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Guardians of Female Value, Men Are Held Responsible for Women’S Conduct Because Their Dignity Is Closely Related to It (Hussain 2006, 4)

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Guardians of Female Value, Men Are Held Responsible for Women’S Conduct Because Their Dignity Is Closely Related to It (Hussain 2006, 4) UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title The Modern Face of Honor Killing: Factors, Legal Issues, and Policy Recommendations Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/401407hg Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 22(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Vitoshka, Diana Y Publication Date 2010 DOI 10.5070/B3222007673 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 1 Table of Contents PART I Introduction 1. Case-Studies of Honor Assaults Occurred Between 1999-2009 2. Case-Study Analysis 3. A Pattern of Behavior: Murder Falling Outside of Legal Systems 4. Honor Killing: Definition and Implications 5. Honor Killing Across Religions and Borders: A Global Phenomenon Demanding Immediate Attention 6. Addressing Honor Killing: A Contemporary Study of the Practice and the Alternative Motives Behind It 7. Research Methodology PART II Research and Findings 1. Cultural History and Roots of the Practice of Honor Killing 2. Honor Killing: The Role of Religion 2.1. Honor Killing Existed Before All Written Religions: Chronological Discrepancies 2.2. Honor Killing Occurs in All Religions: Historical References and Examples of Cases in Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism 2.3. An Examination of the Positions of Christianity, Islam, and Sikhism on Common Motives for Honor Killing and on Murder 2.3.1. Christianity 2.3.2. Islam 2.3.3. Sikhism 2.4. A Parallel Between The Moral Views of Killers and Religious Teachings 2.5. Conclusion 3. Honor Killing: The Role of Culturally Specific Gender-Discrimination 3.1. Legal Provisions Concerning Honor Killing in Iraq 3.1.1. Available Statistics 3.1.2. Case-Studies That Do Not Follow Pattern of Gender-Discrimination 3.2. Legal Provisions Concerning Honor Killing in Pakistan 3.2.1. Available Statistics 3.2.2. Case-Studies That Do Not Follow Pattern of Gender-Discrimination 3.3. Legal Provisions Concerning Honor Killing in Syria 3.3.1. Available Statistics 3.3.2. Case-Studies That Do Not Follow Pattern of Gender-Discrimination 3.4. Legal Provisions Concerning Honor Killing in Turkey 3.4.1. Available Statistics 3.4.2. Case-Studies That Do Not Follow Pattern of Gender-Discrimination 2 PART III Analysis of Data and Conclusions on Religious Perceptions and Gender-Discrimination as Factors for Honor Killing 1. Both Religious Perceptions and Gender-Discrimination Contribute to Honor Killing, But Are Not Sole or Triggering Factors 2. Both Religious and Legal Prescriptions Condemn Honor Killing, But It Increasingly Occurs 3. Different Responses to Offenses in Different Societies: Possible Factors 3.1. Poverty: Devaluation of Human Life 3.2. Political Structure 3.3. Political Instability: Protecting Cultural Identity, Intolerance for Differences PART IV Policy Recommendations for Assisting Victims and Diminishing, Eradicating the Practice of Honor Killing 1. Institutionalization of Honor Offenses 2. Shift Toward Political Centralization 3. Education on Religion 3 PART I Introduction 1. Case Studies of Honor Assaults (1999-2009) In early 2008, Rand Abdel-Kader, a seventeen-year-old Iraqi student of English at the University of Basra, met a British soldier while working at a camp for families displaced by the war. She was volunteering and he was there to distribute water. Over the next four months, they chatted a few times. He complimented her on her English and told her she was smart and beautiful. For the “young and impressionable” Rand, this meant a lot: she fell in love with him, dreamed about him and shared her feelings with a friend. Then, an acquaintance of her family saw her speaking to the soldier. Enraged, her father stomped on her, suffocated her and stabbed her to death (Sarhan, 2008: 1). Her mother beseeched Rand’s brothers to stop their father from killing her, but instead, they joined him in the beating. Once she was dead, her body was thrown into a make-shift grave as relatives spat on it in disgust. The father, Abdel-Kader Ali, was briefly arrested and released in less than two hours. According to his account, while he was detained, all the police officers congratulated him for killing his daughter. “They are men and know what honor is,” said Abdel-Kader (Sarhan, 2008: 2). To this day, he does not regret and is even proud of murdering the child that he believed to have dishonored him and his family (Sarhan, 2008: 2). In June 2006, Karar Oda, a thirty-eight-year-old man from Sadr City, was kidnapped by the Badr Brigade—an informal armed wing of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq—and a part of the country’s government. The Ministry of Interior presented an arrest warrant to his family. It stated that Karar was accused of homosexuality—something considered extremely immoral—and deserved to be punished by death. Karar’s burnt and mutilated body was found ten days later (Copestake, 2006: 1). Mehdi Kazemi, a nineteen-year-old gay Iranian teenager studying in England, also fears for his life and is seeking asylum. Mehdi’s boyfriend, who remained in Iran, was interrogated about his male partners and hanged on charges of homosexuality. Mehdi named Kazemi as one of his former boyfriends. The teenager is sought by authorities in his country to be arrested and executed, like Oda was (Syal: 2006, 2). In February 2002, Mukhtar Mai, a Pakistani schoolteacher, was gang-raped by four men as people outside the hut gathered and cheered. After the assault, Mai was forced to walk home naked. Her rape was allegedly ordered by a Mastoi Tribal Council as revenge for her brother’s sexual relations with a female member of the higher Mastoi tribe. It was later discovered that these accusations were made up in order to conceal the tribe’s sodomization of the boy (Hussain, 2006: 2). Mai’s story gained international attention when a reporter wrote a story about her ordeal. Pakistan’s President, General Musharraf, asked police to arrest those involved in the rape. Mai decided to press charges against her attackers. In August 2002, fourteen people were prosecuted in an expedited criminal court. Eight of them were vindicated, while six were sentenced to death. They appealed to the Lahore High Court and in March 2005, five of them were exonerated, allegedly due to insufficient evidence and wrongful police procedures. Upon Mai’s public appeal to the President and authorities to protect her from the acquitted men, the offenders were rearrested until the Supreme Court decides the case (Hussain, 2006: 3). The decision is still pending. Though Mai’s rapists are currently incarcerated, she says that a Pakistani government official is pressuring her to drop all charges, warning her that the case will not be decided in her favor (Khalid, Klasra, 2009: 1). Mai, who has become a strong activist for women’s rights and 4 has provided help and shelter for other abused women, has been repeatedly threatened, by government officials and local feudal lords, who find her work harmful to their social and political status (Kristof, 2: 2007). In early 2006, Derya, a seventeen-year-old girl from the Kurdish region of Turkey, fell in love with a boy she met at school. Upon learning of the affair, her brothers and uncles began to send multiple messages to her cell phone, telling her that she had dishonored her family and must kill herself or they will kill her first. Convinced that her relationship had wronged her family, Derya decided to carry out their wish. Once she jumped in the Tigris River but survived; another time she hung herself, but was cut down; in a third attempt, she cut her wrists but was saved. Now, Derya lives at a women’s shelter and would not provide her last name, fearing that her relatives may still be hunting her (Bilefsky, 2006: 1, 3). In the very conservative Islamic region of Turkey where Derya is from, the suicide rate among young women has been increasing. Envoys from the United Nations investigating this phenomenon believe that while some suicides are self-imposed, others are murders in disguise, committed by or under the pressure of family members who feel dishonored by the victim’s actions (Bilefsky, 2006: 2). In March 1999, Lal Jamilla Mandokhel, a sixteen-year-old, mentally disabled Pakistani girl, was raped multiple times by a local governmental official. The girl’s uncle filed a complaint with the police. The perpetrator was detained, and Lal was sent back to her tribe—the Mazuzai, in the Kurram Agency, FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Area) 1. Upon her return, the tribesmen of her community met and decided that her fate had brought shame to their tribe. The only remedy had to be her death. Lal was shot in the head and killed (Gonzalez 2000-2001, 2). 2. Case-Study Analysis While each of these stories differs in specifics, they also have much in common. Some victims were murdered; others were physically and emotionally abused but remain alive. Another difference is the context in which the attacks occur. In three of the cases, the assaults came in response to perceived female impropriety; in the other two, the violence was intended to punish homosexuality. Mai was attacked in the name of revenge for a fabricated offense on social status, made-up to disguise yet another crime. Lastly, the victims differ in gender. Despite these differences, their stories are very much alike, they all occur in Muslim societies, are carried out by the family or community members of those affected, and involve violence condoned or not acknowledged by the formal legal system or governmental institutions. In addition, the victims in each of these stories had nowhere to turn for help. All six cases occur for the same core reason—the perception that the person attacked is involved in something morally wrong— against family, community, or religious norms—and should, therefore, be punished without regard to whether he or she would be found culpable under the particular country’s laws.
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