EU Referendum: the Beginning, Not the End, of Brexiteers’ Problems
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Formal Minutes of the Committee
House of Commons Welsh Affairs Committee Formal Minutes of the Committee Session 2010-11 2 The Welsh Affairs Committee The Welsh Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Office of the Secretary of State for Wales (including relations with the National Assembly for Wales.) Current membership David T.C. Davies MP (Conservative, Monmouth) (Chair) Stuart Andrew MP (Conservative, Monmouth) Guto Bebb MP (Conservative, Pudsey) Alun Cairns MP (Conservative, Vale of Glamorgan), Geraint Davies MP (Labour, Swansea West) Jonathan Edwards, MP (Plaid Cymru, Carmarthen East and Dinefwr) Mrs Siân C. James MP (Labour, Swansea East) Susan Elan Jones MP (Labour, Clwyd South) Karen Lumley MP (Conservative, Redditch) Jessica Morden MP (Labour, Newport East) Owen Smith MP (Labour, Pontypridd) Mr Mark Williams, MP (Liberal Democrat, Ceredigion) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publications The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/parliamentary_committees/welsh_affairs_committee.cfm Committee staff The current staff of the Committee is Adrian Jenner (Clerk), Anwen Rees (Inquiry Manager), Jenny Nelson (Senior Committee Assistant), Dabinder Rai (Committee Assistant), Mr Tes Stranger (Committee Support Assistant) and Laura Humble (Media Officer). Contacts All correspondence should be addressed to the Clerk of the Welsh Affairs Committee, House of Commons, 7 Millbank, London SW1P 3JA. -
Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom
History in the Making Volume 12 Article 13 January 2019 Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom Edward Reminiskey CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Reminiskey, Edward (2019) "Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom," History in the Making: Vol. 12 , Article 13. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol12/iss1/13 This History in the Making is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. History in the Making Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom By Edward Reminiskey Abstract: In the early hours of June 24th, 2016, the results of a referendum asking the United Kingdom to determine its membership status in the European Union were made official. Decided by a slim majority, the decision was made by the electorate to leave the European Union. To characterize this moment as being uncertain would be an understatement. It stood as a major turning point in twenty-first century politics, and presents an opportunity to explore the recent phenomenon affecting liberal democracy. “Brexit,” as it would be referred to, instigated scholars to ask important questions about the contemporary state of liberal democracy. What happens when a liberal democracy undermines itself? How can scholars characterize the latest trends in liberal democracy? This paper attempts to answer these types of questions by viewing recent developments in the United Kingdom, utilizing the lens of hyperdemocracy theory, and applying it to elections and political media analysis. -
Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013
Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013 Executive Summary Sixteen special advisers have gone on to become Cabinet Ministers. This means that of the 492 special advisers listed in the Constitution Unit database in the period 1979-2010, only 3% entered Cabinet. Seven Conservative party Cabinet members were formerly special advisers. o Four Conservative special advisers went on to become Cabinet Ministers in the 1979-1997 period of Conservative governments. o Three former Conservative special advisers currently sit in the Coalition Cabinet: David Cameron, George Osborne and Jonathan Hill. Eight Labour Cabinet members between 1997-2010 were former special advisers. o Five of the eight former special advisers brought into the Labour Cabinet between 1997-2010 had been special advisers to Tony Blair or Gordon Brown. o Jack Straw entered Cabinet in 1997 having been a special adviser before 1979. One Liberal Democrat Cabinet member, Vince Cable, was previously a special adviser to a Labour minister. The Coalition Cabinet of January 2013 currently has four members who were once special advisers. o Also attending Cabinet meetings is another former special adviser: Oliver Letwin as Minister of State for Policy. There are traditionally 21 or 22 Ministers who sit in Cabinet. Unsurprisingly, the number and proportion of Cabinet Ministers who were previously special advisers generally increases the longer governments go on. The number of Cabinet Ministers who were formerly special advisers was greatest at the end of the Labour administration (1997-2010) when seven of the Cabinet Ministers were former special advisers. The proportion of Cabinet made up of former special advisers was greatest in Gordon Brown’s Cabinet when almost one-third (30.5%) of the Cabinet were former special advisers. -
The Labour Party and the EU
15th September, 2016 The Labour Party and the EU It is verifiable that all of the problems that Britain has faced since 2010 have resulted almost entirely from decisions made by members of the New Labour; on behalf, and/or at the direction of the EU. Left wing Politicians who tried to con the electorate by disingenuously blaming all of our problems on the Conservative Party or the Banks at the time of the General Election. Today the British, that is to say those resident in Britain prior to the opening of the borders to Europe by New Labour (acting as agents for the EU) have become second class citizens in their own country in terms of access to jobs, housing, healthcare, social amenities, equality and quality of life. The problem with housing was never addressed by New Labour politicians, even though they were aware of the fact that there was a rapidly increasing population; which they were actually promoting. The model for this Utopian society that they were engineering, on behalf of the EU, was Multiculturalism, or to put it in context; introduced large scale segregation within existing settled communities. No proper provision was made for school places nor adequate healthcare. In fact, doctors were paid larger salaries in return for fewer working hours and were allowed to opt out of “after hours” provision – these politicians actually reduced capacity at the same time as increasing the population; an act tantamount to criminal mismanagement. These politicians on the Left would also like you to believe that they bear no responsibility for the effects of the financial crisis on Britain which led to a worldwide recession, making it much harder to get out of debt, and that it was all the fault of the banks. -
The EU Referendum and EU Reform
EUROPEAN UNION COMMITTEE The EU referendum and EU reform Evidence Volume Catherine Bearder MEP, Ashley Fox MEP and Glenis Willmott MEP—Oral Evidence (QQ 126-133) ........................................................................................................................................................ 4 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Centre for European Policy Studies and European Policy Centre—Oral Evidence (QQ 134-139) ......................................................................................................................... 19 Elmar Brok MEP and Danuta Hübner MEP—Oral Evidence (QQ 120-125) .............................. 33 CBI, TheCityUK and TUC—Oral Evidence (QQ 53-64) ............................................................... 44 The Centre for Cross Border Studies—Written Evidence (VEU0008) ...................................... 65 Centre for European Policy Studies, Bertelsmann Stiftung and European Policy Centre—Oral Evidence (QQ 133-138) ......................................................................................................................... 80 Convention of Scottish Local Authorities—Written Evidence (VEU0006) ................................ 81 Professor Laura Cram and Professor Andrew Scott—Oral Evidence (QQ 98-105) ............... 89 Alun Davies AM, Suzy Davies AM, Rt Hon Lord Elis-Thomas AM David Melding AM, and William Powell AM—Oral Evidence (QQ 22-27) .......................................................................... 115 Suzy Davies AM, Alun Davies AM, Rt Hon Lord Elis-Thomas -
One Nation: Power, Hope, Community
one nation power hope community power hope community Ed Miliband has set out his vision of One Nation: a country where everyone has a stake, prosperity is fairly shared, and we make a common life together. A group of Labour MPs, elected in 2010 and after, describe what this politics of national renewal means to them. It begins in the everyday life of work, family and local place. It is about the importance of having a sense of belonging and community, and sharing power and responsibility with people. It means reforming the state and the market in order to rebuild the economy, share power hope community prosperity, and end the living standards crisis. And it means doing politics in a different way: bottom up not top down, organising not managing. A new generation is changing Labour to change the country. Edited by Owen Smith and Rachael Reeves Contributors: Shabana Mahmood Rushanara Ali Catherine McKinnell Kate Green Gloria De Piero Lilian Greenwood Steve Reed Tristram Hunt Rachel Reeves Dan Jarvis Owen Smith Edited by Owen Smith and Rachel Reeves 9 781909 831001 1 ONE NATION power hope community Edited by Owen Smith & Rachel Reeves London 2013 3 First published 2013 Collection © the editors 2013 Individual articles © the author The authors have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Design and Patents Act, 1998 to be identified as authors of this work. All rights reserved. Apart from fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. -
Brexit: Initial Reflections
Brexit: initial reflections ANAND MENON AND JOHN-PAUL SALTER* At around four-thirty on the morning of 24 June 2016, the media began to announce that the British people had voted to leave the European Union. As the final results came in, it emerged that the pro-Brexit campaign had garnered 51.9 per cent of the votes cast and prevailed by a margin of 1,269,501 votes. For the first time in its history, a member state had voted to quit the EU. The outcome of the referendum reflected the confluence of several long- term and more contingent factors. In part, it represented the culmination of a longstanding tension in British politics between, on the one hand, London’s relative effectiveness in shaping European integration to match its own prefer- ences and, on the other, political diffidence when it came to trumpeting such success. This paradox, in turn, resulted from longstanding intraparty divisions over Britain’s relationship with the EU, which have hamstrung such attempts as there have been to make a positive case for British EU membership. The media found it more worthwhile to pour a stream of anti-EU invective into the resulting vacuum rather than critically engage with the issue, let alone highlight the benefits of membership. Consequently, public opinion remained lukewarm at best, treated to a diet of more or less combative and Eurosceptic political rhetoric, much of which disguised a far different reality. The result was also a consequence of the referendum campaign itself. The strategy pursued by Prime Minister David Cameron—of adopting a critical stance towards the EU, promising a referendum, and ultimately campaigning for continued membership—failed. -
1 Inevitability and Contingency: the Political Economy of Brexit1 Placing
Inevitability and contingency: the political economy of Brexit1 Placing Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union in historical time raises an immediate analytical problem. What was clearly the result of a number of contingencies, starting with the 2015 general election where we can see how events could readily have turned out otherwise and was a shock to the British government that had not prepared for this outcome might also represent the inevitable end of Britain’s membership of the EU seen from the distant future. This paper seeks to take both temporal perspectives seriously. It aims to provide an explanation of the vote for Brexit that recognises the referendum result as politically contingent and also argue that the political economy of Britain generated by Britain’s position as non-euro member of the EU whilst possessing the offshore financial centre of the euro zone and Britain’s eschewal in 2004 of transition arrangements on freedom of movement for A8 accession states made Brexit an eventual inevitability, saving a prior collapse of the euro zone. Keywords: Brexit, European Union, Cameron, the euro, freedom of movement Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union (EU) presents a temporal paradox. Seen from the distant future, Brexit is likely to appear the inevitable outcome of the long history of Britain’s membership of the EU and its predecessors. Britain joined a partial economic union whose rules had been determined by others, when that union became a currency union it was unwilling to sacrifice monetary sovereignty and opted-out, and when that currency union produced an economic crisis that both required more political union and had spill-over effects for Britain, membership was rendered unsustainable. -
Competing Loyalties: What Influences Mps' Positions on Brexit?
Competing Loyalties: What influences MPs’ positions on Brexit? British political history is full of flashpoints that have put stress and sometimes torn at the seams of political organisation in the country. The undercurrents that led to the United Kingdom’s vote to leave the European Union in the 2016 referendum were decades in the making. During this time the issue of British relations with Europe and the EU has presented real headaches to both the two main political parties and their respective Members of Parliament, who are subject to an extensive array of pressures and influences on their relative stances. The Brexit vote is a real headache for many. How can the business community understand these competing pressures on MPs and the main Parties’ responses to Brexit? Political parties are often, by their very nature, tense alliances of people with broadly aligned views. For them to function effectively it requires the vast majority of its members to pull in the same direction. When clear ideological chasms emerge the effects can be damaging and long-lasting. There are numerous examples in British political history of cross- cutting issues that the existing boundaries of political organisation struggle to respond to. From the ideological battle over free trade and protectionism in the 1840s centred on the Corn Laws, which split the Tory Party, to the decades of debate and turmoil caused by the Irish Question and Home Rule in the late 19th / early 20th century. “Brexit means Brexit” take place at all - and the vast majority had not Prime Minister Theresa May prepared, either on an ideological or simply a practical level, for this outcome and the challenges it would "The British people have made their decision. -
Life After BREXIT: What Are the UK's Options Outside the European
P APER BREXIT01 #CEPBREXIT Life after BREXIT: What are the UK’s options outside the European Union? Swati Dhingra and Thomas Sampson CEP BREXIT ANALYSIS Life after Brexit: What are the UK’s options outside the European Union? It is highly uncertain what the UK’s future would look like outside the European Union (EU), which makes ‘Brexit’ a leap into the unknown. This report reviews the advantages and drawbacks of the most likely options. After Brexit, the EU would continue to be the world’s largest market and the UK’s biggest trading partner. A key question is what would happen to the three million EU citizens living in the UK and the two million UK citizens living in the EU? There are economic benefits from European integration, but obtaining these benefits comes at the political cost of giving up some sovereignty. Inside or outside the EU, this trade-off is inescapable. One option is ‘doing a Norway’ and joining the European Economic Area. This would minimise the trade costs of Brexit, but it would mean paying about 83% as much into the EU budget as the UK currently does. It would also require keeping current EU regulations (without having a seat at the table when the rules are decided). Another option is ‘doing a Switzerland’ and negotiating bilateral deals with the EU. Switzerland still faces regulation without representation and pays about 40% as much as the UK to be part of the single market in goods. But the Swiss have no agreement with the EU on free trade in services, an area where the UK is a major exporter. -
Britain's No-Deal Debacle?
Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad John Ryan STRATEGIC UPDATE OCTOBER 2020 LSE IDEAS is LSE’s foreign policy think tank. Ranked #1 university affiliated think tank in the world in the 2019 Global Go To Think Tank Index. We connect academic knowledge of diplomacy and strategy with the people who use it. CONTENTS Brexit—Endgame of the Reluctant European?— 4 The Phase of Scepticism 1945-2016 No-Deal Brexit Consequences for Ireland 7 The 2020 Irish Republic Election Result 11 Has Recast Ireland’s Political Dynamics A Joe Biden Presidency and Congress May 14 Block US-UK Post-Brexit Trade Deal Conclusion 18 References 20 ‘‘ Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad | John Ryan 3 he UK left the EU on 31 January 2020 after 47 years of membership. If a No-Deal Brexit Tbecomes a reality, it may not only be a sore The historic awakening for Boris Johnson and his government, but ‘‘commitment by the also for the United Kingdom as a whole. In this paper, US government to I will examine UK scepticism over Europe as a long- the peace process established phenomenon as well as the failure over the withdrawal agreement and the problems with the in Northern Ireland poorly executed UK strategy for Brexit negotiations. is a factor, but in I will then look at how a No-Deal Brexit scenario will addition the Irish complicate the economic and political consequences American vote ‘‘ for Ireland, and the associated repercussions for trade matters in US negotiations for the UK with the United States. -
Our Guide to Britain's EU Referendum
JUNE 2016 The Brexit briefs Our guide to Britain’s EU referendum THE BREXIT BRIEFS ON JUNE 23rd Britain will hold a referendum on whether to remain in or leave the European Union. This will be the country’s most important vote in at least half a century. Alas, the debate has often been neither informative nor enlightening. The Economist is not neutral: we are convinced that a decision to leave (a so-called Brexit) would be bad for Britain, Europe and the world. But we also believe in the importance of objective analysis and reasoned argument. Over the past few months we have published a series of factual briefs that examine the main issues around Brexit. To help interested readers, we have now assembled all our Brexit briefs together. Zanny Minton Beddoes, Editor-in-chief CONTENTS 1. March 5th 2016 7. April 16th 2016 13. May 28th 2016 TRUTH AND LIES BUSINESS BUREAUCRACY Voters want clear facts about the Most businesses want to stay in the EU Brexiteers say they will scrap much EU European Union. They are given myths but some are cautious of saying so regulation, but they may not end up instead doing so 8. April 23rd 2016 2. March 12th 2016 THE TERMS OF THE DEAL 14. June 4th 2016 EUROSCEPTICISM Being out of the euro and Schengen HOW TO LEAVE Hostility to the EU in Britain is different gives Britain the best of both worlds Britain’s withdrawal process from the EU from anything found on the continent could be long and painful 9.