Social Media and Activism
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Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, the Montgomery Bus Boycott and The
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Black Belt Press The ONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT M and the WOMEN WHO STARTED IT __________________________ The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson __________________________ Mrs. Jo Ann Gibson Robinson Black women in Montgomery, Alabama, unlocked a remarkable spirit in their city in late 1955. Sick of segregated public transportation, these women decided to wield their financial power against the city bus system and, led by Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (1912-1992), convinced Montgomery's African Americans to stop using public transportation. Robinson was born in Georgia and attended the segregated schools of Macon. After graduating from Fort Valley State College, she taught school in Macon and eventually went on to earn an M.A. in English at Atlanta University. In 1949 she took a faculty position at Alabama State College in Mont- gomery. There she joined the Women's Political Council. When a Montgomery bus driver insulted her, she vowed to end racial seating on the city's buses. Using her position as president of the Council, she mounted a boycott. She remained active in the civil rights movement in Montgomery until she left that city in 1960. Her story illustrates how the desire on the part of individuals to resist oppression — once *it is organized, led, and aimed at a specific goal — can be transformed into a mass movement. Mrs. T. M. Glass Ch. 2: The Boycott Begins n Friday morning, December 2, 1955, a goodly number of Mont- gomery’s black clergymen happened to be meeting at the Hilliard O Chapel A. -
The Perimetric Boycott: a Tool for Tobacco Control Advocacy N Offen, E a Smith, R E Malone
272 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 on 26 July 2005. Downloaded from RESEARCH PAPER The perimetric boycott: a tool for tobacco control advocacy N Offen, E A Smith, R E Malone ............................................................................................................................... Tobacco Control 2005;14:272–277. doi: 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 Objectives: To propose criteria to help advocates: (1) determine when tobacco related boycotts may be useful; (2) select appropriate targets; and (3) predict and measure boycott success. See end of article for Methods: Analysis of tobacco focused boycotts retrieved from internal tobacco industry documents authors’ affiliations websites and other scholarship on boycotts. ....................... Results: Tobacco related boycotts may be characterised by boycott target and reason undertaken. Most Correspondence to: boycotts targeted the industry itself and were called for political or economic reasons unrelated to tobacco Naphtali Offen, disease, often resulting in settlements that gave the industry marketing and public relations advantages. Department of Social and Even a lengthy health focused boycott of tobacco industry food subsidiaries accomplished little, making Behavioral Sciences Box demands the industry was unlikely to meet. In contrast, a perimetric boycott (targeting institutions at the 0612, University of California, San Francisco, perimeter of the core target) of an organisation that was taking tobacco money mobilised its constituency CA 94143, USA; and convinced the organisation to end the practice. [email protected] Conclusions: Direct boycotts of the industry have rarely advanced tobacco control. Perimetric boycotts of Received 25 January 2005 industry allies offer advocates a promising tool for further marginalising the industry. Successful boycotts Accepted 13 April 2005 include a focus on the public health consequences of tobacco use; an accessible point of pressure; a mutual ...................... -
From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism
Information & Organization, forthcoming 2019 1 From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism Jordana J. George Dorothy E. Leidner Mays Business School, Texas A&M University Baylor University ABSTRACT Digital activism provides new opportunities for social movement participants and social movement organizations (SMOs). Recent IS research has begun to touch on digital activism, defining it, exploring it, and building new theory to help understand it. This paper seeks to unpack digital activism through an exploratory literature review that provides descriptions, definitions, and categorizations. We provide a framework for digital activism by extending Milbrath’s (1965) hierarchy of political participation that divides activism into spectator, transitional, and gladiatorial activities. Using this framework, we identify ten activities of digital activism that are represented in the literature. These include digital spectator activities: clicktivism, metavoicing, assertion; digital transitional activities: e-funding, political consumerism, digital petitions, and botivism; and digital gladiatorial activities: data activism, exposure, and hacktivism. Last, we analyze the activities in terms of participants, SMOs, individuals who are targeted by the activity, and organizations that are targeted by the activity. We highlight four major implications and offer four meta-conjectures on the mechanisms of digital activism and their resulting impacts, and reveal a new construct where participants digitally organize yet lack an identifying cause, which we label connective emotion. Key Words Digital activism, social activism, political participation, social movements, connective emotion, literature review 1.0 Introduction Not long ago, activism to promote social movements was relegated to demonstrations and marches, chaining oneself to a fence, or writing to a government representative. Recruiting, organizing, and retaining participants was difficult enough to ensure that often only largest, best supported movements thrived and creating an impact often took years. -
Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon
Campbell Law Review Volume 5 Article 4 Issue 2 Spring 1983 January 1983 Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.campbell.edu/clr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Elaine Cohoon, Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott, 5 Campbell L. Rev. 359 (1983). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Campbell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. Cohoon: Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boy NOTES CONSTITUTIONAL LAW-FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE POLITICAL BOYCOTT-N.A.A.C.P. v. CLAIBORNE HARDWARE CO., 102 S. Ct. 3409 (1982). INTRODUCTION When several people with a common goal join together to achieve that goal, are their actions conspiratal or constitutionally protected? When that concerted action leads to economic losses, is the action unfair anti-competition or merely effective political per- suasion? The courts have been troubled by this dichotomy for years, switching sides with confusing regularity. Civil or criminal conspiracy has been severely punished because of the greater threat offered by the concerted actions of a group.' On the other hand, "the practice of persons sharing common views banding to- gether to achieve a common end is deeply embedded in the Ameri- can political process.''2 Even when there is no question of criminal or civil conspiracy, concerted actions have been prohibited for other reasons. -
301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change A
Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change Abstract Consumer activism, or activism through participating in the market such as through boycotts or ethical shopping, is the most common form of political action in the United States aside from voting. While consumer activism was a popular macro practice social work intervention by social work pioneers and has been an important part of many social change movements, it is rarely discussed formally in the field of social work today. This article provides an overview of consumer activism as a social work intervention, describes historical and twenty-first century examples of consumer activism, discusses the effectiveness of consumer activism, and discusses the strengths and challenges of consumer activism for social workers who engage in it either professionally or personally. This is the unedited Author’s Copy. The published article is: Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer activism is activism taken by consumers through participating in the market. This can involve activities such as choosing to shop for only fair-trade products or boycotting a company because of its labor practices. Consumer activism has a long history in the United States (US), and more than half of US citizens have participated in a form of consumer activism in their lives, with more than a third participating in the past year (Keeter, Zukin, Zndolina & Jenkins, 2002). Aside from voting, consumer activism is the most common way that citizens engage in political participation and is far more common than other types of political engagement, such as contacting legislators, fundraising for charity, taking part in a protest or volunteering for a candidate. -
A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J
Marquette Law Review Volume 100 Article 8 Issue 2 Winter 2016 A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J. Pita Loor Boston University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Immigration Law Commons Repository Citation Karen J. Pita Loor, A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience, 100 Marq. L. Rev. 565 (2016). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol100/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized editor of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 38800-mqt_100-2 Sheet No. 140 Side A 02/22/2017 09:25:38 LOOR-P.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/16/17 12:32 PM A STUDY ON IMMIGRANT ACTIVISM, SECURE COMMUNITIES, AND RAWLSIAN CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE KAREN J. PITA LOOR ABSTRACT This Article explores the immigrant acts of protest during the Obama presidency in opposition to the Secure Communities (SCOMM) immigration enforcement program through the lens of philosopher John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience and posits that this immigrant resistance contributed to that administration’s dismantling the federal program by progressively moving localities, and eventually whole states, to cease cooperation with SCOMM. The controversial SCOMM program is one of the most powerful tools of immigration enforcement in the new millennium because it transforms any contact with state and local law enforcement into a potential immigration investigation. -
The Stamp Act and Methods of Protest
Page 33 Chapter 8 The Stamp Act and Methods of Protest espite the many arguments made against it, the Stamp Act was passed and scheduled to be enforced on November 1, 1765. The colonists found ever more vigorous and violent ways to D protest the Act. In Virginia, a tall backwoods lawyer, Patrick Henry, made a fiery speech and pushed five resolutions through the Virginia Assembly. In Boston, an angry mob inspired by Sam Adams and the Sons of Liberty destroyed property belonging to a man rumored to be a Stamp agent and to Lt. Governor Thomas Hutchinson. In New York, delegates from nine colonies, sitting as the Stamp Act Congress, petitioned the King and Parliament for repeal. In Philadelphia, New York, and other seaport towns, merchants pledged not to buy or sell British goods until the hated stamp tax was repealed. This storm of resistance and protest eventually had the desired effect. Stamp sgents hastily resigned their Commissions and not a single stamp was ever sold in the colonies. Meanwhile, British merchants petitioned Parliament to repeal the Stamp Act. In 1766, the law was repealed but replaced with the Declaratory Act, which stated that Parliament had the right to make laws binding on the colonies "in all cases whatsoever." The methods used to protest the Stamp Act raised issues concerning the use of illegal and violent protest, which are considered in this chapter. May: Patrick Henry and the Virginia Resolutions Patrick Henry had been a member of Virginia's House of Burgess (Assembly) for exactly nine days as the May session was drawing to a close. -
Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-9-2020 Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers Anna Hermann Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Advertising and Promotion Management Commons, Business and Corporate Communications Commons, and the Marketing Commons Recommended Citation Hermann, Anna, "Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers" (2020). Honors Theses. 1571. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1571 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ENSURING BRAND ACTIVISM IN INTEGRATED MARKETING COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS RESONATES WITH MILLENNIAL CONSUMERS by Anna Hermann A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford May 2020 Approved by ___________________________________ Advisor: Professor Christina Sparks ___________________________________ Reader: Professor Robin Street ___________________________________ Reader: Dr. Robert Magee © 2020 Anna Hermann ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, I need to express my immense gratitude to my advisor, Professor Christina Sparks. She provided me with much guidance, expertise, and encouragement throughout this process. I greatly appreciate her time and patience with me throughout the past year; I could not have completed this project without her. I would also like to thank the two members of my committee, Professor Robin Street and Dr. -
Is Consumer Activism Economic Democracy?
U= !ON=UMER "!;UVU=ME!ONOMU! pEMO!R"!o# _ RZVENRo 7E"VER The Second Gilded Age has also been a golden era for consumer activism. As the nation state and organized labor have both diminished in their ability to translate public attitudes into resource outcomes, civil society groups have turned to a third axis of social power, consumer behavior, to bring multinational corporations to heel. We are witnessing historically high levels of participation in market-based campaigns, boycotts, and conscientious shopping. Recent waves of consumer activism recall the frequent boycotts that characterized the history of the early American labor movement. Yet whether consumer power actually furthers the project of economic democracy—that is, social control over economic production—remains controversial. This Article argues that two forms of consumer activism, which I call organized buying and ethical consumption, differ fundamentally in their democratic potential. Organized buying refers to a targeted effort to use consumer power to achieve a discrete goal; ethical consumption refers to the more diffuse preferences of individual consumers for morally favored goods. I illustrate these distinctions through case studies from food politics: the United Farm Workers’ grape boycotts, and the contemporary market for organic food. Only organized buying, I argue, has the potential to subordinate economic power to democratic control. Ethical consumption, on the other hand, aligns with the market fundamentalist view that all political preferences can and should be satisfied through individual purchasing decisions. Although this Article does not deal with doctrinal questions, a more nuanced understanding of the political economy of consumer activism should inform discussions about product labeling, the regulation of secondary labor activity, and free speech protections for consumer behavior. -
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As the largest protest wave in U.S. history continues, Record. the work of local activists is under attack by malicious outsiders who do not want people standing together in defense of Black lives. From President Trump to Report. white nationalist groups, bad actors may try to smear your efforts on social media or with fliers and other Reach Out. material. Here is a quick guide on how to respond if What To Do When Misinformation you find your efforts under attack. Remember the Hits Your Community three Rs: Record, Report, Reach Out. 1 Record • If the content is online, screenshot the content in a way that catches the time, date, and sender if possible. Do not comment, like, or share the content in a direct way–that just spreads it further to people who are connected to you on social media. If you must comment, do so on a posted screenshot, or reach out to people you know who posted it in a direct way via a direct message. • If the content is in a physical document like a flier or poster, take a photo of it that gets all of the document in the frame of the camera shot. 2 Report • Call your local law enforcement ASAP to let them know about the fake information about outside agitators and/or any threats. White nationalists are targeting law enforcement to repeat, spread, and act on misinformation, so it’s important to de-escalate with the truth as soon as possible. Share your screenshots with them. Document your outreach so you can demonstrate to others (like the media) that you informed the authorities. -
Capitol Grounds (Revised 10/6/14)
United States Capitol Police Guidelines for Conducting an Event on United States Capitol Grounds (Revised 10/6/14) The guidelines described below, in accordance with the Traffic Regulations for US Capitol Grounds, are to ensure that events held inside the boundaries of US Capitol Grounds, are conducted in a manner that protects public health and safety yet ensures that the Congressional community can fulfill its legislative responsibility. Demonstration activity is defined as any protest, rally, march, vigil, gathering, assembly or similar conduct engaged in for the purpose of expressing political, social, religious or other similar ideas, views or concerns protected by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. Demonstration activity is allowed in designated areas as indicated on Attachment A: the “United States Capitol Grounds Demonstration Areas Map.” Prohibited Areas: Groups of any size are prohibited from demonstrating in the following areas: 1. Inside of any Congressional Buildings 2. On the steps of the United States Capitol 3. On the steps of any building on Capitol Grounds 4. In any area otherwise closed or restricted for official use 5. In roadways or any area routinely used for vehicular traffic 6. Prohibited areas as identified in the “United States Capitol Grounds Demonstration Areas Map.” The following conditions apply to all activities occurring on U.S. Capitol Grounds and permitted by the U.S. Capitol Police Board, to ensure: 1. The safety and convenience of all people who exercise their First Amendment right to free expression 2. The safety and convenience of all people visiting Congressional Office Buildings as well as the U.S. -
How Brand Activism Affects Consumer Attitude
How Brand Activism Affects Consumer Attitude A study on Swedish consumers’ attitudes towards companies using brand activism, with the Black Lives Matter movement as context Bachelor’s Thesis 15 hp Department of Business Studies Uppsala University Fall Semester of 2020 Date of Submission: 2021-01-14 Diana Araf Emma Lundemo Dahlin Supervisor: León Poblete Abstract Black Lives Matter rörelsen engagerade människor både internationellt och nationellt under våren 2020. Företag var inte sena med att ta ställning och visa deras stöd i frågan, vilket ledde till olika typer av reaktioner bland deras konsumenter. Denna studie ämnar undersöka svenska konsumenters attityd gentemot företag som använder sig av brand activism som svar på sociala rörelser, där Black Lives Matter valts som empiriskt kontext. Studien ämnar också besvara vilka de viktigaste aspekterna bakom konsumenters attityd är. En förstudie har gjorts genom netnografi och empiri har samlats in genom en webbenkät med 260 svenska respondenter. Studiens analys och resultat tyder på att respondenternas generella inställning till brand activism är positiv i de fall då respondenterna anser att den sociala rörelsen som stöttas är viktig. Det finns dock tre dimensioner som påverkar den övergripande attityden, dessa är autentiskt innehåll, attityd gentemot företaget och värdet i handlingar. Inom dessa dimensioner utrönas flertalet teman där företagets historia och storlek, innehållet i själva budskapet samt att det genomsyrar organisationen är de viktigaste. Vidare är även temana utbildande, genuin och handlingskraftig kommunikation inom brand activism viktiga delar att ta med sig från resultatet. Number of pages: 48 Course: International Business and Marketing Department: Department of Business and Economics University: Uppsala University Period: Fall 2020 Mentor: León Poblete Key words: Black Lives Matter, Woke-washing, Brand activism, Social movements, Consumer attitude, Brand attitude 2 Key concepts Social movements: Mobilized groups that take action through petitions, rallies, strikes, marches etc.