. For the nation's youth— rural and urban alike— a new future had to be envisioned and prepared for through increased education. In 1965> as part of the statewide investment being made in the area of public education, Segagea’s elementary school curriculum was expanded to include grades six through eight. For the first time in the postwar era, it was possible for Segagea to prepare its children at home for their post-elementary education. The economic and social impact of the extended school program was both im­ mediate and long range. After the completion of the eighth grade in Segagea, the village youth had many more options open to them than they had ever had before. Some would choose to remain in Segagea, but many more would continue on to high school (liceu) or choose to study in one of several vocational or trade schools in the country's more urban areas. Between 1965 and 1970, the school attendance had reached its peak. There were at least 120 students attend­ ing school in all eight grades combined and nine full-time 185 teachers had to be employed. Most of these teachers were not from the commune and a few had received 'their degrees from the larger universities in Romania's cities. The influences of continued education appear to have been fundamental in helping to reshape the world view of Segagea's youth. Many of the teachers had been born and raised in rural areas themselves, but they were bringing with them a whole new cultural pattern and outlook on life. By 1970 the majority of Segagea's youth was defi-. nitely oriented toward gaining a nonagricultural liveli­ hood outside of the village. To be sure, even prior to the extension of the school curriculum, Segagea was in the process of change and it appears that a youth emigration was fairly common since the 1950s (see Chapter VII, page 203). However, since 1968 and the graduation of the first eighth grade class, the village youth have been far better prepared to enter into the nonagricultural sector of the economy; and the community was launched on a course of change which would alter forever its previous life style and culture. More direct economic influences continued to be felt into the mid-1960s. In 1965, for the first time, wheat flour became available at the Coop. From this point on because of the reasonable cost to the consumer, the previously most important staple in Segagea could be 186 obtained by almost every household in the community, regardless of its land wealth, annual productivity or the particular agricultural season. With the availability of corn meal and wheat flour, the Coop was becoming an impor­ tant part of the community's local economy. Prior to 1965» the role of the Coop was quite marginal to the general subsistence pattern of the majority of households. However, with a continual decline in agro-pastoralism (for reasons which will be discussed later), the ability to purchase flour— as part of Segagea's growing money economy--was gaining in economic significance for more and more families. Today, almost every household is dependent upon the Coop to meet a large part or all of its grain- food needs. The second half of the 1960s brought little in the way of wholly new state-level programs to Segagea; yet, it was far from being a stagnant period in the state's modern­ ization process. For one, a full team of veterinarians was established to serve the communes of Posaga and Ocolis. A veterinarian is now stationed in the village of Ocolis, approximately 7 km from Posaga-de-Jos. In addition, he has a veterinary assistant who is stationed in the nearby village of Lunca. It is the assistant's job to make periodic calls on each settlement of both communes in order to inoculate animals against infectious diseases. Her duties also in­ clude treating less severe cases and following up or ad­ vising on those cases treated by the veterinarian. The cost of veterinarian care is minimal to the individual citizen. In 1977 the average price of an injection was about two or three lei (approximately 25 to ^0 cents). Of course, the purpose of this state-level program is not necessarily to bring minimal cost veterinary service to the private agriculturalists in the Western Mountains, but rather to assure the best of health conditions possible for all of Romania's livestock. Diseases which could begin or spread from even the most remote villages in the country could easily infect a large number of the state- owned herds. The most significant state-level administrative changes came in 1968. Since the political realignment of 1950, which had actually been modeled after the Soviet system, Romania had been divided into 16 larger regions called regiuni and into smaller sub-regions called raioane. Prior to 1968, the commune of Posaga was in the regiune of Cluj, in the raion of Turda. In 1968, as a reflection, perhaps, of Romania's nationalistic trends, the country reverted once again to the much older regional system based on the smaller Romanian judet. Today, Romania is divided into 39 judete with Posaga located in the judet of 188 Alba, the seat of which is the city of Alba-Iulia (I. Anghel et al 1972*7-10, 30-45). It would be rather difficult and somewhat pointless to judge the strengths and weaknesses of the present judet system; nevertheless, from the point of view of those who live within the middle Aries Valley, the realignment has made the administrative seat far less accessible than was the case when Turda was the center of the raion. Under the current organization, the closest city with official judet functions is Cimpeni where many regional offices are located. Unfortunately, Cimpeni is a relatively small city and over 50 km from Posaga-de-Jos. This means that trips made to Cimpeni can usually serve only a single purpose. Also, public and private transportation facili­ ties to Cimpeni are more limited in contrast to those which serve a larger and more centrally located city such as Turda. The decades prior to 1970 had brought tremendous economic changes to Romania. As the gross economic output of the country continued to grow, the investments made in industry and related programs of modernization also in­ creased. By the mid-1960s, the rate of industrial growth was having an impact even in the middle Aries Valley. In the commune of Posaga, most of the benefits of increased prosperity were being felt in the villages of Posaga-de-Jos 189 and Lunca. By 196^ both villages had undergone electrifi­ cation. In 1965 the railroad terminal in Lunca was ex­ panded as a lumber depository and loading dock for stepped- up logging operations in the larger Valley. And, in 1967, a new concrete bridge was constructed to connect the vil­ lage of Lunca with the newly paved national road (Rosa and Martoma 1975s97)• By the next decade, however, the influ­ ences of Romania's economic and industrial growth were being felt in Segagea as well. In 1970 the completion of the forestry road system within the commune finally linked Segagea with the village of Posaga-de-Sus, which opened a single line of modern transportation from Segagea to the Aries Valley and all points beyond. With the completion of the roadway, all types of motorized vehicles could now enter the village— from trucks which could bring more and larger items to the Coop to private carloads of new urbanites who could come home to visit their families on Sundays or holidays. Although the new road substantially increased the movement of materials and people in and out of the vil­ lage, its greatest influence came almost two years after its construction. In 1972 the mining operation centered in Baia-de-Aries began to recruit potential miners from the Posaga Valley. For a small charge of 30 lei (about four dollars) a month, a bus service was provided for any 190 man who wished to work in or for the mine. This was the first opportunity for the men of Segagea to enter in any significant numbers into the industrial sector of Romania's economy. Prior to 1972, only three men from Segagea were working at Baia. The first man to work there was a former prisoner of war who had been a laborer in a coal mine in Russia from 19^4 to 19^8. He began to work in Baia as a miner in 1966 after having previously worked as the Coop clerk and in local forestry operations. However, because no system of mass transportation was available, the men who worked at the mine could come home only once a week-- usually on Saturday night, only to return again on Sunday night or early Monday morning. As a direct result of the new road and the establishment of the bus service, six more men opted to take jobs at Baia-de-Aries. Although the initial purpose of the roadway was merely to extend the local forestry operations into the Segagea area, its completion continued to bring transfor­ mations in the economic, social and cultural life of the village. After the winter of 197^, an iron mine operating near the village of Masca in the Iara Valley (see map, page 99) also began to recruit potential miners by provid­ ing the same bus service as that of Baia. For the year 1964, the Agricultural Register reveals that not a single resident of Segagea was working in an industrially related occupation. Yet, by the end of 1972, the number of peasant-workers included nine miners who worked at Baia- de-Aries and eight local forestry workers. And by 1977. after the addition of the Masca mine as a possible source of employment, the total number of peasant-workers had risen to 29: 8 miners in Baia, 11 miners in Masca and 10 local forestry workers. CHAPTER VII

THE RESULTS: POST-PEASANTRY AND MODERNIZATION IN SEGAGEA SINCE 19^8

It would be an obvious understatement merely to say that the economic and social programs implemented by the new state of Romania had a significant influence on those who live in Segagea. It would be a complete mistake, how­ ever, to view these changes as a unilinear sequence of events which have led toward increased "modernization." Quite understandably, the state-level changes which took place in Segagea after 19^8 were often met with very little enthusiasm to say the least. In some cases, even, they were clearly resisted by the majority of the villagers. Such things as the loss of access to the local forest reserves and the quotas placed upon those agricul­ tural products which were so essential to meeting the family's basic food needs seriously disrupted the tradi­ tional household economy. Similarly, the forced "recon­ version" of those in the Uniate Church not only challenged the religious faith of the villagers but also threatened their sense of cultural identity and separateness from the Eastern Orthodox world. 192 193 Nevertheless, after almost 20 years of direct con­ tact with the state authorities, a reconciliation of sorts prevailed as Segageni began to accept the changing econo­ mic and social order as a permanent part of the new Com­ munist regime. Of course, it would be extremely simplis­ tic to explain this apparent change in social behavior as merely a psychological adjustment to forced culture change. First, the time in question includes the activities of at least two separate generations and it would be a mistake to interpret the enculturative responses of a younger generation as the direct extension of an older generation's reactions to the initial impacts of the Socialist Revolution. Secondly, it should be remembered that the changes which have taken place in Segagea in more recent years are in many ways the result of significant environmental transformations. With the construction of the roadway within the commune and especially after its extension into Segagea itself, the villagers were able to depend much more upon commercially produced hardwares and foodstuffs to meet their household needs. Coupled with the expanded educational opportunities for the village's youth and the development of a local money economy based upon increased outside employment, Segagea was no longer the isolated com­ munity that it had been during the postwar era of the late 19^0s and 1950s. 194 Economic and Social Change: 1948-1964 During the early winter months of 1948, the basic prewar life style in Segagea had not yet undergone any fundamental changes. The majority of the population was trying to cope with material shortages caused by the war and a food shortage caused by a devastating drought the year before. All hope and effort was being put into the preparation for the start of a new agricultural season. Without exception, each household was directly involved in, or somehow tied to, the agro-pastoral economy of the settlement. In the Agricultural Register of 1948, each household was listed as being headed by un agricultor— a "private agriculturalist"— including the school teacher and the local priest. The average avere among the 111 households in 1948 was about six hectares of land (see Table 3). The largest

TABLE 3 AVERAGES OF HOUSEHOLD LAND OWNERSHIP FOR SEGAGEA 1948-1974

Land* 1948 19.51 1956 1964 1974 Total: 5-91 5.66 4.82 4.43 3.49 Arable: 1.25 .85 • 79 .77 .64 Hay: 2.10 -- 1.50 1.75 1.14

■“•Averages are in hectares consisted of 27.4 hectares; however, this household was made up of a three-generation extended family with no less than 12 members— the largest in Segagea at that time. The vast majority of households, 61.3 percent, actually had less than the average six hectares of land (see Table 4). At one point after the war, the more well-to-do land owners had proposed that the tarina-nimas system of land use rotation be abolished. The alternative that they suggested would have had each household act as a completely separate landholding unit to plow or pasture any part of its land according to its own economic needs or desires. The proposal, put to a village vote, was understandably rejected. In 1948, nor perhaps at any time since 1848, the majority of Segageni could not have survived easily without the large communal pasture which the nomas rotation provided each year. The nationalization of the forest land in 1948-1949 had measurable effects on the domestic economy. This was especially true for the smaller land holders who depended so much on the trading of wood to obtain supplies of wheat and corn. The loss of this valuable resource and source of trade forced many households into a more intensified effort to increase their own agricultural output. Never­ theless, by the early 1950s, any benefits accrued through 196 TABLE 4 RANGE OF HOUSEHOLD LAND OWNERSHIP IN SEGAGEA 1948-1974

Number of Households Hectares 1948 1951 1964* 1977

0.00 3 1 5 4 o.l- 0.99 4 5 10 24 l.o- 1.99 7 8 15 25 2.0- 2.99 12 9 14 19 3-0- 3-99 14 13 13 12 4.0- 4.99 11 10 12 20 5.0- 5-99 17 10 14 14 6.0- 6.99 12 19 13 5 7.0- 7.99 7 9 7 4 8.0- 8.99 3 7 3 4 9-0- 9-99 5 12 2 2 10.0-10.99 3 3 2 2 ll.o-ll.99 4 3 -- 12.0-12.99 1 1 1 1 13.0-13-99 2 3 - 1 14.0-14.99 3 2 1 1 15.0-15.99 ---- 16.0-16.99 1 - - - 17.0-17.99 1 -- - 18.0-18.99 - - - - 19.0-19.99 - --- 20.0-20.99 - - - - 21.0-21.99 - --- 22.0-22.99 ---- 23.0-23.99 -- -- 24.0-24.99 - - - - 25.0-25.99 - - - - 26.0-26.99 - - -- 2 7 .0 -27.99 1 - - - Total 111 114 (112) 138 6 Hectares 61.3$ 4 9 .0# 74.0# 8 5*5^ 10 Hectares 14.4# 9 .6# 3*6# 3.6#

*Data were unavailable on 22 of the 134- households existing in the village in 1964. 197 increased agro-pastoral production were nullified (perhaps even penalized) hy the quota system that had been established to draw more agricultural produce into the state fund. In Segagea the increasing quotas and high taxes on land produced the "desired" results planned by the state. In 1951» with the addition of only three new households (two being headed by sons from the former largest house­ hold) , the average avere was not much lower than that in 19^8— 5-66 hectares (see Table 3 )• However, the range in land ownership had been substantially reduced (see Table if-). Whereas in 194-8, over 60 percent of the households had under six hectares of land; in 1951» the number of households owning less than six hectares had been reduced to 4-9 percent. The greatest change came about in the larger landholding families, some of which had been labeled as chiaburi. In 194-8, 16, or 14-.4- percent, of the households had ten or more hectares of land. In 1951» H such households existed and, by 1956, the number had been reduced to only six. Most of the apparent redistribution, which formed a more balanced ownership of land, came about through a reallocation within already existing families in order to avoid the graduated assessment of taxes and agricultural quotas. In many cases this involved a head of a household 198 who gave up land to his sons and/or daughters which nor­ mally they would have received only as an inheritance after his death. However, because most of these families continued to share.both their labor and agricultural out­ put anyway, the official "redistribution" of land within the village was mostly on paper only. Nevertheless, this process may have had significant sociological and psychological implications for the future. The transmission of land to heirs at an earlier than usual stage in the traditional domestic cycle no doubt acted to lessen the control that the older family heads had over their children. Between 1951 and 1956, which encompassed the peak years of the quota system, the number of independent households increased by 15 percent (from 11^ to 131). with a corresponding drop in the average household size from 4-.8 to 3*7 persons (see Table 5). At the same time, the average avere declined by 15 percent from 5*66 to ty.82 hectares (see Table 3)• Despite the apparent flood of negative economic incentives during the 1950s, the villagers continued to pursue their traditional agro-pastoral life way as they had done in the prewar, pre-Communist era. For the most part, this was because no true alternatives were available to them; yet, it was also the result of their conservative attitudes toward change in general. As part of the 199 TABLE 5 AVERAGE HOUSEHOLD SIZE IN SEGAGEA 1948-1977

Household 1948 1951 1956 1964 1971 1974 1977 Number 111 114 131 134 139 138 135 Average Size 4.8 4.8 3-7 4.5 4.0 3.8 3.4 Average Age of Head 49.1 4 7.6 47.0 50.0 49.1 51.3 50.7 government's immediate plan for agrarian reform, each family in Segagea was offered six hectares of land in the region of Tirnaveni in southcentral Transylvania. As could be expected, few families— as was true with the post-World War I program— actually chose to leave the com­ munity. Only about five families did leave and at least two of these returned to Segagea within a relatively short period of time. Although the majority of households continued to pursue agro-pastoralism as they had always done, signifi­ cant economic factors could not help but alter the tradi­ tional agricultural pattern. For example, up until the 1950s, the villagers had used an old-fashioned wooden plow. It was completely homemade except for the horizon­ tally affixed blade which was forged by one of the few remaining iron smiths in Rimetea (old Trascau). Through 200 the latter half of the 1950s and into the 1960s, however, a new all metal plow began to replace the older model. Though easier to pull and more convenient to use because of its reversible blade, the newer plows were a sign of agricultural decline rather than a real product of postwar modernization. Because of the stringent economic conditions of the 1950s, several households had found it more economical to sell their oxen and convert to the more versatile horse for draft. Of course, oxen, which were a sign of agri­ cultural wealth, were far more prestigious than a pair of horses, and two horses (one, perhaps, even borrowed) could never perform the work of two oxen pulling the old- fashioned plow. But with less land to till and the in­ creased cost of retaining larger animals, the switch to the more modern plow was not merely a convenience but, for many, an actual necessity. For those who could retain their oxen, the older plow' was used by some into the 1970s. Many households were also forced to make reduc­ tions in the number of sheep that they raised and in the amount of area sown for feed grains. The reasons for these declines are topics to be addressed later. In spite of all the real and apparent hardships of the immediate and later postwar era, the population of Segagea continued to grow into the 1960s (see Table 6). 201

TABLE 6 POPULATION STATISTICS FOR SEGAGEA 1948-1977

Population 1948 1951 1956 1964 1971 1974 1977 Total 535 552 592 604 550 522 463 Males 253 258 263 241 216 Females 299 334 341 281 247

Average Age Total 27.1 29.9 33.6 Males 27.2 29.6 31.8 Females 27.0 30.2 35-2

By 1964 the net population of the village had increased by 69 persons (from 535 to 604), 12.9 percent above the 1948 level. And, surprisingly, in spite of the number of new households that arose between 1951 and 1956, there was also a corresponding increase in the number of extended- family households. In 1951 Segagea had 18 extended-family households which made up 16 percent of the 114 households in the village. Yet by 1964, the number had increased to 3 1 , or to 23 percent of the total number of households in the settlement (see Table 7). Both the general population increase and the rise in both the number and frequency of the extended-family 202 TABLE 7 HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION IN SEGAGEA 1951-1977

Household Composition 1951 1964 1974 1977

Husband and Wife No Children 1 4 0 0 Husband and Wife With Children 51 51 58 63 Husband and Wife Now Alone 13 17 21 20 Extended Families* 18 31 12 2 Male Head 14 24 18 0 Female Head 4 7 4 2 Single Adult With Children/Relatives 14 17 26 21 Male Head 1 1 3 5 Female Head 13 16 23 16 Single Adult 6 7 12 15 Male 2 3 2 5 Female 4 4 10 10 Other Variations 11 7 8 14 Total Households 114 134 138 135

^Households composed of a parental generation and at least one married child in which a parent is the household head. household appear to be the product of a natural cycle of population growth. In 1951 over 60 percent of the popula­ tion was under 21 years of age and the age category of young people between 22 and 28 comprised 12.9 percent of 203 the total population. It is this age group which in the past had always been the foundation of future family growth and development. By 1964 the same age range in the village population represented only 9*3 percent of the total as Segagea as a whole was becoming statistically older. In subsequent years after 1951 (as will be shown), the age group between 22 and 28 increasingly represented a smaller proportion of the total village population. Although the population of Segagea grew in number between 1951 and 1964, the net increase was considerably tempered by the amount of out-migration which took place during this same time period. Between 1951 and 1956, ap­ proximately 37 people left Segagea. Between 1956 and 1964, an additional 69 persons emigrated to other rural communes or to larger, more urban areas which produced a total population reduction of 106 people. Not surpris­ ingly, 51 percent of those who left were 25 years of age or younger, with 43 percent being between the ages of 15 and 25— the post-school to young adult age group (see Table 8). A few of these out-migrations included complete families especially after 1956. The most popular terminal point for Segagea's migrants was the area in and around the city of Turda, especially the commune of Mihai Viteazul. From there, individuals could seek industrial TABLE 8 OUT-MIGRATION STATISTICS FOR SEGAGEA 1951-1977

Categories 1951-1955 1956-1963 196^-1973 197^-1977

Number 37 69 97 53 Average Age Range 21-25 25-33 18-26 29-32 > 45 Years of age 5(140) 12(1795) 5(50) 11(2195) < 25 Years of Age 2 3 ( 6 2 % ) 3 K W o ) 55(570) 32(600) > 15 and < 25 Years of Age 1 7 (W o ) 29 ( W o ) 51(530) 32(600) < 15 Years of' Age 6 ( 1 6 % ) 2(30) 4(40) 0(00)

jobs in Turda’s factories or continue to work in lowland agricultural cooperatives. Of considerable interest is the fact that Segagea's out-migration apparently affected equally all levels of traditional wealth. A careful look at the Agricultural Register for the years 1951* 1956, and 196^ shows that those families which took part in the out­ migration, either in part or in whole, were not overly representative of any particular economic group. Despite these population fluctuations, Segagea showed little true structural change in either its economic or social organization between 1948 and 1964. In the vast majority of cases, households, whether large or small, were merely attempting to cope as best they could with local economic restrictions— the loss of the forest re­ serves, high taxes, agricultural quotas and others— that were making their more traditional agro-pastoral strate­ gies not only less efficient but increasingly more diffi­ cult to place into operation. Besides the choice to migrate to lowland areas, which some people did, no other options were really available. This total picture was to change significantly, however, within the next few years as a direct result of the expansion of the local school curriculum and the completion of the commune forestry road from Posaga-de-Sus to Segagea.

Economic and Social Change Since 1965 If it were possible to select a point in time to mark the laying of the foundations for true economic and social change in the community of Segagea, it would most likely be found somewhere between the years of 1965 and 1970. One of the most important events to occur within this time period, of course, was the extension of the grade school curriculum to include three additional years of instruction. Since the turn of the century, the maxi­ mum amount of schooling available to children in the village itself consisted of only the four primary grades. 206 In 1961, however, a fifth grade was established and in 1965 the additional grades of six through eight. The last extension made the status of Segagea's elementary educa­ tion program equivalent to any in the country at that time. Despite the obvious educational advantages of the new program, not all of the villagers welcomed the change. Several families saw the extended years of instruction not only as unnecessary but as harmful to the operation of the household. The children were an important part of the agro-pastoral economy and their extended years of absence would mean, among other things, that they could not take full part in the herding and care of the family's animals. The greatest conflicts resulted in the late spring and early fall when the children were still in school and the animals were being held upon the hotar. This problem continued right into the 1970s. However, in 197^ a petition prepared by a concerned school director and pre­ sented to the officials of the .judet was accepted, which made Segagea the only village in the commune with a modified annual program. Instead of the normal days off for school holidays throughout the year, the number of days was reduced so that school instruction could end two weeks earlier in the spring and begin two weeks later in the fall. As a result, the children were free to participate 207 more fully in the summer pasturing of the animals and a major point of conflict between the families of Segagea and the state school system was resolved. The second important event to occur within this designated time period, and perhaps more tangible than the first, was the completion of the commune forest road in 1970. The construction of the roadway into Segagea pierced the final barrier which up until then had kept the village relatively isolated from the outside world. By 1970 the majority of Segagea's youth was prepared to seek a livelihood outside of the village and, at the same time, Segagea had acquired the needed transportation and com­ munication links to make this transformation to the out­ side world much easier than it had ever been before. Between 196*1- and 197*h approximately 97 people left Segagea permanently and of these 97. 5 1 . or 53 percent, were be­ tween the ages of 15 and 25— the largest proportion in this age group to emigrate over the 26-year period begin­ ning in 19*1-8 (see Table 8). Although the increase in educational opportunities had a tremendous influence on Segagea's youth, the comple­ tion of the roadway--which finally connected Segagea with the larger Aries Valley— had a far greater impact on the transformation of the local economy. In 1971 only nine people were actively employed in salaried occupations in 208 addition to their agro-pastoral duties associated with the household. Of these nine, only three were employed in positions directly related to the industrial sector of the national economy. These were the original miners who worked at Baia-de-Aries. ; Three other persons worked in the local forestry operations within the commune and the remaining three were people who had been appointed to positions within the village itself--the Coop clerk, the postman and a part- time school custodian (the only woman of the nine). By 1973* with the bus service in operation to and from Baia, and with stepped-up forestry operations to employ more men, the number of peasant-workers increased to 22, which included nine miners and eight forestry workers. In addi­ tion, for the first time some of these workers were neither the head of a household nor the oldest male in the family, clearly an indication that the younger members of the community were beginning to turn to nonagricultural areas of employment. In general, those who decided to become peasant- workers— as was true for those who decided to migrate out— were neither poorer nor better off than the average villager. Of the three original miners, only one, the very first, was a little above the average in the amount of land he owned. In 197^ four of the nine miners were 209 indeed somewhat above the average in the size of their averi, but five men were also below the average. Of the eight forestry workers, the same pattern held true. A.ge does not appear to have a significant factor either except for the fact that those men who were above the age of 62 (the legal age of retirement in Romania) were naturally excluded from entering into industrial occupations and those who were below the age of 25 were within the age category most effected by the forces of out-migration. Of the nine miners who lived in Segagea in

197^» their combined average age was k2, within an age range of from 29 to 50.. Of the eight forestry workers, their combined average age was a little younger at 35> within an age range of from 2 k to kS. Given the number of men in the village between the ages of 25 and 62, it appears that neither age nor the amount of traditional wealth was in itself the primary factor in a man's decision to become a peasant-worker. The only apparent exception to this is the group of salaried employees who received the appointed village positions of Coop clerk, postman, school custodian and that of a road maintenance worker. Of the five people who held these positions in 197^. all were below the average in the amount of land that they possessed. Two could even have been considered as being landless in that they had no hay nor arable land from which to support their families. 210 If there does not exist a distinguishing character­ istic to differentiate those who "became peasant-workers from those who chose to remain in the more traditional subsistence roles, then it must be assumed that the appeal of outside employment must have cut across the entire socioeconomic structure of the village. Between 1974 and 1977. with the addition of the Masca mining operation as a possible job source, the number of peasant-miners in the village rose to 19— 8 in Baia and 11 in Masca. In 1977 the average avere for the entire village was 3*49 hec­ tares. As a group, the miners averaged 3*6 hectares of land— nine above the village average and eight below it. Within the same year, the total number of Segagea's wage- earners had risen to 42 (see Table 9)• It may be somewhat of a distortion of the facts, however, to concentrate only on the number of individuals who decided to enter into permanent outside employment. Of equal importance is the number of men who decided against it. Even as late as 1974, despite the advantages of a regular monthly income and the health care and retire­ ment benefits, the majority of Segagea's able-bodied men had chosen not to engage in full-time industrial employ­ ment even when the positions were readily available. Most men worked only intermittently at various money-paying jobs to meet their few but regular cash needs 211 TABLE 9 NUMBER OF WAGE-EARNERS IN SEGAGEA AND THEIR AGE GROUPINGS 1971-1977

1971 1974- 1977 Age Wag* Pen** Wag Pen Wag Pen

21-25 - - 2 2 5 - 26-30 1 - 3 - 4- - 31-35 1 - 5 - 6 - 36-4-0 2 - 2 - 6 - 4-1-4-5 1 - 6 - 7 1 4-6-50 2 - 3 - 11 2 51-55 - - 1 - 1 1 56-6 0 1 - - 1 2 1 61-65 1 - - 2 - 1 66-70 - - --- 1 Total 9 - 22 3 4-2 8

* Wage-Earners ** Pensioners or when it was necessary to raise money for an unexpected expense. Cutting hay, for example, in the lowland areas near Turda or in the highland regions near the city of Brasov could pay anywhere from 100 to 200 lei (from 13 to 26 dollars) per day during the peak summer months. Plow­ ing with a pair of oxen within Segagea alone could yield 212 up to 100 lei per unit of wheat sown. Other cash-paying jobs could include short-term forestry work or helping a fellow villager in the building of his house or stable. Though a steady income from at least 1,000 to as much as 4,000 lei a month and an eventual old-age pension of at least half that amount were without doubt positive economic incentives, many men disliked the regimentation and the long hours spent just being transported to and from the mine, not to mention the risks of injury or the possibility of acquiring various lung ailments. A few men actually took work in the mines only to renounce it in a few weeks' or a few months' time. More recently, com­ plaining of even longer hours with little additional pay, a few men have quit the mine in order to work in the local forestry operations. One young former miner now draws logs from the forest area above Segagea with his own pair of oxen. The advantages, as he expresses them, are rather self-evident--the closeness to home, the choice of working hours (he is paid by the amount of wood he delivers) and the clear air and pleasant atmosphere of the mountains. In the summer time, during the peak haying periods, a few miners are always found missing from work. In dividing a limited amount of time, it is usually his agri­ cultural duties rather than outside employment obligations which come first for the peasant-miner in Segagea. His 213 job may be the source of his current income, but he still sees his land as the source of economic security if his involvement in outside activities should ever fail. Many workers in Segagea plan to work in industry just long enough to be eligible for a pension. When I asked some of the younger men in the village why they had not yet become employed, their usual response was that they still had time before they would be forced to seek the source of their old-age pensions. Given the order of preference between staying in agro-pastoralism or engaging in outside industrial employ­ ment, it is clear that any choice to enter into a salaried occupation has been precipitated by an apparent irrever­ sible decline in the agro-pastoral productivity of the community since the 1960s. The reasons for this decline are many and complex; however, one of the most important factors has been the continued out-migration of Segagea's youth. Another significant factor is the increasing destruction caused by wild boar (mistreti), wolves and bears as a result of the Muntele Mare region's being declared a natural game reserve earlier in the 1950s. By law no villager has the right to kill any game animal regardless of the destruction it causes to his own animals or crops. By 197^ almost no feed grains of any kind nor potatoes could be grown very successfully on the hotar 214 because of the destruction caused by wild boar. The loss of the hotar as the major area for cultivation was a terrible blow to Segagea's subsistence economy. The only adjustment possible was the more intensive cultivation of village garden areas with potatoes. Today, more than ever before, potatoes have become one of the most important, if not the most important, food crop in the village. They are also cultivated as a feed crop for the animals. At first the destruction caused by wild boar was kept at a minimum as a result of their small numbers and by the amount of time family members would spend at night near the crops to scare off the intruders. Yet, with fewer and fewer young people in the village to devote time to this duty, the tide eventually swung in favor of the "beasts." From the point of view of the private agricultural­ ist, it is probably impossible to place a value upon the destruction caused by these animals each year. In addition to destroying potato and wheat crops, they also churn up fallow land and grass areas by rooting in the top soil which makes these areas next to impossible to cut for hay. Given the alternatives, it is understandable why several men have chosen to lessen their agro-pastoral efforts and seek a more "secure" existence within the nation's money economy. For the women of the community, the number of possibilities for earning money have always been almost 215 nonexistent. About the only source of outside income available to them was through the selling of surplus animals such as sheep and lambs or by gathering wild fruits or berries and selling them either to the state-collecting agency at the Coop or on the open market in Turda. More recently, both women and teenage boys and girls have been able to make a little money by working at the local tree nursery where they are paid to weed and transplant seedlings. By 197^ the decline in the importance of agricul­ ture could easily be seen in the Agricultural Register. A count shows that of Segagea's 138 households, 118, or 85*5 percent, had less than six hectares of land— an all-time high in this statistic since the beginning of the first register taken in 19^8. What is more, 38 households, or 33 percent, had less than two hectares total (see Table 4). The reason for this drastic decline is also tied to the amount of out-migration and the reduction in the village population since 196^. In the past, relatives who left Segagea would always sell or give their land shares to their siblings who would then utilize them for their own production. Yet, by 197^ the economic value of land had dropped so low that it could neither be sold nor given away to village relatives who were finding that any excess land was really 216 not worth the increase in taxes that it cost. In contrast to the year 1948, the 1974 statistics reveal that over 148 hectares of arable land were no longer being used by Segageni for agricultural production. The decline in agro-pastoralism as a way of life, the degree of village out-migration and the general in­ crease in the local money economy have also had their influences on the social organization of Segagea. By 1971 the village had peaked at 139 in the number of its inde­ pendent households, while the overall population had declined since 1964 by 54 persons— a reduction of 15 per­ cent. By 1974 the number of households was only one less, at 138, but both the population of the village and the average size of the household had continued to decrease from their 1971 levels (see Tables 5 and 6). Between 1970 and 1975. with the completion of the roadway and the emergence of the peasant-worker— coupled with the increase in youth emigration— it is apparent that a true structural change had taken place in Segagea's economic and social organizations. Because of increased monetary wealth and a decline in the importance of in­ herited property to establish new households, more and more younger families could exist as independent nuclear enti­ ties. In 1964 a total of 51 nuclear families with depen­ dent children was registered as separate households (38 217 percent). In 1974 the number had increased to 58 (42 per­ cent) . Over the same time period, the number of extended- family households had been reduced from a maximum postwar high of 31 (23 percent) to 12 (9 percent) in 1974 (see Table 7)* In and of themselves, of course, these shifts in household composition are not a proof of true struc­ tural change in Segagea's family organization; therefore, they must be viewed in connection with other demographic factors. Because of the out-migration of Segagea's post­ school youth and younger married couples, the number of older couples and single persons who live alone has helped to increase both the number and frequency of small and single-member households. In 1964 the number of older, one-generation nuclear families was listed at 17 (13 per­ cent); whereas, by 1974 the number of these households in­ creased to 21 (15 percent). Concomitantly, the number of single-member households increased from a total of seven in 1964 (5 percent) to 12 in 197^ (9 percent). All of these changes occurred over a ten-year time period which showed a 14 percent decrease in Segagea's overall population (see Tables 6 and ?)• As a postwar population, the census figures reveal Segagea has continuously increased in its average age. In 1951 the average age of the villagers was 27*1 years— a 218 little over the average age for those males who entered into marriage. However, in 196^ the average age was 29-9 years; and by 1977 it had reached an estimated 33*6 years

(see Table 6). In 1951> as was mentioned earlier on page 192, the demographic category of those between the ages of 22 and 28--the most important age group as far as future population growth is concerned— composed 12.9 percent of the total population. By 197^ this age category was represented by only 6.3 percent of the villagers. In the same year, those persons between the ages of ^3 and ^9— who made up the age group of 22 to 28-year-olds in 1951-- made up 12.6 percent of the population, five percentage points above the 1951 level and over nine percentage points above the 196^ level (see Table 10). The above statistics help to show that the post- 196^ increase in both the number and frequency of nuclear and single-member households is not just a product of a domestic cycle of intra-family fissioning, but the result of a true structural change in the social organization of the family. This can be seen more conclusively by looking at the census data that I collected for 1977- In that year, the number of nuclear-family households with depen­ dent children had further increased to sixty-three. This occurred with a continued 11 percent decrease in the village population since 197^ (from 522 to ^63 persons) 219 TABLE 10 AGE GROUP PERCENTAGES FOR SEGAGEA 1951-1977

Age Range 1951 1964 1974 1977

1 2.4 .8 2.1 .4 1- 7 14.9 13.6 12.1 10.2 8- 14 I6.3 15.4 12.1 15.3 15- 21 15.8 13.6 15.3 13-1 22- 28 12.9 9-3 6.3 6.5 29- 35 5-8 10.8 7.3 6.5 36- 42 7.1 11.4 10.0 8.9 43- 49 7.6 3.5 12.6 13.6 1 0 ON U i 7.1 7.6 7.3 6.5 57- 63 5.6 5.6 4.8 3.2 64- 70 1.8 4.1 4.8 5.8 71- 77 1.4 2.5 4.2 3.7 78- 84 1.1 1.3 1.1 1.7 1 H 00 - NO .1 • 3 .5

92- 98 - .2 - -

99-105 .1 -- - Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 220 along with a reduction in the average size of the house­ hold from 3*8 members to 3*4 (see Tables 5 and 7)• Also in 1977 the number of single-member households reached a total of 15 or 11 percent of all the households in the village. The most salient aspect of change, however, can be seen in the frequency of the extended-family household. In 1977 the extended-family situation was represented by only two incomplete cases. Both of these households were headed by older, unmarried women who, in a short while, will probably relinquish the household authority to their married children. Other indicators of structural change can be seen by comparing the demographic statistics for the years 1964 and 1977• Over this 13-year time period, for example, the number of heads of households between the ages of 40 and 60 increased by 25 percent. It is in these very same households where we would expect (but do not find) an extended-family organization developing if no true struc­ tural change in family type were under way. The argument is further strengthened by the fact that despite the con­ trast in household composition, the actual number of households and the average age of the household head were about the same for both years (see Table 5)• As already stated, Segagea's population continued to decrease over the three-year period between 1974 and 221 1977 and a great part of this population reduction came from the continued flow of out-migration. Of the esti­ mated 50 people who left the village within this time period, approximately 60 percent were between the ages of 15 and 25— a reflection of the same pattern of youth emi­ gration which has occurred over the last 20 or so years. However, of perhaps more significance is the fact that 11 of the 50 (more than 20 percent) were over the age of 45 and with seven over the age of sixty. This latter group of emigrants, though not unique in Segagea's history, reflects a more recent trend in out­ migration. As older persons, usually widowed or women who had never legally married, are unable to carry on with the necessary agro-pastoral duties, they too are beginning to leave the village.. In almost every case these older mem­ bers of the community will join their sons or daughters who had left Segagea at an earlier stage in the village's transformation and are now firmly established in one of Romania's lowland communes or more urban areas. The amount of out-migration has had an obvious effect on the more recent marriage pattern of the village as well. Of the 75 couples who live in Segagea today and who were married between the years of 1948 and 1977» 57. or 76 percent, were village endogamous— a rate which is very close to the pre-1948 level. However, among those 222 marriages which have taken place between 1965 and 1977» the endogamous rate is more than 80 percent. This latter figure reflects the trend in the cur­ rent marriage pattern. Since 1965, the majority of young people have been marrying outside of Segagea, usually in or near the town or city where they attended school or found employment. Some have married other members of the village or commune but usually after each partner had established himself or herself in another locale. Of those persons who have remained in Segagea, the trend has been to marry someone directly from the village as opposed to finding spouses from other settlements either within or immediately outside of the commune. The latter phenomenon, based upon psychological and demographic factors involved in the selection of a mate, explains the higher incidence of endogamous marriage. The amount of out-migration, however, has dras­ tically reduced the total number of marriages which are now taking place in Segagea. In 1976 only one marriage took place— a man of 25 and a woman of 17 both from Segagea. In 1977. during my stay in the field, five mar­ riages took place, but two of the five were actually second marriages for the groom and one other involved a girl from Segagea who married a teacher who was not from the village. The two remaining marriages reflect the more 223 recent pattern. Both couples were from Segagea; however, one was a pair of graduating students who had attended vocation school, each in a different city. In 1977 this couple was living in Segagea, but they were planning to move sometime in the near future to the city of Alba-Iulia. For the majority of young people, Segagea can no longer provide either the material wealth or the cultural patterns which they have come to expect in life. And even for those who have decided, for one reason or another, to remain in the village, the traditional life style based upon an agro-pastoral economy can no longer be depended upon as the sole support of their families in the years to come.

Agro-Pastoralism in 1977 In 1977» as mentioned earlier, the number of full­ time and part-time wage earners had grown to forty-two. One of the most recent job opportunities has been to work on state drilling crews which are taking geological sam­ ples of the local terrain in search of ore deposits. In 1977 six men from Segagea were working on these crews. Other wage earners included 19 miners, 10 forestry workers, 2 men who worked at an agricultural cooperative near the city of Turda, 1 roadworker and 4 people who held positions in Segagea: the Coop clerk, the postman, the school custodian and a school teacher. 22k Despite the growing number of salaried persons, Segagea continues to be an agro-pastoral community. The results of my own census, taken of resident-married males over the age of 21, show that *K) men were engaged in out­ side wage earning, but that 65 were private agricultural­ ists with no permanent source of income (see Table 11). This is not to say, however, that agro-pastoralism enjoys the same degree of importance that it once had. The grow­ ing number of peasant-workers, the increase in the money economy, the amount of out-migration, the many local agri­ cultural restrictions and the destruction caused by wild boar and other animals have all combined to alter signifi­ cantly the more traditional agricultural pattern. Flocks of sheep which graze on the hotar rarely belong to just one family each as they did in the past. Today, four or even five or more families join their ani­ mals and rotate the days that each woman must care for the flock and the days on which the pen will be placed on each family's piece of hay or plow land. Also, more and more animals are being kept within the vatra satului as pro­ duction on the hotar appears to diminish almost annually. Only a handful of households have members who remain on the hotar all winter long and most of those that do have the parcels of land which are exceptionally far from the village center. Even during the summer months, a growing 225 TABLE 11 NUMBER OF RESIDENT MARRIED MALES AND OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES BY AGE GROUPING: 1977

Age Agriculture Salaried Pensioned

21-25 1 3 - 26-30 1 4- - 31-35 4- 6 - 36-4-0 5 6 1 4-1 -4-5 12 7 1 4-6-50 6 11 2 51-55 13 1 1 56-60 3 2 1 61-65 6 - 1 66-70 1 - 1 71-75 8 - - 76-80 4- --

81-85 - - - 86-90 1 - - Total 65 4-0 8 226 number of cows are being kept within the vatra satului— taken to the nimas each morning only to be brought home again each evening--because of the lack of "hands" to care for them on the hotar overnight. Fewer animals and less agricultural production have greatly reduced the use of the hotar and other surrounding land. The alpine pasture area on Muntele Mare is rarely utilized by Segageni as it was in the past. Today it is used predominantly by lowland and migratory shepherds in search of dwindling summer pastures and by state farms which bring their herds of cattle to the mountain to graze. Places such as Balacioia, which are far from the vatra satului and close to the forest where wild boar and bears are more numerous, are being abandoned except as uncultivated hay areas. Slowly but steadily the forest is recovering some of its former territory as new growth encroaches upon what is now village land. Despite the number of negative economic incentives and the destruction caused by wild boar, the decline in agro-pastoralism is not the result of an absolute inability to realize an agricultural profit. As has always been the case, Segagea has no true "cash crop" with which to enter into an agricultural market; nevertheless, free market activities and a state contract system do allow the vil­ lagers to sell their animals for an acceptable return. In 22? fact, the prices that are received for animals today are considerably above those of the inter-war period when Romania was dominated by an agrarian economy. In the 1930s a cow could be sold for about 1,400 lei when 1,000 lei could purchase ten units ("litra") of wheat. In 1977 the same animal could bring as much as 5.000 lei and 1,000 lei could purchase 20 units of wheat. In 1977 only 19 families (out of 135 households) still had a pair of oxen; yet, a good pair of oxen could be sold for as much as 20,000 lei (about 1,650 dollars). In 1935 a pair of oxen could be sold for only 3.000 to ^,000 lei— one-fifth the 1977 price. The market prices that some animals bring may help explain why many households are capable of functioning in a growing money economy without actually becoming involved in outside employment. Even though this may be true, the village's production of livestock appears to be far below its actual potential. Rarely does any one family raise more than one or two calves to maturity. It is more likely that hay resources will be used to keep one or two milk cows rather than to keep animals which will be sold to the state. To help stimulate cattle production, the state has begun to pay a premium of *K)0 lei on all registered cows which have calved for the first time. Other incentives have included allowing private agriculturalists who have 228 contracts with the state to buy allotments of feed grain at minimum state prices. Whether these incentives will actually increase cattle production remains to be seen. Each rural commune, under the direction of its .judet, is given a quota of livestock that it is to con­ tract each year. A considerable amount of pressure is placed upon both the commune officials and the citizenry to meet these annual quotas. However, since the state contract prices are often well below the free market prices, there is a lack of pure economic incentives for the rural population to enter into these agreements. As an example, all contracts with the state are paid to the agriculturalist on a price-per-kg basis. For this reason certain types of animals are more profitable than others. If, on the one hand, an agriculturalist has a good milking cow, it is to his advantage to sell the animal at a free market fair such as those still held at Salciua. Yet, on the other hand, if the cow is a poor milker and will not move very well on the open market, it may be to his advan­

tage to contract the animal with the state. Other animals vary depending upon the season. For example, spring lambs sold on the open market at Easter will always bring a high profit; however, in many cases not all of them can be sold. In these situations the state becomes an obvious buyer for any surplus livestock. 229 Other animals, such as pigs, can never really produce a profit from a state contract because of the cost of feed to raise them and the low price per kg that is paid. Often, to help alleviate such losses, three or more fami­ lies will join together to share in the expenses. Each year the contract is made in another family's name so that each one is periodically registered as fulfilling its con­ tract "obligations." Other contracts are made for surplus hay; yet, with it too as with livestock, free market transactions will always pay more per kg weight and, there­ fore, are preferred. The only true compulsory quotas are placed on raw wool. By state law each household is required to "sell" to the state about one kg of wool for each sheep owned. The quotas on wool are the only mandatory contracts in Segagea which have remained from the quota system of the late 1940s and early 1950s. Quota prices are very low even in comparison to state contract prices. For example, grade "one" wool pays only 7*5 lei per kg. Contract prices above and beyond the mandatory quota pay 55 lei per kg and open market prices can bring up to 80 or 100 lei per kg depending on the time of year. For Segageni, wool is not just a commodity to be used for trade or sold for cash. It is, in fact, a neces­ sary raw material which is still used to make needed 230 articles of clothing such as sweaters, gloves, socks, winter pants for the men, blankets and various other items used by the family. For this reason it is quite under­ standable why the villagers are reluctant to meet the mandatory quota and also why householders often attempt to keep the true number of their sheep a secret from those who take the Agricultural Register each year. Along with the decline in animal husbandry, and perhaps preceding it, has been a significant reduction in the amount of grain grown in the village. As mentioned earlier, the amount of land sown in wheat is about one- third of that sown in 19^8. Whereas as late, as the 1960s, there were up to five threshing machines which operated in Segagea; today there is only one which makes its rounds from household to household from November to as late as March as each family threshes its few liters of grain. There are at least two obvious reasons for this decline. First, there is the destruction caused by wild boar which compels people not to plant. Secondly, there is the availability of wheat flour from the Coop. However im­ portant both these factors may be, they are not in and of themselves sufficient causes for the great decline in wheat production. In spite of the cash outlay which may be needed to hire a neighbor with oxen to plow and plant grain, the 231 women who may be needed to harvest it and the fee to use the thresher, the cost per unit of grain is still lower than its price on the open- market or as flour purchased from the Coop. And, if a household has a team and har­ vests its own grain, the cost is even further reduced. Despite this fact, only about three households in Segagea still meet their grain needs solely from their own produc­ tion. The vast majority either do not plant wheat at all or, more likely, heavily supplement the wheat that they do grow with purchased flour. It becomes apparent that the decline in both animal husbandry and wheat production is mostly a function of two, and now familiar, processes: (1) the out-migration of Segagea's youth and younger families and (2) the in­ crease in the local money economy. The simultaneous decline in agriculture and pastoralism also underscores the fact that agri-pastoralism in its traditional form— despite its emphasis on individual family plots and separate flocks of sheep— was a total village, if not a total commune, system. Because of out-migration and a general decline in

the ability of households to retain larger numbers of animals, the balanced symbiotic arrangement between the number of animals raised to produce fertilizer and the output of crops both for feed and human consumption has been disrupted. Fewer animals per household has meant fewer animals to graze on the hotar, which in turn means less fertile soil and, consequently, less return per area sown in wheat or set aside for hay. The general decline in land productivity was almost always mentioned by the villagers as one reason for not planting more grain. In addition, the increase in the availability of money has made the majority of people feel that the amount of time and inconvenience involved in caring for animals, in plow­ ing, in guarding crops from wild boar, in harvesting and threshing grain is not worth the money saved by growing their own wheat. As with almost all people engaged in a money economy, the villagers of Segagea have begun to measure their own labor intensive behavior in terms of potential hourly wages. The decline in agro-pastoralism and the increase in a local money economy can be seen in no better way than in the number and types of houses which have been built in Segagea over the last few years. Since 1971 perhaps as many as 20 new houses have been constructed. At least five new houses were under construction when I left Segagea in 1977. Where once the status and prestige of a household rested in the size and number of oxen that it had, today social position and prestige are reflected in the size, style and beauty of the family's house. A new 233 house may also mean the existence of a new, independent household and the source of pride for a younger married couple. Prior to the more recent trends in the changing economic organization of the village, a family's house was far less important than it is today. When the tarina- nimas system of land use was in full swing, the individual family spent a far greater amount of its time outside, within the vatra satului, or on the hotar than it did in the house. In the past, most houses had only one room for each family despite the number of people in the household. Rooms were rather small and roofs were of either wood shingle or even straw thatch. Houses often had floors only of beaten earth and those of more than one story were practically unheard of. Today the house is becoming far more important as the center of the household. With less time being spent on the hotar and more animals being kept within the vil­ lage area all year round, more and more time is being spent in and near the family's house. As a result, more and more of the family's income is being spent on "modernizing" and beautifying the house both inside and out. Newer houses tend to have larger rooms with much larger windows and are roofed with ceramic tile or asbes­ tos. Their outside walls are often covered either with 234 wood siding or plastered and whitewashed to hide the squared-log infrastructure. Some of the more recent structures have two stories with a lower floor used as the primary day room and kitchen. With such a complex of alternatives becoming avail­ able to Segageni, both within and outside of the village, one senses that the changes that are now taking place are the result of a total shift in the villagers' world view and expectations. Like populations everywhere in the modern world, the older members of the community are quick to point out the sad loss of traditional values and the qualities of the "good old days." But, in general, the villagers of today are attuned to a totally different world than that previously known by their grandparents and parents. This can be seen quite clearly in the attitudes not only of the very young but in the current group of parents as well. Where once parents were reluctant to have their children remain in school past the four manda­ tory grades, today parents goad their reluctant children on to school by pointing out the alternative: "Either go to school and learn your lessons or be prepared to remain alone on the hotar the rest of your life with the sheep!" Usually this statement has all the force necessary to send moping children off to their classes. CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY OF THE RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

It has become quite apparent from the evidence presented in Chapters VI and VII that the village of Segagea has undergone significant socioeconomic and cul­ tural changes since the beginning of the Socialist Revolu­ tion in 19^8. Yet, at the same time, it must also be recognized that the community has retained many of its Traditional and Early Modern characteristics. Despite the influx of a money economy, a reduction in the village population and an overall decline in agricultural output, each household, with only a few exceptions, is still in­ volved in some way in the subsistence-oriented economy of agro-pastoralism. This continued involvement of Segageni in their prewar economic system is really not surprising, nor does it make Segagea unique as far as Romanian villages are concerned. What does make the village a little different, perhaps, is the degree to which these more traditional patterns continue to be a major part of almost everyone's daily life. Rather than a true "revolutionary" shift in life style, it may be more accurate to describe Segagea's 235 236 postwar transformations as a systematic blending of as­ pects which are more common to the older, more established order and those which are associated with the newer, statewide socialist structure. In many ways, of course, Segagea's relative degree of "conservatism" is not merely a matter of personal choice on the part of the villagers, but a direct result of the settlement's physical distance and relative remote­ ness from Romania's lowland and growing urban areas. This can be seen very clearly in the disproportionate way in which numerous state-level programs have effected specific segments of the local population. By far, those of the village who have been associ­ ated with the more radical alterations in life style are to be found among the youth (of both sexes) and the work- . ing-age men. These are the segments of the population that have been most influenced by out-migration and the increased possibilities of entering into nonagricultural forms of employment. Conversely, those who have been least effected by the processes of change and who have continued to function within their more traditional socioeconomic and cultural roles are to be found among the older members of the community and the adult women. The current structuring of Segagea's tarina-nimas system is a salient example of both the village's continued 237 involvement in its prewar subsistence pattern and the uneven or dissimilar influences which modernization has had upon the local citizenry. As the principal means of balancing the demands of private ownership with the com­ munal needs of the majority of the villagers, the tarina- nimas system was the foundation of Segagea's economic and social organizations for more than one hundred years. Today the system is still basic to the agro-pastoral cycle; however, the predominant functions which are cur­ rently associated with it (e.g., that of pasturing the animals and the making of cheese) are those which were always held by the adult women of each household. Gn the other hand, those tasks which were traditionally handled only by the adult men (e.g., that of plowing, caring for the animals during the winter months and the threshing of grain by hand) have declined most of all in their present level of importance. In essence, the pastoral core of the agro-pastoral system--always dominated by the women— has been retained, while the agricultural base— always domin­ ated by the men— has been almost eliminated as a growing number of Segagea's working-age males are being pushed or pulled into outside employment. Other transformations have taken place in the actual way in which animals are pastured. For example, as was stated in Chapter VII, due to the fact that the number of sheep raised by each household has declined so signifi­ cantly and because today there are so few young people in the village to help with their herding and care, it is not uncommon for two, three or more families to join their animals into a single flock. As a result, the flexibility of the traditional household unit has been lost. For in­ stance, each year now, when it becomes time to wean the lambs from their mothers, it has become the accepted prac­ tice among the smaller communal units to exchange lambs between flocks until the weaning process has been com­ pleted. In the past, of course, this same task could have been performed by a single household merely by dividing its own flock into two smaller groupings of mature sheep and non-mature sheep and lambs and having its members graze them on two separate parts of the nimas. A distinct age-sex dichotomy can also be found in the cultural life of the villagers as well. Today, for example, it is far more common for the older members of the community and the adult women to attend the village church services— which are now held on alternating Sundays and saint days among the three parish churches— and to observe more closely the traditional holidays and customs. This, of course, is a pattern which could have existed even during the interwar period or earlier. Yet it is also the older persons and the women who conform to and 239 identify most strongly with such things as the wearing of "national" dress--something which is done hy most of the villagers only on Sundays, holidays and on special occa­ sions such as a village wedding or at the local fair held in Salciua. In Segagea this same dichotomous pattern is also reflected quite strongly in the three areas of socio­ economic change which were reviewed in the literature pre­ sented in Chapter II: the process of rural out-migration, the changes related to kinship and family structure and the rise of the peasant-worker.

Rural Out-Migration What has been shown in Chapter II to be a rather common phenomenon throughout Southeastern Europe— rural out-migration— is perhaps the most salient feature of Segagea's post-war changes. In substantiation of the re­ sults of Denich's (197^) study on rural-urban migration in Yugoslavia, the process of out-migration in Segagea has been, up until quite recently, a social force which has effected primarily the younger members of the community. Over the last 26 years (between 1951 and 1977)» the greatest amount of emigration— which averaged between ^5 and 62 percent of all those who left the village during the four time periods constructed for analysis (see Table 8)— has taken place among those 25 years of age or younger. 24-0 Although out-migration is a significant factor in reducing the population of many highland settlements in Romania, the pattern of emigration is apparently not always the same. According to two simultaneous studies conducted by Sam Beck (1976) and Steven G. Randall (1976) in Comuna Poiana Marului— a commune not too far from the growing industrial center of Brasov--there has been no net reduction in the commune's population over the last three decades since World War II. There definitely has been, however, a considerable amount of intra-commune resettlement. As with Posaga, Poiana Marului is a commune with great diversity in. its geography, ecology and types of human settlement. Within Poiana, the principal village and administrative center of the commune, are located the mayor's office, the house of culture, a school with grades I through X and a consumer's complex which includes a bakery, a barbershop and a food store (Beck 1976:370). The village of Poiana is relatively large and modern com­ pared to many which I have seen in Romania's highland zones. At various other locations within the commune and at higher elevations are smaller and less densely populated settlements which all together make up the majority of the commune's population. 24l One of the highest settlements in the commune is the village of Paltin, a small area of scattered home­ steads, very similar in elevation (500 to 1,000 m) to that of Segagea (Randall 1976:277)* Like Segagea, Paltin is also experiencing a flow of out-migration, but in sharp contrast to those who are leaving Segagea, Paltin's emi­ grants are merely moving to lower elevations within the commune itself— usually into the village of Poiana. Once located in the more densely populated part of the com­ mune, commuting peasant-workers and students are within a relatively short walking distance to transportation faci­ lities which link the larger community with the city of Brasov. As a result of Romania's program of systematiza­ tion— or selected urbanization and industrialization— perhaps several highland communes are or will be experi­ encing the same type of migration pattern as that found in Poiana Marului. However, this pattern of intra-area mi­ gration will probably never develop within the commune of Posaga. Today, because the village of Posaga-de-Jos is itself relatively removed from any true industrial cen­ ters, there would be few true economic advantages and very little prestige for anyone in Segagea who would want to move to another location within the commune. Perhaps the real benefit that those living in Posaga-de-Jos have over 242 Segageni is not the proximity to a major line of transpor­ tation, but the increased conveniences which come with the availability of electricity. In 1975 the state had announced a plan to bring electrification to Segagea. In fact, to assure the begin­ ning of the project, each household that wished to receive electricity was required to pay an installation fee of a few hundred lei. But, in 1977. during my stay in the field, the state— perhaps determining that the actual cost of the program would be prohibitive— recinded its offer and returned all of the money that it had previously collected from the villagers. The state's decision not to electrify the settle­ ment had a great impact on some of the villagers' percep­ tion of their future in Segagea. To them, the avail­ ability of electricity would have meant far more than the conveniences of electric lighting. With the attainment of what has become almost commonplace for the majority of Romania's rural population, it would also have brought to them a sense of movement into the twentieth century. And, for the children, it would have meant the introduction of television and an increased awareness of the larger out­ side world at a much earlier stage in their lives. In

19 7 7 t soon after the state's announcement not to follow through with its original plan, at least four families decided to leave Segagea for good. Despite the number of real and perceived inconveni­ ences associated with life in Segagea, several families have never really questioned their desire to remain as long as possible in the mountain community where they were born. In general, there are two categories of people who feel this way. On the one hand, there are those who are content to remain completely in agro-pastoralism regard­ less of its poor return because they honestly cannot see themselves in any other occupation or way of life. In many cases, these people appear to have few material wants above and beyond those that their subsistence-oriented economy can bring them and show no overwhelming desire for the "luxuries" of modern living. On the other hand, there are those who have reduced quite substantially their own involvement in agro- pastoralism but have benefited by providing various needed services to the community. The owner of one of Segagea's two grain mills, who also operates the village's only state-licensed still for making brandy, is just one example of those who belong to this group. Other men have become semi-specialists in the cutting of construction wood for local use, in carpentry or as barrel and cabinet makers, to name only a few. Unlike those who belong to the first category, those in the latter are much more likely to become community leaders and to represent the 244 village in outside economic and political activities. For example, all three of Segagea's current deputati who serve on the commune's people's council, are semi-specialists in some way. As an example of the tenacious and independent character of those in Segagea who truly want to stay there, it was not long after the state had reversed its decision to electrify the village that the first household attempted to produce its own electricity by installing a water-powered generator. By that summer the first hydro­ electric device had been placed into operation, but, unfortunately, it had been found wanting in its ability to produce power. Nevertheless, it was decided that this problem could be resolved merely by raising the level of the waterfall which was used to turn the generator. By the time I left Romania in August of 1977* at least two other families had made plans to construct a similar, if not a more sophisticated, installation. Despite the persistence of those who wish to remain in Segagea, the actual rate of out-migration will probably continue to be relatively high, especially for the village youth. The current effects of Segagea's population loss can easily be measured in the reduced number of children who now attend the village school. Beginning in the fall of 1977* as the result of the official census taken that 2 45 winter, the school was forced to reduce its curriculum level to include only grades I through IV. This was the first year that the school had not offered a class above the fourth grade since 1961 when the present school build­ ing was constructed. Whereas, as late as 1970, Segagea had no less than nine full-time teachers, today there are only two. Because of the state's decision, those children now in grades V through VIII will have to attend the central school in the village of Posaga-de-Sus (Belioara), 5 km away.

Kinship and Family Structure Although the most salient feature of Segagea's postwar transformations has been the decline in its popu­ lation, the most significant change in the structure of the community itself has been the decline in the multi- generational household and the corresponding rise in both the number and frequency of the nuclear-family and single­ member forms. As has been shown in Chapter VII, by 1977 extended-family household in Segagea was almost non­ existent . Though there is little doubt that a true shift in family organization has taken place in the village over the last 30 years, comparative data are inadequate to determine just how typical this phenomenon may be. In 1958 Aurelian Motomancea (1973)> a Romanian social 246 scientist, conducted a rather intensive study of kinship and family structure in a village roughly the size of Segagea. Although the village, Nucsoara, located in the judet of Hunedoara, is not a mountain settlement, the data he collected do provide an interesting contrast to those I obtained from Segagea. For example, in 1958 Nucsoara had a resident popu­ lation of 584 inhabitants who lived in 154 separate house­ holds. In 1951 Segagea had a population a little smaller at 522, but--with only 114 households listed in the Agri­ cultural Register— averaged one person more per household: 3.8 for Nucsoara to 4.8 for Segagea. However, the greatest contrast between Nucsoara and Segagea can be seen in the number of their extended-family households. In 1958 Nucsoara had no less than 6l such households (40 percent); whereas in 1951> Segagea had only 18 (16 percent). Even in 1964, at the height of its post­ war population growth, Segagea had no more than 31 extended-family units (just 12.2 percent of its then 134 households). Obviously, Segagea's larger average household must have been the result of more children being born to each nuclear-family unit rather than as a product of having more adult generations co-existing within the same house­ hold. As Motomancea's own data reveal (1973:628-629), 247 Nucsoara had a total of only 33 nuclear-family households with dependent children (27 percent); whereas in 1951f Segagea had' 51 such cases, which represented 45 percent of all the village households. Interestingly enough, the number of nuclear-family households with no children (those at either end of the domestic cycle) was about the same for each villages 19 for Nucsoara (12.3 percent) and 14 for Segagea (12.2 percent). In contrasting Segagea with at least one lowland village of comparable size, it is clear that in relation to household composition, Segagea has always been somewhat atypical in its number of extended families. What is more, there is recent evidence to suggest that not all of Romania's villages are undergoing the same pattern of structural change. As was shown in a study by John W. Cole (1976), in those settlements which have undergone collectivization and yet are near enough to an industrial center to support a large peasant-worker population, the frequency of the multi-generational household may not drop at all. In fact, with the new divisions of labor which are taking place along both generational and sexual lines, the extended-family household is capable of being far more adaptive than many of the smaller family forms. As with so many of Segagea's prewar characteristics and postwar transformations, it is apparent that family structure very much reflects the potentialities and limitations of the village's physical environment. In the earlier part of this century, with new land becoming available for agro-pastoralism, accompanied by periodic out-migration, the nuclear family was permitted to become the most frequent type of domestic unit. With the in­ creased out-migration which took place after 19^8, in con­ junction with state-induced incentives that acted to dis­ courage the formation of larger family households, the frequency of the independent nuclear family could only increase. Finally, with the decline in the value and im­ portance of traditional forms of wealth and with the growth of a local money economy, the nuclear-family house­ hold became all the more possible and preferred by the younger members of the community. By 197^ a complete shift to the smaller family forms had become imminent.

The Peasant-Worker As with the process of out-migration, the presence of the peasant-worker is something which has, by now, affected almost every village in Southeastern Europe. And, as with out-migration and the changes in family structure, local environmental factors have been very much involved in how specific peasant-worker situations have arisen. As described in Chapters VI and VII, the movement of Segagea's peasants into positions of nonagricultural 2^9 employment was the product of two state-influenced sequen­ tial stages: (1)' the decline in agro-pastoralism precipi­ tated by the high rate of youth emigration and the destruction caused by wild boar and (2) the recent avail­ ability of industrially related jobs brought about by new transportation facilities linking Segagea with the larger Aries Valley and stepped-up forestry and drilling opera­ tions within the commune itself. As was mentioned in Chapter II, not all villages in Southeastern Europe have experienced the same types of transformations under the processes of socialist moderni­ zation. In Planinica, a Bosnian Moslem village studied by Lockwood (1975a; 1975b; 1976) from 1966 to 1968, the pat­ tern which emerged after World War II was quite different from that which I observed in Segagea. The greatest contrast between these two villages is in the amount of influence which state-level programs have had in altering the conditions of their prewar economies. In Planinica this process has obviously not been as severe as that experienced by Segageni for apparently there has remained enough economic incentive (and cultural tradi­ tion) for the larger landholders to actually intensify their involvement in agro-pastoralism. As a result, those who initially became peasant-workers were drawn overwhelm­ ingly from the landless and near landless householders who 250 could no longer "afford" to remain within the traditional economy (Lockwood 1976). In Segagea, because of the village-wide disruption of the agricultural system, no such pattern based upon disparate levels of traditional wealth could ever develop. In fact, as was shown in Chapter VII, those in Segagea who entered into outside employment very much represented the entire economic cross-section of the working-age men in the community. Despite the apparent contrasts between the changes which have taken place in Segagea, Romania— and those which have occurred in Planinica, Yugoslavia--both help to illustrate the conservative forces which are at work in the processes of local economic and social change. In Segagea, as well as in Planinica, those who initially be­ came peasant-workers really did not do so in an attempt to escape from the traditional economic system. On the con­ trary, they did so only because they could no longer func­ tion completely within it. Nor was their entrance into the nation's money economy done in an attempt to advance their family's potential for social mobility. For example, in postwar Segagea the cost of educating one's children-- the most direct route to their increased social mobility— was an expense largely borne by the state. It was for this reason, in fact, that the process of youth emigration could proceed at such a high rate well in advance of the rise of the peasant-worker. This is not to say, however, that those who became peasant-workers were not motivated, at least in part, by the clear economic advantages which nonagricultural forms of employment can provide within the socialist system. It is also true that as these advantages continue to in­ crease— such as expanded health care and pension benefits-- a greater number of people in the more remote areas of the country will want to enter into wage-paying jobs made available by the state. In Segagea new peasant-workers will no doubt come from younger members of the community who decide to remain in the village, for even they will continue to be attracted to a life style and material cul­ ture afforded only by an increased activity within the nation's money economy. However, for this to happen it may be necessary for the state to increase its amount of industrial development in the larger area. As with most of the highland villages in Romania, especially those within the Western Mountain zone, the future of Segagea will ultimately be determined by econo­ mic and political forces well beyond the control of the local villagers. If for any reason the industrial devel­ opment of the larger Aries Valley should decline in pro­ portion to that which is taking place in other parts of the country, then the resultant increase in out-migration could easily terminate the existence of Segagea as a 252 village within a few generations. On the other extreme, if the drilling crews which are currently probing the surrounding subsoil were to find a valuable deposit of ore large enough to be worth its exploitation, then the whole common could be faced with the rapid economic expansion and population growth which often results from a potenti­ ally large amount of state-level investment. It is perhaps far more realistic to assume, how­ ever, that any further economic development which will directly affect Segagea will come from sources well out­ side the boundaries of the commune. For example, in the fall of 1977 a new clothing factory was scheduled to open in Baia-de-Aries, the same town in which the mine is located. Just as with the miners, anyone who desires to work would be transported to and from the factory each day for only a nominal monthly fee. What is most significant about this particular opening is that it involves an in­ dustry which could very well provide the women of Segagea with their first real opportunity to enter into full-time, wage-paying employment. Of course, it is very difficult to estimate just how many women would actually choose to work there. And, as far as the community is concerned, it would be even more difficult to predict what further impact this might have on the village's economic and social organization. What is becoming increasingly clear, however, is that the direction of change in any community— whether large or small--is not only a function of the dialectic between the local settlement and the larger state appara­ tus but of the forces which exist beyond the state as well. As is true with all developing countries in the world, the rapid transformations which are now taking place in Romania are contingent upon an ever-increasing rate of growth in the nation's overall economy. Yet, with a greater dependency on international loans, the effects of worldwide inflation and economic fluctuations, fuel shortages, increased foreign imports of industrial raw materials and technology and rising export demands needed to retain a favorable balance of payments, the country may not be able to sustain its present rate of development through the 1980s without furthering the sacrifices already being made by the Romanian people. What specific influences a decrease in economic growth would have on Segagea is obviously impossible to determine for sure, but it is a question that the villagers themselves have considered. As many see it--correctly or incorrectly--it is they, rather than those who have bene­ fited most from the processes of modernization, who have the least to fear. As one woman put it, "We are not like those in the city. If for any reason we had to, we could 25^ grow our own food, clothe ourselves and build our houses, just as we have always done in the past. But what of those in the city, what would they do?" Indeed, what would they do? Only time (and future anthropological studies) will let us know for certain.

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