Akira Murata: Machiavelli’s La Umana Commedia Political Philosophy No.24

Machiavelli’s La Umana Commedia: key thoughts on understanding his major political works

Akira Murata*

Abstract: This paper clarifies the originality of Machiavelli’s political philosophy, explaining Th e P rince and Discourses on Livy in the context of his comedies Mandragola and Clizia. Tw o comedies are characterized by the optimistic vision of human affairs, i.e., the vision of human comedy (umana commedia). The vision of human comedy expressed in Machiavelli’s comedies is based on two principles: the first is the consideration of motion or change as superior to standstill, and the second involves the idea that new things trump old things – that is, youth triumphs over the aged. The vision incorporates the optimistic belief that, relying on these principles, a happy grand finale can be achieved in this world, solely through human free w ill (libero arbitrio). The p o lit ical philosophy of Machiavelli took on matchless originality by injecting the prospect of human comedy into the gravest subjects of the public sphere.

1. The originality of Machiavelli Adequate comprehension of Machiavelli’s comedies Mandragola and Clizia underlies a proper grasp of the originality behind his political philosophy. Researchers have made efforts to explain the originality of Machiavelli, i.e., his departure from the traditions of classical antiquity and Biblical religion, as observed in The Prince and Discourses on Livy (Berlin, 1979, pp. 33 – 49). However, these efforts have often been thwarted by the fact that Machiavelli regarded himself not only as the founder of “new modes and orders” (modi ed ordini nuovi) but also as an optimal follower o f the tradition of classical antiquity (D., I, proemio [I, pp. 197 – 199]). In fact, Th e

* Akira Murata teaches political science at Aoyama Gakuin Women’s Junior College, having earned a Doctorate of Political Science in 2015. His most important publication to date is The Birth of Comedy; Machiavelli’s Literary Works and His Political Philosophy (Fukosha, 2016). He also collaborated on the Japanese translations of Leo Strauss’s Thoughts on Machiavelli (Keiso Shobo, 2011) and On Tyranny (Gendaishicho Shinsha, 2007). E-mail: [email protected] 19

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Prince and Discourses on Livy as his major political works both contain extremely novel teachings indicating a remarkable secession from the great traditions and traditional teachings, representing a considerably faithful succession from classical antiquity. Accordingly, the procedure of separating the novel elements seen among the various teachings in these two works is crucial. The procedure appears to involve first abstracting certain anthropological insights that appear most clearly in Mandragola and Clizia among Machiavelli’s complete works, followed by a re-examination of The Prince and Discourses on Livy based on these insights. The two comedies are characterized by an extraordinarily optimistic vis ion of human affairs involving the assertion that happiness can eventually be achieved solely from human resources (i.e., without divine grace) in this world (i.e., as opposed to another world). It is, so to speak, a vision of commedia umana (human comedy) rather than commedia divina (divine comedy) (De Sanctis, 1965, pp. 297 – 298). The innovativeness of Machiavelli’s political philosophy is clarified by the fact that the philosophical anthropology behind the foundation of such an optimistic vision permeates the core topics of his two-major political works. The author sets sail for “unknown waters and lands” by introducing a vision of human comedy, which work s such as The Decameron held via pastimes and jokes in the private sphere, into the gravest public sphere. Grasping the originality of Machiavelli appears to involve abstracting the aspects of human comedy (i.e., the extremely optimistic elements) in his major political works. The pessimistic and tragic aspects of his content should be understood as vestiges of traditional speculation1. The optimistic vision of human comedy expressed in Machiavelli’s Mandragola

1 By way of example, seeking to identify the origin of the idea of raison d'etat in modern history from Machiavelli’s works is a tragic process. “It is a tragic process, a continuously repeated combat against insuperable forces of destiny, which we have to present. In and out among all the other bright threads of the historical weft, there twines uninterruptedly (and everywhere immediately recognizable) the red, only too often blood-red, thread of raison d’etat” (Meinecke, 1984, p. 21). It is also a tragic interpretation to regard Machiavelli as “one of the makers of pluralism” (Berlin, 1979, p. 79). “If, as I believe, the ends of men are many, and not all of them are in principle compatible with one another, then the possibility of conflict―and of tragedy―can never wholly be eliminated from human life, either personal or social” (Berlin, 1969, p. 169). 20

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and Clizia is based on two principles. The first involves the concept that motion or change is superior to standstill. The traditional philosophical doctrine, that advocates the imitation of nature imagined as an order of a static condition, consequently preaches obedience to fixed ethical codes, has led individuals, families and cities to death and ruin (morte e rovina) rather than to life (vita). Instead, if it is supposed that nature gains in beauty and nobility rather than in vulgarity through change and variety, and if such a new sort of nature is imitated – that is to say, with constant adaptation to changes in circumstances and self-transformation among individuals, families and cities – it is possible to evade a tragic collapse and engineer a favorable outcome. Comical delight and raucous laughter require not only a complete reform of the idea of nature but also a reversal of traditional ontology, which teaches that a single and immovable item loses value when exposed to variety and changeability. The second principle, which supplements the first, is that new things always trump old things, meaning that young men always defeat old men. Families and cities as well as ind ividuals are subject to biological necessity, which makes their bodies or materials age, guiding them toward an eventual destiny of death and ruin. Accordingly, comical optimism must be guaranteed by the ongoing rise of new things that restore the beginning (principio) of the life process by revolting against old things and overthrowing them. The vision of such human comedy is typically expressed in the plot of a comedy in which an obstinate old man, who is often a lawyer or a judge, is defeated and dethroned by a young man driven by natural desire. The young man often subsequently marries, giving the audience hopes of new life. These two principles (i.e., the motifs of transformation and the old giving way to the new) appear quite frequently in farces from the 13th century and in classical comedies as a whole. However, as Machiavelli himself remarked, comedies intrinsically describe personal lives2. The Prince and Discourses on Livy broke with the great traditions and

2 See the following passage from A Dialogue on Language: “In this category are comedies, for though the aim of comedy (il fine d’una commedia) is to hold up a mirror to domestic life (vita privata), the way it does this, all the same, is with a certain urbanity and with expressions which excite laughter, so that the men who come eagerly to enjoy themselves, taste afterwards the useful lesson (esemplo utile) that lay underneath” [III, p. 271]. 21

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took on matchless origina lity, revealing ethics and political science closely combined with the two principles of human comedy that had been intrinsically enclosed within the madding noise of the private sphere. These works outlined plans to evade the tragedy of death and ruin by making full use of virtue (virtù) and prudence (prudenza) identified with human free will (libero arbitrio) toward the eventual realization of eternal joy (eterna gioia) in this world rather than in another. First, this treatise places Machiavelli in the historical context of popular festive culture, which peaked in the West around 1500. Second, it abstracts elements constituting the radical optimis m of human comedy from Mandragola and Clizia. Third, it represents an attempt to extract the novel and optimistic prospects underlying The Prince and Discourses on Livy based on a reinterpretation thereof. This is a move to research the issue of the origins of modernity, which can also be referred to as “the problem of Machiavelli”3.

2. The prosperity of popular festive culture around 1500 As a writer, Machiavelli was best known for comedy output during his lifetime (see, Martinez, 2010, p. 206). However, previous studies on his political musings have generally neglected his Mandragola and Clizia. The few studies that have discussed these parts of his catalogue have tended to simply focus on biographical details or to point out the reverberations of his major political content, which is also certainly found in his comedies. Such neglect is probably at least partially attributable to the appearance of Machiavelli’s comedic output as a kind of pastime or a way for him to stave off boredom after he tired of contemplating more serious subjects . Afte r having lost his position as secretary of the Florentine Republic (1512), Machiavelli wrote The Prince as a political treatise in order to achieve reappointment (1513). In August 1514 when his reappointment efforts reached a complete deadlock, he confessed in personal correspondence, “I have renounced…thoughts about matters

3 Leo Strauss regarded Machiavelli’s The Prince and Discourses on Livy as “the first wave of modernity” (Strauss, 1989, pp. 84 – 88). He also presented his thoughts on Machiavelli as “my observation and reflections on the problem of Machiavelli” (Strauss, 1958, p.ⅹⅰ). 22

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great and grave” (cose grandi e gravi) [II, p. 329]. Thereafter, he seemed to find brief pleasure in discussions with young nobles with whom he associated in the Rucellai Gardens. However, in Discourses on Livy (1517), he confided the circumstances under which he was “forced” by young men to write discourses on Roman history as a fruit of this association (D., ded. let. [I, p. 195]). It seems possible to infer that, by this time, he had begun to find fatigue and pain in pondering over “matters great and grave” as a psychological result of having failed in the return to public life that he yearned for. The statements in the prologue (prologo) to Machiavelli’s first comedy, Mandragola (1518), which was produced just after the completion of Discourses on Livy, may support this inference. At the beginning of the prologue, he promises “something new” in the comedy that will make the audience laugh, and if it didn’t he would provide refunds. However, from the start he cannot help recalling that he was once engaged in “matters great and grave” and found the highest pride and excitement in such engagement. Certainly, the sprees and quarrels of vulgar private people would not befit this citizen, who spent more than ten years conferring and negotiating with high lords and generals to defend the liberty of his fatherland. However, he says that as he has been “cut off from showing other powers (virtù) with other deeds” (that is to say, reluctantly), he is now a comedic author and has therefore written Mandragola. The latter half of the prologue is almost an apology for this conversion. As Florentine people by this time tended to sneer at whatever they saw and heard, neither strenuous efforts nor devotions in public life were rewarded fairly. Ancient virtue (antica virtù) was completely outdated. This was why he abandoned all deep attachments, completely withdrawing from public life and deciding to laugh at various follies as a master of curse [III, pp. 141 – 143]. These statements, together with his extremely pessimistic recognition of human affairs in The Ass (thought to have been written between 1512 and 1516) and the gloomy outlook on life found in some of his verses and personal correspondence

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from the same period4, seem to lend persuasiveness to interpretations that consider Machiavelli's production of two comedies to be an expression of his despair regarding “matters great and grave”. Such statements seem to support assertions interpreting “Machiavelli’s smile” as “a smile concealing a tear, without touching the heart” (i.e., a mask), and therefore regarding the comedies written by the author of The Prince and Discourses on Liv y as a kind of pastime or a way to stave off boredom (see, Viroli, 2001, p. 143; Ridolfi, 1969, p. 270). His comical laughter could be neglected as a relatively trivial episode that, at least for students of the history o f political thought, may inspire biographical interest at the most. “If at times I laugh or sing, I do so because I have no other way than this to give vent to my bitter tears.”5 Nevertheless, when the historical context of the prosperity associated with the popular culture of raucous laughter in the West around 1500 is considered, the biographical status of the author of The Prince and Discourses on Livy as a prominent comedy writer takes on extraordinary significance. The culture of laughter, which had been subject to unconditional criticis m and suppression in the early medieval period, followed a process of gradual liberation with the rediscovery of the texts of Aristotle from the 12th century onward (see, Curtius, 1954, S. 421 – 423; Verdon, 2001, pp. 17 – 24; Le Goff, 2003, p. 84). Aristotle affirmed laughter as a human peculiarity and approved moderate humor among gentlemen6. The previously approved culture of laughter thereafter began to lose its moderation, and the 14th century witnessed a significant development in farce culture that supported unbridled and raucous laughter (see, Le Goff, 1997, pp. 50 – 51). The nouvelle of Giovanni Boccaccio, Th e Decameron, is described as “the first laughter” (il primo riso) because it most definitely marked the collapse of the doctrinal system that had previously governed

4 In p art ic u lar, Strambotti is regarded as an expression of Machiavelli’s feelings at the time (I [III, p. 18]; Viroli, op. cit., p. 143; Ridolfi, op. cit., p. 269; cf., De Sanctis, op. cit., p. 450). 5 Niccolò Machiavelli to Francesco Vettori, Florence, 16 April 1513 [II, p. 243]. 6 See the following passage from Parts of Animals (673a): “That man alone is affected by tickling is due…to his being the only animal that laughs.” The Complete Works of Aristotle, vol. 1, the revised Oxford translation, edited by Jonathan Barnes, Princeton University Press, 1984, p.1049. See also the Summa Theologica, 1, Qu. 3, art. 4 and 3, Qu. 16, art. 5. 24

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and regulated laughter (see, De Sanctis, op. cit., pp. 265 – 266). After this work, the culture of raucous laughter grew to be remarkably arrogant in the process from Franco Sacchetti’s T h re e Hundred Tales to Luigi Pulci’s Morgante. The intense tendency of unbridled laughter finally gave rise to the ascension of the clown character, which had previously been a bit part, to the position of hero. It was there in Italy around 1500 that this tendency reached a peak. The statue of Pasquino was a symbol of these centuries (see, Burckhardt, 1988, S. 120). Machiavelli’s Mandragola and Clizia should be understood in light of this historical context rather than against the background of his personal biography. The raucous laughter typically expressed in The Decameron is characterized by its remarkable dual nature. Firstly, the laughter of Boccaccio represents ridicule at the hypocrisies of shameless monks and priests and at the conceits of arrogant lawyers and husbands. In other words, this is negative laughter against imbecility and ignorance, which make fools stick to legal, conventional and religious regulations. Secondly, his laughter is a positive expression that affir ms and praises natural desires, i.e., “the laws of nature” (le leggi della natura), and in particular the delights of the sensual love of young men and women. In other words, it is a paean to “the delights of this world” (la beatitudine terrena), which are accomplished via embraces, kisses and sexual intercourse, representing a complete detachment from images of divine grace. By attaching the subtitle “Prince Galeotto” to his nouvelle collection and offering this work itself as an intermediary for sexual love, Boccaccio represents his intent to encourage the second sort of laughter rather than the first (cf., Dante, Inferno, 5). When natural desire goes straight to its object, it necessarily invades social codes as a matter of course, and an enjoyable grand finale must be eventually accomplished. Boccaccio’s dual-natured laughter is typically seen in outlines in which a stubborn and obstinate old man is knocked down by a young man obsessed with intense sexual desire, and especially in stories of illic it love with a happy ending (6, 7). Laughter is at its most raucous if this old man is a lawyer or a judge (2, 10; see, Hauvette, 1914, p. 274). Of course, as seen in the whole of the fourth day of nouvelle, The Decameron includes some rare ones with tragic endings. However, one utterance in this work 25

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declares that these tragic stories are little more than seasoning to prevent fatigue from a range of stories with happy endings and increase the effects of their delights (4 1). Here, the reason why The Decameron is occasionally and suitably, in comparison with the epics of Dante, described as the “human comedy” (commedia umana) arguably becomes clear. Meanwhile, promising “eternal joy” (eterna gioia) in paradise, Dante revealed the vison of the “divine comedy” (commedia divina). Th e Decameron ejected the pessimistic recognition of this life into obscure backyards and explored the optimistic prospects of this life – that is to say, the vision of the “comedy in this world” (terrestre commedia) (see, De Sanctis, op. cit., pp. 297 – 298; Hauvette, op. cit., p. 279). The irresistible tendency of unbridled laughter gradually radicalized after “the first laughter” and reaching its summit in the 16th century can be explained as a penetration by popular festive culture into the domain of literary arts. It is pointed out that behind the solemn church culture that became the basic tone throughout the Middle Ages, popular festival culture as typically seen in town festivals (carnevale, carnasciale) thrived. At festivals held on church holidays or with periodic markets in town squares, clowns put on lively performances as interim deviations from the restrictions imposed by the church. This was a accompanied by feasting and plentiful drinking, masquerade parades, loud chants of indecent poetry, physical exposure, general indecency, abusive language and fighting, which temporarily suspended the hierarchic order. The raucous laughter heard in medieval town squares (i.e. “folk laughter (humor)”) thrived on the other side of the ruling culture, even under church efforts to suppress or manage it. The church tacitly permitted it as long as outbreaks of laughter were strictly confined to festival days and restricted to particular areas. However, laughter in the Renaissance period was liberated unconditionally as popular festive culture burgeoned beyond the limits of time and space and invaded the domain of literary arts (see, Bakhtin, 1984, pp. 72, 97, 136, 465 – 466). It is asserted that the raucous laughter heard at festivals and carnivals reflected a world endlessly repeating production, the origin of which was undoubtedly the image of seasonal changes. Laughter kills and buries the old world at the end of a passing 26

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season and welcomes the new world brought by arrival of the new season. Seeing off aged things through laughter based on sneering, beatings and profanity may be seen as negative, but it can also be seen as positive, celebrating the pleasure of youthful sexual intercourse and reproduction. It is an expression of the dual nature of such laughter that various symbols of the lower body were common at festivals. The sexual organs of men and women express newness in repeated revival, whereas discharged feces and urine express old things that die and go away. A typical theme of farces staged at festivals was that of a mock king, with stories in which a clown enthroned as a king or a high clergy member is laughed at and dethroned with abusive language and blows. The uncrowning of the mock king not only lent an unusual atmosphere to festivals by reversing norms but also expressed a change in the world echoing the cycle of the seasons. A sense of the “earthly, historic immortality of people” – the feeling that death is always pregnant with new life – occupies the core of these symbol systems. The procreative power of people as a whole representing the earth’s unlimited fertility not only wins over all past matters but also overcomes every kind of fear. The absolute optimism of the “folk laughter (humor)”, which incorporates a sense of ultimate victory, conquers both the fear of various upper powers around the world and the fear of death and hell. It is assumed that in the Renaissance, “folk laughter (humor)” along with radical, absolute optimis m arose from the special venues at which festivals were held and flowed into every cultural area, leading to great and unprecedented achievements such as advances in art/science and geographical discovery. The Decameron as human comedy, in spite of its clear contempt for the ignorance of the masses, can be seen as a sophisticated form of popular festive culture, which was growing louder and louder in Machiavelli’s day (see, Bakhtin, op. cit., pp. 81, 90 – 92, 197 – 198, 250). During the reign of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Florence was reportedly often heated with the delights of popular feasts: “…in these peaceful times, he [Lorenzo] kept his fatherland always in festivities…” (IF, VIII, 36 [II, p. 731])7. In 1469 – the year in

7 A similar statement is found in Florentine Histories of Francesco Guicciardini. See, Opere di Francesco Guicciardini, Vol. 1, a cura di Emanuella Lugnani Scarano, Unione Tipografico-editrice 27

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which the reign of Lorenzo began – Niccolò Machiavelli was born as the first son of a lower notary public, Bernardo Machiavelli. As an adult, he confessed, “I was born in poverty and at an early age learned how to scrimp rather than to thrive”8. The records (Ricordi) of Bernardo show that Niccolò started learning grammar, reading and writing at seven years old, arithmetic and bookkeeping at ten, and Latin at twelve. On Bernardo’s bookshelves were numerous books, of course, one of which was the Roman History of Livy. However, because records break off in 1487, the personal history of Niccolò from his late teens to his late twenties is unknown. As Niccolò did not have the chance of regular higher education, he did not learn Greek – a prerequisite of the intellectual elite – at any time in his life (see, Ridolfi, op. cit., p. 7). Without higher education (unlike Bernardo), Niccolò would be registered as a member of the guild (arte) of wine manufacturers and bar managers rather than the guild of lawyers and notaries public when appointed as the secretary of the Florentine Republic (see, De Grazia, 1989, p. 18). Based on personal correspondence from a mature Niccolò, biographers often imagine him as an adolescent singing, dancing, dressing up in costume, making advances toward girls and laughing raucously in bad company in squares and on streets during carnivals, desultorily reading T h e Decameron, Morgante and other minor popular authors while himself capriciously writing similar poetry; a fellow who was by no means wealthy but was cheerful, pleasure-loving, frank and sometimes thoughtless and licentious (see, Ridolfi, op. cit., p. 32; Viroli, op. cit., p. 10; Brion, 1957, pp. 23 – 24). In fact, an image of Niccolò as a medieval town dweller intoxicated with the delights of festivals comes to light from references to popular literary works and quotations from them that were repeated up to his later years, and from six carnival songs of his own [III, pp. 23 – 30 ] who se chronology is unknown (see, Dionisotti, 1993, p. 24)9.

Torinese, 1970, p. 106. 8 Niccolò Machiavelli to Francesco Vettori, Florence, 18 March 1513 [II, p. 237]. 9 For instance, in Mandragola there is a scene in which one character is likened to a Florentine citizen called Calandrino, who appears in The Decameron four times (4, 9 [III, p. 178]). In personal correspondence written in January 1515, Machiavelli quotes a passage from Morgante incorrectly [II, p. 351]. In personal correspondence written in December 1513, he compares himself to a 28

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Based on the biographical information available, researchers believe tha t Machiavelli wrote The Prince and Discourses on Livy in a state of extreme disappointment after his downfall, became tired of unrewarded arguments about the “art of the state” (arte dello stato), and subsequently produced comedies reluctantly or in utter desperation. These facts have somewhat held back earnest studies on Machiavelli’s comedies. However, it is also notable that his grandson, Giuliano de’ Ricci, revealed information that is at least as important as these facts. According to Ricci, in 1504 (when Machiavelli was still Florentine secretary), Machiavelli had already written a comedy in the style of Aristophanes called Le Maschere, which subsequently became scattered and lost (see, Ridolfi, op. cit., p. 542, n. 40; Villari, 1898, p. 353). This testimony may cause scholars to seriously consider the possibility that the author of The Prince and Discourses on Livy was, prior to the writing of his major political works – or even from the beginning – a medieval townsperson. He may have been fundamentally influenced by the cheerful raucous laughter of popular festive culture. His two comedies purely disclosing a vision of human comedy provide sufficient evidence indicating his commitment to this culture. Mandragola is a drama premised on carnivals, and in fact is set during a period of carnivals in Venice in 1522 and 1526. It is known to have been highly popular in the city (see, Ridolfi, op. cit., pp. 349 – 350). The drama of Clizia (1525) is set during a carnival in Florence in 1506. This information seems to justify the hypothesis that Machiavelli constructed political philosophy with matchless originality, as he was the first author to meditate and write on politics as an almost natural-born laugher who fundamentally embraced radical optimism. In other words, an interpretation of the two main political works from the viewpoint of the two comedies – rather than vice versa – appears rational.

3. Mandragola and Clizia as companion volumes Researchers generally seem to agree that Mandragola parodies the legend of Rome that Livy transmits when he narrates the story of the Roman Republic’s

character from Geta e Birria, which was a popular nouvelle around 1500 [II, p. 294]. 29

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foundation. The similarity between the names of Lucretia (a chaste married woman in Roman legend) and Lucrezia (a chaste married woman in Mandragola) is considered to be the most decisive evidence for this (see, Pitkin, 1999, p. 44; Mansfield, 2000, p. 3; Martinez, 2010, p. 214; Matthes, 2004, pp. 253 – 254; cf., De Grazia, op. cit., p. 140). According to Livy (1, 57-60), during the reign of Tarquinius Superbus (who was the seventh king of Rome but had become a tyrant), the king’s son Sextus went to a banquet at the camp of the Roman forces. When the conversation turned to the wives of the officers, the drunken attendees exaggeratedly sang the praises of their own companions. Lucius Collatinus most fervently spoke of his wife Lucretia’s beauty and fidelity. His earnest words aroused the son of the king to hold an intense sensual desire for Lucretia. One night, he stole into her bedroom, threatened his unlucky chaste victim with a knife and raped her as she desperately tried to resist. Crushed with shock, she summoned Collatinus and other relatives to tell them about the dreadful incident and had them swear an oath to exact revenge on the king's family. “It is for you to determine…what is due to him [Sextus]; for my own part, though I acquit myself of the sin, I do not absolve myself from punishment; nor in time to come shall ever an unchaste woman live through the example of Lucretia”10. With this, she pulled out a concealed knife and quickly stabbed herself in the chest, dying as a result. Junius Brutus, who witnessed this tragedy, promptly picked up the knife, which was dripping with fresh blood, held it high and swore to take revenge on the tyrant by overthrowing him and never let anyone be the king of Rome again (D., I, 17 [I, p. 244]). When the overthrow of the Tarquinius family was complete, Collatinus and Brutus were elected as the first consuls of the Roman Republic. Machiavelli mentions this Roman legend three times in Discourses on Livy (D., III, 2 [I, pp. 420-421]; 5 [I, pp. 424-425]; 26 [I, pp. 485-486]). These references are concentrated in the third book, which is thought to have been written the latest just before the production of Mandragola. It is hard to imagine that Machiavelli would have completely forgotten the chaste and strong-minded woman of Rome

10 Livy, History of Rome, Vol. 1, translated by B. O. Foster, Harvard University Press, 1919, p. 203. 30

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when he named the chaste Florentine woman in Mandragola. It should be noted that the chastity of Roman Lucretia had a clear and well-known political connotation in the Renaissance. It was positioned as a symbol of lawfulness, liberty and republican virtue, all of which were in opposition to tyranny. Meanwhile, licentious sexual desire and the practice of rape were seen as symbols of the most obvious invasion of conventional and legal norms, and therefore as symbols of tyranny (see, Mansfield, 2000, p. 3; D., III, 26 [I, p. 485]). After the Roman Republic was established, freedom faced crisis again under the tyranny of Decemvirate leader Appius Claudius, who held a beastly desire for a woman named Virginia and planned to make her his own. The cause of the riot that would restore the freedom of the republic was the tragic decision taken by Virginia’s father to kill her in order to protect her chastity against the greed of Appius (D., I, 40 [I, p. 286]; 44 [I, p. 290]; 57 [I, p. 315]). This created a situation of fighting against tyranny to gain revenge for limitless sexual desire or to determinately prevent rape, while guarding the chastity of women meant defending lawfulness, liberty and civic virtue. When the circumstances surrounding Roman Lucretia are sufficiently understood, the fact that Machiavelli produced Mandragola just after finishing Discourses on Livy creates rather a serious issue. In Mandragola, a young man consumed by intense sensual desire successfully conquers Lucrezia of Florence. This fancy young man, making full use of deception, invades the bedroom of the married chaste woman, whose fidelity is equal to Lucretia of Rome’s. After sexual intercourse with pleasure beyond description, the lady completely abandons faithfulness, her mind and body together become captive of the young man, and the comedy reaches its happy ending when constant unchaste relations between them are promised. Thus, it seems to be possible that Machiavelli, via his comedic output, was making fun of the faithfulness of Lucretia of Rome, and by expressing this through the medium of laughter, was carrying out a plan to subvert or fundamentally reform the widely accepted concepts of freedom, lawfulness and civic virtue. The plot of his comedy would have made students of his thought consider the need to re-examine his republicanis m or his ethics and political science as a whole because, in his role as the author of Discourses on Livy in particular, he 31

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was often regarded as an optimal follower of classical antiquity 11. At the beginning of the comedy is an incident in which Callimaco Guadagno – a rich Florentine staying in Paris in 1504 to avoid the war in Italy – hears about the unsurpassed beauty of a certain young married woman (1,1 [III, pp. 144-145]). One day at his home, some visitors begin a trifling debate over whether Italian or French women are superior in beauty. When a Florentine resident ardently speaks about the beauty and fidelity of a relative, Mrs. Lucrezia Calfucci, Callimaco is captivated by intense sexual desire and decides to finally return to Florence. It should be noted that Lucrezia of Florence is similar to Lucretia of Rome not only in beauty and faithfulness but also in her ability to bring about an extraordinary situation based only on word of mouth about her. In the opening scene of the comedy, Callimaco appears as a lovesick youth in a state of serious depression. The chances of his temptation being quenched seem hopeless, as Lucrezia’s chastity is as firm as that of the strong-minded woman of Rome and she is never left unguarded. It is the lady’s nature itself that blocks him out: “…the nature (natura) of the woman fights against me, because she’s very chaste and a complete stranger to love dealings” [III, p. 145]. As a result, his designs appear unrealizable with an approach involving simple insistence on sensual greed as part of

11 The possibility that Machiavelli’s tendency to amusingly transform ancient tragedy into comical episodes permeated in his major political works increases in consideration of the remarks observed in Discourses on Livy regarding the legend of the Roman Republic’s foundation. Probably intentionally going against the tone of Livy’s Roman history, which compares the story of the Tarquinius family’s destruction to a tragedy (1, 46), Machiavelli submits an interpretation that negates the tragic effect of the episode of Lucretia. He proposes that the affair was a simple accident (accidente) and was not a decisive factor in the establishment of the Roman Republic. As the rule of Tarquinius Superbus had already seen a number of fatal errors, the kingship would have fallen even if the accident had not occurred (D., III, 5 [I, p. 425]). Rather, the approach of Brutus deceived the king and helped his plot to succeed as considered by Machiavelli for the subject matter of this legend. In a chapter titled “That it is a very wise thing to simulate craziness at the right time,” he appreciates the phantasmagoric ability of Brutus, who camouflaged his conspiratorial plan by pretending to be crazy and stupid until the ideal opportunity arrived (D., III, 2 [I, p. 421]). Obviously, the prudence of Brutus, who played a clown, rather than the faithfulness of Lucretia truly deserves praise (see, Pitkin, op. cit., pp. 248 – 249). He consciously rejects the tragic tone from ancient legend, and in doing so seems to suggest that the application of prudence to avoid misfortune and gain victory sometimes closely resembles the performances of clowns in comedies. 32

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the rules of nature, as seen in The Decameron. It is demanded that the nature of the youth – i.e., his sexual desire – somehow brings another type of nature standing in its way under control. However, two important points help to advance the plot of the comedy, or the plot of the youth (see, O’Brien, 2004, p. 184). The first is the eccentric stupidity of the Lucrezia’s aged husband, Nicia Calfucci. The genuineness of his idiocy is half confirmed by the setting of the character as an old man who has studied Boethian law (Buezio legge) for years. The portrait of this old doctor of law, of whom a subspecies is found in The Decameron, is that of a typical fool because it involves a model of obstinate personality with a narrow outlook. Machiavelli emphasizes Nicia’s stupidity via an intentional error in writing “Bue [zio]” (Fool), which should be written “Boezio” (Boethius) 12. The character’s behavior and utterances are made even funnier by his assumption of a strange conceit, which is probably an expression of arrogance by an old man relying on authority (2, 1 [III, p. 151]; 4, 8 [III, p. 177]). It may therefore be said that an old doctor of law is not only a foolish symbol but also an incarnation of the ugliness of old age that refuses to depart and persists in this world; in other words, an eternal target of mockery, beating and uncrowning in a farce staged in the festive space of carnivals. The second point that helps to move along the plot involving the youth is that Mr. and Mrs. Calfucci are not yet endowed with a child, which both of them ardently long for. Some utterances in the drama suggest that this is caused by the old man’s impotence from old age or by birth, in spite of utterances from him asserting unsightly self-confidence about his own energy (2, 2 [III, p. 152]; 4, 7 [III, p. 176). It is the cunning parasite Ligurio who designs a concrete strategy via which Callimaco, taking advantage of the above two points as a secret corridor, outwits the old doctor of law – a symbol of fixed social codes – and invades Lucrezia’s

12 It has been argued that Nicia could be a parody of the Athenian general Nicias, who was defeated because of his piety in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War (7, 50; see, Mansfield, 2000, p. 10; Martinez, 2000, p. 215). 33

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bedroom13. Ligurio devises a plot to introduce Callimaco to Nicia, presenting him as a great doctor who cured the sterility of the French queen using an effective medicine containing the root of the mandragola plant. Mandragola had been seen as a mysterious plant carrying magic power since ancient times, and appeared in various folk legends. Reference to its fertility effects is seen in Genesis (30, 14 – 24). However, a popular legend during the Renaissance period was that when pulled up, the plant gave a terrible scream and anybody who heard it would go mad or die14. The traditional folklore surrounding the mandragola’s connection with both reproduction and death closely suits the image overflowing in the festive space of carnivals – namely, the image of the birth for new things and death for old things. Callimaco, who meets Nicia pretending to be a doctor favored by the French king, guarantees to get Lucrezia pregnant using a liquid medicine containing mandragola root (2, 6 [III, pp. 155 – 158]). Nicia is overjoyed upon hearing this, but becomes very upset when he learns more about the plant’s effects. Callimaco explains that it will completely cure a woman’s sterility, but the next man to have sexual intercourse with her after the treatment will die within eight days due to the plant’s toxicity. In order for Lucrezia to become pregnant and bring the family a child, a man other than Nicia must sacrifice himself by having intercourse with Lucrezia to absorb the toxins. The plan of Callimaco and Ligurio works perfectly, and Nicia, although troubled by the need to be cuckolded for a night, approves the plan. Callimaco and Ligurio perceive that the couple’s infertility is due to the husband rather than to the wife. The magical mandragola medicine to be given to the lady is of course a sham made of “hypocras, that is good to settle the stomach,” and other things (4, 2 [III, p. 171]). The arrangement consented to by Nicia is that after the medicine is given to Lucrezia, they

13 It w ould probably be appropriate to regard this “amusing man” (piacevole uomo) [III, p. 146] as the personality that Machiavelli was most likely to reflect himself among all characters in Mandragola (see, Pitkin, op. cit., pp. 30 – 31). 14 Shakespeare depends on this legend when he mentions the plant. In Romeo and Juliet, Juliet says, “And shrieks like mandrakes torn out of the earth, that living mortals, hearing them, run mad” (4, 3). However, in Othello, Iago seems to depend on another narration; “Not poppy, nor mandragora, nor all the drowsy syrups of the world, shall ever medicine thee to that sweet sleep…” (3, 3). 34

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will kidnap a random male on the street at night, put him in her bed and leave the two undisturbed until the next morning. In truth, the man to be abducted will not be a sacrifice but the illic it lover Callimaco, who will quickly transform himself from a physician to a vagrant wandering around the dark night. However, before the plan can be carried out, one final hurdle – the most difficult one of all – must be overcome. Callimaco, Ligurio and the deceived Nicia must persuade Lucrezia of Florence, who is similar to Lucretia of Rome in her chastity, to take the medicine and have a one-night stand with a vagrant. The ending scenes in the third act of Mandragola are at the center of its five acts, and mark the summit of the plot (see, Mansfield, 2000, p. 20). Lucrezia appears on the stage for the first time at this point, and is advised by various parties to take the medicine and have intercourse with the vagrant. Nicia, Timoteo (a bribed frate (friar) who serves as the lady’s confessor) and her mother Sostrata all try to persuade her. Sostrata is worried that Lucrezia may face a future as a miserable childless widow after the death of the aged Nicia. These advices seem to be driven by the golden rule of Ligurio or Machiavelli himself: “I believe that good is what does good to the largest number, and with which the largest number are pleased” (3, 4 [III, pp. 162 – 163]). The situation presented in Mandragola is certainly one in which the abandonment of faithfulness by one lady brings good to all concerned. Lucrezia’s initial resistance to the advices is strong, but gradually weakens and becomes sporadic. The comedy reaches its peak with the definitive statement she eventually gives: “I consent; but I don’t believe I shall be alive at all tomorrow morning” (3, 11 [III, p. 168]). This statement clearly expresses her most inconvenient choice for the solid achievement of comedy. The choice represents her faithful imitation of Lucretia of Rome; that is to say, the suicide of Lucrezia and the conclusion of the tragedy. If the tragedy of classical antiquity reappears, Callimaco and Ligurio’s plot will ultimately fail, and evil will befall all involved in it. However, this simultaneously represents the glorious victory of ancient virtue, which shines brightly with grand death. However, as one can guess from the unconcerned reactions of the characters to Lucrezia’s decisive statement, she is too pious and faithful to imitate Lucretia. 35

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Tragedy was absolutely impossible in Florence in 1504 because Biblical religion and Augustine’s authority forbade it. In Mandragola, it is this religion that makes the comedy possible. In The City of God, Augustine intensely criticizes the classical tradition of praising Lucretia of Rome’s faithfulness, confirming that God forbids suicide among believers. Notable is the considerably biting nature of the criticism from the Church Father (1, 19). He develops a reasoning premised on an even brutal malice, giving notice that “only she could know.” He considers that she chose her own death, as she also felt sensual desire and agreed to adultery inwardly when she was threatened in the bedroom, and later, she could not endure her guilty conscience and grieved deeply. Augustine, like a comedy author, seemed to be intent on destroying the tragic understanding of the ancient heroine’s fall by making it stunted 15. This argument in the opening sections of The City of God appears via a context in which Augustine discusses the various disasters brought about by the invasion of the northern savage tribes. Misfortunes involving massacres, atrocities and insults all served to convince evil infidels and good believers alike of the trials imposed by God. People of faith must prove their sincere belief by enduring the dispensation of misfortune. However, no matter how severe the trials of God are, misery on the earth is never a tragic end for good believers, as the upcoming Parousia and Judgement will without fail give their souls the supreme reward – the greatest good (summum bonum) with relief and eternal joy in the City of God, which will be completed at last. This is an optimistic vis ion disclosed by Biblical religion. In its historical consciousness, every hardship on earth – even the destruction of the world empire – is only a short act among various intermissions in the hopeful story of pilgrimage, which should eventually reach a happy ending. The criticism of Lucretia of Rome by the Church Father takes on extremely biting tone because no room for a tragic finale must be permitted on the stage of divine comedy; in particular, the establishment of tragic heroism that shakes emotions must be absolutely prevented. A brief alliance

15 Augustine, The City of God, Vol. 1, translated by Demetrius B. Zema and Gerald G. Walsh, Catholic University of America Press, 1952, pp. 49 – 52. 36

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can be concluded between Biblical religion and the human comedy of Machiavelli, although one can never expect perpetuity, because both of them are comedies sharing radical optimism, which avoids ancient tragedy and demands a happy ending. However, human comedy is in alliance with divine comedy as long as the authority of the Church Father is useful for its plan (P., 18 [I, pp. 165 – 167]). The plan is accomplished when human comedy, after having sent Callimaco into the bed of Lucrezia through its alliance with Biblical religion, cancels the alliance immediately and makes the lady abandon the admonition of the Bible and the Church Father via the enormous power of sensual luxury; that is to say, she is made to abandon the virtue of piety as well as the virtue of faithfulness. The canzone sung after the fourth act of Mandragola conveys that the sweet night of the youth and the lady bring both of them to a state of supreme bliss [III, p. 189]. On this night, the youth tells the lady the whole plan and confesses his intense love in her bed. He also suggests that they develop a relationship, taking advantage of the stupidity of Nicia, who will continue trusting that the youth is an excellent doctor. He also promises to make her his wife after Nicia passes away. The lady is truly shocked by the chasm between the passion, kiss and embrace of the youth and those of the old man. She abandons not only bodily purity but also the purity of her soul, and completely accepts the youth: “I take you then for lord, master, guide; you are my father, you are my defender; I want you as my chief good; and what my husband has asked for one night, I intend him to have always. You’ll make yourself his best friend…after that your comings and stayings’ll be as you like, and we can be together at any time without suspicion” (5, 4 [III, pp. 183 – 184]). Thus, the plan is a complete success, and the youth is convinced that he is happier than the saints and more blissful than the blessed in heaven. The key point in Ligurio’s plot, which ridicules the tragedy of classical antiquity and outwits the divine comedy of Biblical religion, is the transformation of nature from faithfulness and piety into another nature (altra natura). Mandragola is a story of metamorphosis. The comedy ends with scenes in which all the characters are gathered in a church to pray for purification the morning after the plan is executed. Images of a dawn of 37

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revival and reproduction – of restored youth – are clearly omnipresent in these scenes. Nicia speaks to Lucrezia, who is full of vitality like “a fighting cock”: “You’re very lively this morning. [To Sostrara] Last evening she acted half dead” (5, 5 [III, p. 185]). In fact, she has now achieved complete reform, “…as though you [Lucrezia] were born a second time.” These scenes undoubtedly reflect an image with which the period of carnivals overflows; that is, a festive image of seasonal change and rebirth. Two years later, Lucrezia would deliver a long-awaited boy. Although this is clearly Callimaco’s child, Nicia in his ignorance delights at its birth and passes away peacefully and contented before long. The truth may never surface, which is probably the most desirable scenario. In comparison with farces from the 13th century and Th e Decameron, the most remarkable part of Mandragola16 is the perfection of its happy ending. In this comedy, all the characters are delighted when a woman secretly abandons her faithfulness. The most decisive factors behind the feasibility of Mandragola’s happy ending, and therefore the theme of the comedy – is the mutation and adaptation of Lucrezia’s nature. The one-sided character and wholesale fixedness of the old doctor of law serve to increase the dramatic effect of Lucrezia’s metamorphosis and Callimaco’s ongoing transformations. Machiavelli, having stated that the aim of comedy (il fine d’una commedia) is to hold up a mirror to domestic life (vita privata), said that one should appreciate “the useful lesson (esemplo utile) that lay underneath [III, p. 271].” Lucrezia of Florence, who had the prudence (prudenza) to let herself metamorphose in line with the changing times, brought about a happy ending that delighted all concerned, whereas Lucretia of Rome, who adhered to a fixed ethical code, found only death and ruin (morte e rovina). The useful lesson taught by Mandragola is that motion or change is superior to standstill. This is the insight that

16 In farces from the 13th century, fools who become the target of sneering are disgraced, abandoned and left discouraged in the face of people’s laughter. In this context, the following statements stand out: “Speaking of his love, he [Callimaco] ends by promising to marry her [Lucrezia]…whenever the Lord decides to dispatch her aging husband [Nicia]. (Boccaccio would have had the two of them plotting to dispatch the husband themselves)” (De Grazia, op. cit., p. 128). 38

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constitutes the first principle of the human comedy, in which happy endings stem solely from human resources without divine grace, and in this world as opposed to another. The fact that Lucrezia of Florence delivered a boy is disclosed in an utterance by a character in Machiavelli's second comedy, Clizia (1525), two years after the plot of Callimaco and Ligurio takes place (2, 3 [III, p. 207]). As the happy ending in the human comedy of Mandragola is confirmed only with supplementation from Clizia, it should be noted that the two comedies are companion pieces intentionally given linear continuity by Machiavelli (see, Martinez, 2000, p. 217). However, whereas Machiavelli's first comedy was wholly his own creation, the second was an approximately faithful adaptation of the Platus comedy Casina, in which an aged Athenian resident desires a beautiful girl called Casina – an orphan brought up in his home but of unknown origin. The old man, in spite of various interferences by his wife, who perceives his intention, plans to have his servant marry Casina and practically make the girl his own. However, the young son of the old man also loves Casina, and, in opposition to his father, also plans to have his servant marry the girl. The youth himself is not able to marry Casina because her origin is unknown and very likely humble. It is an artifice of the wife, not of the youth, that foils the old man’s plan to have sexual intercourse with the beautiful Casina when he is deceived into stealing into the bed of a vulgar servant secretly put there in her place and is mortally embarrassed. It later transpires that Casina is not the daughter of a vulgar resident; the youth happily marries her and the story reaches its happy ending. This outline is followed almost to the letter by Clizia, although the latter is set in Florence in 1506 and the names of the characters differ. In Clizia, it is notable that the wife, who as an advocate of civic order foils her husband’s plan, is called Sofronia. This without doubt symbolizes sophrosyne, or moderation. Unlike Mandragola, Clizia describes a victory for the ethics of civic order and the failure of sexual desire. Accordingly, Machiavelli’s thoughts on human affairs seem to have changed drastically during the seven years separating the two comedies; in the drama, the old man – just like the youth in Mandragola – very energetically tries to overcome 39

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various natural limitations and almost brings fortune under his control (see, Martinez, 1993, p. 133; 2000, p. 218)17. However, Clizia does not share the intention to reprove the unsightly passion of the old man in the ancient comedy Casina. Appropriate consideration of the fact that Clizia is set during a carnival (2, 3 [III, p. 204]; 3, 1 [III, p. 210]) clarifies that the failure of the old man’s project supplements rather than hinders the lesson of Mandragola; that is, the prospect of human comedy. It should be recalled that the raucous laughter of human comedy is affected by a remarkable alliance with the “folk laughter (humor)” observed in the festive space of medieval carnivals. The servant’s terrible insult against the old man as his master certainly represents ridicule, beating and uncrowning of the omnipresent upper power during carnivals (5, 2 [III, p. 234]; Faulkner, 2000, p. 48). The raucous laughter observed within the festive space of carnivals is characterized by its striking dual nature, representing images of seasonal change. It is both negative (abusing and negating old things that die and wither away) and positive (welcoming and affirming new things that are born and grow). The old as a symbol of past things is necessarily a target for assault and disgrace, as this is the condition of new reproduction and seasonal change. Thus, the significance of Clizia’s role in complementing Mandragola – that is, its addition to the vision of human comedy as radical optimis m – is clarified. Mandragola as a human comedy teaches that happy endings are possible if people can transform their nature and adapt to the current of the times. However, the grand finale must be established via a victory of young over aged; that is, the victory of the new over the old. This is the second principle behind the vision of human comedy, i.e., the achievement of happy endings solely from human resources without divine grace in this life as opposed to another.

17 Compared with the first comedy, it is interesting to note that the old man plans to overcome the girl’s natural limitations. Sofronia points out that the girl is not yet ready for marriage: “I fear she has what is ordinary for women (l’ordinario delle donne) [i.e., the menses].” However, the old man makes nothing of this natural limitation: “Let her apply what is extraordinary for men (lo straordinario degli uomini) [i.e., the penis]” (3, 7 [III, p. 219]). The old man also proposes that the game with the youth be determined by drawing lots, and wins. The utterance of the youth in this scene is notable: “O Fortune! Because you’re a woman, you’ve always had the habit of befriending young men; but this time you’ve befriended the old men.” (4, 1 [III, p. 220]). 40

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To fully clarify the intention of Clizia, it is necessary to appreciate the decisive significance behind the fact that the name of the 70-year- old lecherous man Nicomaco, who finally fails to win the beautiful girl, is clearly suggestive of the name Niccolò Machiavelli (see, Martinez, 1993, p. 123; Faulkner, op. cit., p. 40; Ridolfi, op. cit., p. 326). It is known that when he was in his fifties, Machiavelli fell in love with a young songstress called Barbera Salutati. It is said that she occasionally brought him sweet joy but more often filled him with the sorrow of the old age: “…you I do not blame – I blame myself for this: great beauty finds its bliss – I see and I confess – in a much greener age”18. Friends of his who served as the first audience for Clizia are thought to have interpreted the comedy as the suggestion of a love affair concerning Barbera, making it a self-mockery of the aged Machiavelli. Even more interesting is the fact that he gave the beautiful girl, who is a target of desire for both the youth and the old man, the name of Clizia. This is considered to be associated with the Greek word klytos, meaning “famous” or “renowned” (see, Martinez, 1993, p. 125). Accordingly, the outline of the comedy is reminiscent of a condition in which an old man, despite valiant efforts, surrenders to youth and eventually fails to achieve victory and honor. Machiavelli seems to have accomplished the second principle of human comedy by sneering at the failure in love he experienced in his later years, and indeed throughout his life, which was in the end favored neither by victory nor by honor.

4. The originality of The Prince and Discourses on Livy Among Machiavelli's complete works, Mandragola and Clizia express the radical optimis m of human affa irs – a vision of human comedy – in its purest form. This vision is based on two principles: first, the position that motion or change is superior to standstill, and second, the view that new things always overcome old things, meaning that the young always defeats the aged. The origins of such a vision are considered to be found not in “long experience with modern things and a continuous

18 To Barbera (Alla Barbera) [III, p. 17]. 41

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reading of ancient ones” (P., ded. let. [I, p. 117]; D., ded. let. [I, p. 195]) but in the mentality of popular festive culture, which peaked around 1500 and prevailed when Machiavelli was born and raised. The originality of his political philosophy is explained by the fact that the prospects of human comedy permeate the core issues of The Prince and Discourses on Livy. His thoughts acquired unprecedented novelty by smuggling an optimistic vision, which had previously been only a kind of play or comfort in private life, into “matters great and grave,” i.e., politics. Researchers have pointed out that when Machiavelli expresses his idea of virtue (virtù), as opposed to the fortune (fortuna) of The Prince, he excessively emphasizes its characteristic as a good quality of soldiers; that is, he focuses on its role in outstanding military struggle. This indication is certainly very appropriate. He insists that “the only art (arte)” of virtuous (virtuoso) princes exists in war (guerra) and the preparations for it (P., 14 [I, p. 157]). This is why Machiavelli is regarded as “the first advocate of a resolute militarism” (Cassirer, 1946, pp. 161 – 162). However, if T h e Prince had only recommended virtue in such a sense throughout, it would not have accomplished radical reform in ethics because it is obvious that the recommendation and praise of military virtue is, despite being incompatible with the tradition of Biblical religion (D., II, 2 [I, pp. 333 – 335]), a conspicuous element of the tradition of classical antiquity. Rather, it should be noted that virtue in its narrow sense i.e., military ability, when connected with prudence (prudenza) – the idea of virtù e prudenza – forms a concept of virtue in the wider sense of the term (P., 3 [I, p. 124]; 7 [I, p. 134]; 26 [I, p. 189]; see, D., I, 9 [I, p. 223]; II, 1 [I, p. 329]). When all preconceptions are eliminated and the ethics of The Prince are re-examined, prudence or wisdom (sapienza) is more emphasized than virtue in its narrow sense among the two qualities constituting the idea of virtue in its wider sense (P., 3 [I, p. 124]; 6 [I, p. 131]; 9 [I, pp. 145 – 146]; 13 [I, pp. 155 – 156]; 17 [I, pp. 162 – 164]; 19 [I, pp. 169 – 170]; 22 [I, pp. 182 – 183]; 23 [I, pp. 183 – 185]). It is confirmed that in virtue and prudence, virtue in its narrow sense tends to gradually decline in importance and be relegated to a rather peripheral position. Meanwhile, prudence, which gradually increases in importance, seems to eventually become almost 42

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associated with virtue in its wider sense, placing the whole of the human faculty in a fight against fortune. Identification of prudence and virtue in the wider sense is without doubt seen in the well-known first sentence of Chapter 25. Here, surprisingly, the technical term contraposed against “fortune” and “God” (Dio) is not virtue but prudence. The term “prudence” is considered interchangeable with the term “virtue”, and comes to mean human “free will” (libero arbitrio) itself, through which one can evade the tragedy of death and ruin (P., 25 [I, p. 186])19. Chapter 25 of The Prince deals with seemingly incomprehensible examples of numerous princes, both ancient and modern, who flourished but fell although their “nature or qualities” (natura o qualità) remained unchanged. Here, Machiavelli insists that the cause of their downfall was simply and solely the fixity or stubbornness of their nature or qualities. A prince can enjoy prosperity as long as he acutely senses “the winds of fortune (venti della fortuna) and variations in things (variazione delle cose)” and harmonizes his nature, qualities and mode of proceeding with these (P., 18 [I, p. 166]). These ancient and modern princes experienced the tragedy of death and ruin because humans tend to adhere to their inborn nature; it is exceedingly difficult for them to separate from their innate qualities even though the winds of fortune create constant change at a dizzying rate (see, D., III, 8 [I, pp. 447 – 448]; 9 [I, pp. 448 – 450]). However, a prudent prince capable of freely and easily switching aspects of his nature could evade the tragedy of death and ruin in favor of lasting prosperity. The ultimate heart of prudence, which is almost identified with virtue in the wider sense of the term, is the capacity for mutation (mutazione) and adaptation (riscontro)20. The most virtuous prince is not a magnificently built soldier fully clad in

19 See also the opening part of The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca; “…Fortune (la fortuna), wishing to show the world that she – and not Prudence (la prudenza) – makes men great …” [III, p. 277]. 20 See also Tercets on Fortune (Di Fortuna) [III, pp. 35 – 36]; Niccolò Machiavelli to Piero Soderini, Florence, January 1513 (The Letters of Machiavelli, edited and translated by Allan Gilbert, The University of Chicago Press, 1961, pp. 96 – 100); Bartolomeo Vespucci to Niccolò Machiavelli, Padua, 4 June 1504 (Machiavelli and His Friends: Their Personal Correspondence, translated and edited by James B. Atkinson and David Sices, Northern Illinois University Press, 1996, pp. 103 – 104). 43

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steel armor; rather, he is a sage (savio) characterized by prudence, wisdom and science (scienza), but his figure cannot be imagined because he is a master of metamorphosis (see, Ferroni, 1993, p. 83). The concept of virtue as the capacity for mutation and adaptation represents a complete innovation of ethics, as it is accompanied by a complete innovation of the concept of nature. Machiavelli certainly follows the traditional premise by which human arts and techniques are regarded as imitations of nature (D., II, 3 [I, p. 337])21. However, whereas the traditional theory involves consideration of nature as an order of static condition and investigation of universally valid ethics to enable imitation of concepts such as divine order, the innovative ethics of Machiavelli find constant change and immeasurable variety in nature. This results in a complete abandonment of the pursuit of a universally valid model for the static condition. The approach allows bold consideration of the skill behind transformation itself toward excellence, and therefore virtue – an imitation of nature, which is characterized by ceaseless change and inexhaustible variety. It is clear that the novel ethics of The Prince mark its departure from the traditions of classical antiquity and Biblical religion. “…we are imitating nature, which is changeable (vario); whoever imitates nature cannot be censured”22. In The Prince, the idea of prudence can be seen as equivalent to the idea of virtue itself, i.e., human free will, which should be opposed to the malice of fortune when it represents the capacity for transformation and adaptation to environmental change. It is obvious that the suggestion of prudence in such a sense is exactly the same as the teaching of “the useful lesson” disclosed in Mandragola. The first principle behind the radical optimism of human comedy undoubtedly permeates the core issue of Th e Prince. Prudent princes in a state of constant self-transformation must evade the tragedy of death and ruin, instead enjoying “security and well-being (la sicurtà e il

21 See Aristotle’s Physics (194 a; 199 a); Politics (1337 a); Cicero’s On the Nature of the Gods (2, 57); Thomas Aquinas’ On Kingship to the King of Cyprus (12). Machiavelli says in A Dialogue in Language; “…art can never hold aloof entirely from nature” [III, p. 269]. 22 Niccolò Machiavelli to Francesco Vettori, Florence, 31 January 1515 [II, p. 349]. 44

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bene)” just like Lucrezia of Florence (P., 15 [I, p. 160]). Of course, researchers have often insisted that The Prince brought a “revolution” in ethics by identifying “flexible disposition” with virtue (see, Skinner, 1978, p. 138; 1981, p. 44). However, less attention seems to have been paid to the fact that the principle of the superiority of motion or change to standstill spreads among the pivotal doctrines of Discourses on Livy and prescribes a basic scheme for Machiavelli’s theory of the republic. Nonetheless, the first and second principles of human comedy underlie the originality of Discourses on Livy; that is, its project to build “a perpetual republic (una republica perpetua)” (D., III, 22 [I, p. 477]) solely through human free will (see, Arendt, 1963, p. 36). The tradition of classical political science includes an assertion that good political life is possible only inside an old wall; that is, only in a small city closed to the outside23. It was asserted that contact with outsiders embracing different manners and customs would promote decadence among residents and a disposition to idolize money, which would in turn cause internal conflicts. Discourses on Livy also says, “the true political way of life and the true quiet of a city (il vero vivere politico e la vera quiete d’una città)” are feasible only in a closed small-scale city for exactly the reason given in classical discussions (D., I, 6 [I, p. 216]; see, D., I, 1 [I, pp. 200 – 201]; 55 [I, p. 311]; II, 19 [I, pp. 377 – 381]). In consideration of the comparison between the Spartan-type republic, which enjoys peace without invading its own limits (termini), and the Roman-type republic, which is characterized by ongoing expansion/conquest and the construction of a great empire (grande imperio), it is clear that Machiavelli adequately understands the advantages of the former (D., I, 5 – 6 [I, pp. 210 – 217]). With the Spartan type, caution is taken in regard to population growth, citizenship barely expands, contact with outsiders is strictly prohibited, and common people are not militarized. In this way, the risk of internal conflict is

23 For example, see Plato’s Laws (950 a). “In the nature of the case, contact between state and state produces medley of all sorts of characters, because the unfamiliar customs of the visitors rub off on to their hosts – and this, in a healthy society living under sound laws, is an absolute disaster” (Complete Works, edited, with introduction and notes, by John M. Cooper, Hackett, 1997, p. 1599). See also Aristotle’s Politics (1326 a – 1327 a); Cicero’s On the Commonwealth (2, 7). 45

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minimized and the duties of protection and supervision of liberty at the hands of the nobles are protected. Such regimes are oligarchic (D., II, 3 [I, pp. 336 – 337]). However, Discourses on Livy, in its fina l conclusion, abandons the traditional ideal of “the true political way of life and the true quiet of a city” in such a political organization. Even a closed city will be forced to resort to arms and expand in consideration of surrounding circumstances due to the natural law of motion or the vicissitude of everything. Accordingly, the republic, which has neither the means nor the will to transcend limits and practice expansion beforehand in order to adapt itself to environmental change, will “ruin more easily” (rovinare piú tosto) (D., I, 6 [I, p. 216]). The small and moderate city previously regarded as ideal in traditional political science must be criticized for being too vulnerable to the violence of fortune; that is, it is plainly a city of tragedy. Traditional political science has taught the way to death and ruin rather than to life by appreciating the order of a static condition and advising the maintenance of few boundaries (pochi confini). Thus, the only model that every republic must imitate is the example of the expanding and restless Roman Republic. The flourishing Roman Republic promotes population growth, is relatively tolerant of an inflow of outsiders and the inevitable penetration of foreign manners and customs, and ardently recommends large-scale armament of the common people. It entrusts the duties of protection and supervision of liberty to the plebs (tribune) and institutionalizes class conflict in order to cope with the dangers of internal conflict, which necessarily increase. The whole regime is organized to be favorable to common people. The principle underlying such a republic involves regular motion and change; that is, the resolute transcendence of limits, which is in remarkable contrast to the fixity of a political order that rigidly adheres to its few boundaries. First, it transcends the limits of the oligarchic regime by readily expanding its citizenship and promoting the input of a wide range of commoners in government affairs24. This enables the organization of gigantic legions in preparation for the transcendence of

24 This refers to the switch from “closed government” (governo chiuso) to “free government” (governo libero) or from “tight state” (stato stretto) to “large state” (stato largo) in the terminology of the period around 1500. 46

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limits in the second sense: spatial expansion of power beyond old walls. To deal with the massive inflow of foreigners, the transformation of old manners and customs, and the change of the whole social structure, which inevitably occur with territorial expansion, it transcends limits in the third sense (see, D., I, 9 [I, p. 224]). The expanding republic, without hesitation, radically revises the limits marked by its ancient laws or regime systems since the city was established (D., I, 18 [I, p. 247]; III, 9 [I, p. 450]; 11 [I, p. 454]; 49 [I, pp. 524 – 525]). All of these teachings undoubtedly originate from Machiavelli’s extremely optimistic prospect that a republic continuing to evade the tragedy of death and ruin through motion or change can transcend even limits in their fourth and most earnest sense: “the limit of life” (il termine della vita) (D., III, 1 [I, p. 416]). Discourses on Livy contraposes, against the city of tragedy highlighted in traditional teaching, the concept of a city that, via constant metamorphosis, achieves endless security and well-being, making it a kind of city of comedy. It has been observed that “the breaking of boundaries” is the core principle behind all comedy (see, Saxonhouse, 2000, pp. 57 – 58). Machiavelli definitely incorporates the first principle of human comedy into his theory of the republic, reversing traditional political ideals, and reveals an extraordinarily novel political philosophy. Discourses on Livy is a commentary on Livy’s History of Rome. Due to the decisive difference in understanding of Roman history between Machiavelli and Livy, commentary on the practices of the ancient republic serves as a seedbed for a completely novel political philosophy. Machiavelli explicitly criticizes the narrations of Livy – as it were, his sacred book – only twice in Discourses on Livy. O ne occasion is a criticism of “the common opinion” (la commune opinione) (D., I, 58 [I, pp. 315 – 316]), which was asserted not only by Livy but also by Plutarch and many other ancient authors. They asserted that the establishment of the grand empire by the Roman Republic was a dispensation of fortune (D., II, 1 [I, p. 327]). Conversely, Machiavelli asserts that the great success of the Roman Republic was founded primarily on its virtue. Discourses on Livy also concludes that the Romans made great achievements solely due to their prudence (D., II, 19 [I, p. 380]). There is no 47

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doubt that the term “prudence” is used in the sense of human free will in this context, as in Chapter 25 of The Prince. All the well-known practices of the Roman Republic hold completely new meaning when interpreted as the results of prudence rather than of fortune or providence. This interpretation supports the generation of an extremely optimistic faith, unknown in traditional political science, that all cities can attain the same level of security and well-being by applying the prudence of the Romans (D., II, 1 [I, p. 330]; see, Strauss, 1958, p. 116). The first principle of human comedy (the idea that motion or change is superior to standstill) prescribes the basic framework for Machiavelli’s theory of the republic. His radical optimism should also be completed in the design of eternal joy on the earth; that is, the plan of a perpetual republic that should enjoy everlasting security and well-being. However, the attempt to establish the prospect of human comedy through a commentary on ancient documents must face an aporia that is very simple but decisive. It entails the simple fact that the Roman Republic eventually collapsed and the grandest empire in world history experienced the tragedy of death and ruin. Some of the discourses on Livy show the radical optimism of human comedy being unsettled by such an aporia (D., III, 17 [I, p. 468]; D., I, 16 – 18 [I, pp. 240 – 248]). It is impossible for each individual as simple body (corpo semplice) to fight the irreversible biological process of material (materia) aging, which leads to eventual death, even if a person may be, for a short time, happy as a result of change or motion in nature and quality (i.e., in form (forma)). The ideas of Machiavelli inc lude the concept that in a city as mixed body (corpo misto), citizens as material (materia) irreversibly age in terms of their ability, become senile in moral character, and eventually demolish their fatherland, almost regardless of the city’s motion or change in form (forma); that is, changes in franchise, ruling domain and law or regime. The collapse of the Roman Republic would be the limit of life in the quasi-biological process – a limit inevitably reached with the corruption of the citizen corps. The aporia faced by the Discourses on Livy’s project to build an immortal republic is overcome by the second principle of human comedy – the replacement of the old with the new. It should be remembered that in Mandragola and Clizia as a whole, the 48

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vision of human comedy is not completely achieved only by Lucrezia’s transformation and her abandonment of faithfulness. It is impossible for her to evade the irreversible process of aging (material) and eventual death, regardless of how happy the delights of unchaste sexual love make her. The vision of human comedy is accomplished when the birth of a baby as the result of illicit sexual love – the rebirth of a body (material) and therefore the recovery achieved by the beginning (principio) of new life – is announced in Clizia. The image of replacing the old with the new, the extinction of old things and the birth of new things, which must be repeated eternally, relieve radical optimis m. Such a principle invo lving the recovery of a beginning truly in harmony with the image of seasonal change helps the delight and raucous laughter of carnivals penetrate Discourses on Livy. The theme of the third book of Discourses on Livy involves the action that brings the republic, which is under quasi-biological necessity guiding it to senility and death over time, back to the beginning of its lifetime; that is, to a state of “renovation” (rinnovazione). Machiavelli is considered to have latched onto the concept of renovation from the record of the Gauls’ invasion and occupation of Rome in Livy’s text. As early as the 4th century B.C., Rome showed signs of decadence, with citizens neglecting regulations and religious ceremonies. However, the shock of the Gaul invasion that brought Rome to the verge of extinction functioned as a type of purification (purgazione), which took citizens back to the freshness of the beginning and brought “new life and new virtue” (nuova vita e nuova virtú) in Rome (D., III, 1 [I, pp. 416 – 418]; I, 8 [I, p. 220]; II, 29 [I, pp. 404 – 407]; 30 [I, p. 407]). Machiavelli, while approving the need for motion that takes a city back to the beginning, emphasizes the risk of depending on “external shock” (battitura estrinseca), or on “external accident” (accidente estrinseco) such as foreign invasion, to bring about this motion. Reversion to the beginning must be carried out with “internal prudence” (prudenza intrinseca), or human free will. Renovation is a term describing motion that brings purification only via the conscious actions of citizens. Renovation does occur, particularly when extraordinary action by virtuous citizens creates extraordinary shock in the city. Such renovation is based on two methods. The 49

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first involves the strict application of law and the execution of powerful citizens to re-instill the social fear and terror that were omnipresent when the city was established. The second involves setting good examples featuring extremely virtuous citizens who act extraordinarily in order to awaken corrupting citizens. Machiavelli asserts that if such renovation occurs approximately every ten years without interruption, the city will repeatedly revert to the beginning of its lifetime, thereby enabling the operation of a perpetual republic (D., III, 22 [I, p. 477]). It is notable that Machiavelli places his hopes on young men who rise and go into action in order to bring about renovation (D., III, 34 [I, pp. 501 – 502]). The radical optimis m of human comedy is therefore concluded with an overflowing image of the repeated rise of young men; i.e., the vision of the constant recovery of youth and newness seen in the third book of Discourses on Livy. Also in The Prince, Machiavelli scorns old royalties (hereditary monarchs) and almost unconditionally praises “new men” (uomini nuovi), or “the new princes” (i principi nuovi), because youth and newne ss are unconditionally positive values of human comedy. In the third book of Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli seems to regard the stoppage of renovation after the Punic Wars as the cause of the death and ruin of the greatest republic. The text therefore gives the impression that the doctrine of renovation itself results from the study of Roman history. However, Machiavelli meanwhile presents the anthropological insight that it is natural for humans to favor “new things” (cose nuove), “newness” (novità) and “beginnings of things” (principii delle cose) (D., III, 21 [I, p. 474]; I, 33 [I, p. 269]). Thus, the second principle of human comedy may plainly be a reflection of natural human desire. Machiavelli’s roles as the secretary of the Florentine Republic and as a researcher of Roman history pale in comparison to his position as a human delighted with the image of youth and newness brought about by seasonal change; that is, Machiavelli as a commoner laughing at the festive spaces of carnivals may be expressed in the third book of Discourses on Livy.

5. A great tradition subverted In Paradiso, Dante, having arrived at the fifth level of heaven (i.e., the sphere of 50

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Mars) meets his ancestor Cacciaguida, who talks about the good customs of 12th-century Florentine citizens in response to Dante’s questioning. Florentines were still within “the ancient ring of the wall” (la cerchia antica) built in the 9th century and lived a simple and peaceful life. They were modest and knew every measure (misura), and of course shunned lust. The population of the city was only a fifth of what it was in Dante’s time, and even the lowest craftsmen were native Florentines. However, the great mass inflow of foreign people resulting from the expansion of the ruling territory promoted the rise of Florentine decadence. Before long, confusion among people (la confusion de le persone) brought the bad habit of idolizing money, a tendency for vainglory, and ongoing internal conflicts to this previously humble and neat city. Cacciaguida narrates the misfortunes and falls of the noble families and men of justice who became extinct as a result of internal issues. However, he also says it shouldn’t be a surprise when individuals, families and even cities eventually meet their end (termine). “All things that you possess, possess their death, just as you do; but in some things that last long, death can hide from you whose lives are short. And even as the heaven of the moon, revolving, respiteless, conceals and then reveals the shores, so Fortune does with Florence…” (16, 79 – 84)25. Behind Cacciaguida’s tragic understanding of human life on earth, there is certainly an optimistic prospect by which the souls of good believers will eventually be relieved in Paradiso. However, it is more notable that the vision of divine comedy wholly shares an utterly pessimistic understanding of political life with classical antiquity (see, Arendt, op. cit., p. 27; Wolin, 2004, p. 115). The utterances of Cacciaguida definitely express two insights that classical antiquity and Biblical religion share. The first is the insight that noble, peaceful political life is possible only within the confines of old walls (i.e., in a small closed city), and the second is the insight that the eventual ruin of a city cannot be absolutely avoided however well it is ordered. In fact, in Plato’s Laws, an Athenian stranger advises that the city abstain from contact with other countries as much as possible, as the inflow of novel or

25 The Divine Comedy, translated by Allen Mandelbaumn, with an introduction by Eugenio Montale and notes by Peter Armour, Everyman Library, 1995, p. 455. 51

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unfamiliar customs will destroy the composition of the well-ordered city (704A-D; 742A; 949E – 950A; 952E – 953A). These teachings are undoubtedly based on the principal premise that respecting new things and neglecting old things – that is, change or motion itself – are without question bad for favorable political life (797D). However, the Athenian stranger confesses that all of these contemplations are merely a play for old men (685A; 769A). Since humans are little more than God’s playthings (644D; 803C) or puppets (804B), their political life does not deserve the most earnest contemplation. These statements stem from an understanding of the fundamental limits of human prudence or the vulnerability of human efforts, i.e., the recognition that every body politic is fated to be finally extinguished. As seen from the explicit statement in Republic that even the most ideal republic will eventually be ruined (546A), in the last resort, human political life is a piece of tragedy (816D – 817E; see, Wolin, op. cit., p. 62). “We do not hold the common view that a man’s highest good is to survive and simply continue to exist. His highest good is to become as virtuous as possible and to continue to exist in that state as long as life lasts” (707D)26. Since Greek tragedy, the great tradition adequately recognized that refusal of change and respect for old things often led to the fate of death and ruin27. However, the great tradition daringly swallowed the tragic fate because it respected virtue more than life. It may be said that it was such an aristocratic tradition connected with the preference of tragedy (see, Steiner, 1961, p. 241) that Machiavelli’s political philosophy intentionally subverted. In the two explicit criticis ms of Livy, the other is directed not only at Livy but also at “all of the other historians” (tutti gli altr i istorici) who held “the common opinion” (la commune opinione) (D., Ⅰ, 58 [I, pp. 315 – 320]). This opinion holds that the multitude (moltitudine) is thoughtless and unstable, with the servile slave or the

26 Complete Works, p. 1394. 27 Creon told Antigone: “…know that over-stubborn wills are the most apt to fall, and the toughest iron, baked in the fire till it is hard, is most often, you will see, cracked and shattered.” Haemon also told her, “You see how when rivers are swollen in winter those trees that yield to the flood retain their branches, but those that offer resistance perish, trunk and all.” Sophocles, Works, Vol. II, edited and translated by Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Harvard University Press, 1994, pp. 44 – 47; pp. 68 – 69. 52

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arrogant master as its nature. Machiavelli, refuting “the common opinion” of the classical historians, insists that most people excel in the areas of carefulness, stability, judgement, gratitude, and so forth. He also argues that the voice of the people, namely, “a universal opinion” (una opinione universale) is the voice of God. It holds occult power (occulta virtù), allowing truth to be discovered in a sea of untruths and even enabling the future to be foreseen. This is why Machiavelli is described as the first author to have expressed serious objection to “the aristocratic prejudice or the aristocratic premise which informed classical philosophy” in the name of the multitude or of democracy (see, Strauss, 1958, p. 127). “A universal opinion” prefers life, security and well-being, even though they cost all of the ancient virtue (see, Strauss, 1989, p. 87). The multitude prefers frivolous comedies to dignified tragedies. Machiavelli departed from the great tradition and became the founder of modern political philosophy as the first philosopher to elaborate on the order of human things based on such “a universal opinion”. Accordingly, adequate comprehension of Mandragola and Clizia must be secured at the beginning any study of “the problem of Machiavelli”; in other words, an inquiry into the origins of modernity.

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Bibliography In both the documentation and the parenthetical text references, volume numbers and page numbers in square parentheses refer to Niccolò Machiavelli, Op e re, 3 vols., a cura di Corrado Vivanti, Torino, Einaudi-Gallimard, 1997, 1999, 2005. The works are abbreviated in parentheses as follows:

P: Il Principe, 1513 D: Discorsi sopra la prima Deca di Tito Livio, 1517 IF: Istorie Fiorentine, 1525

English translation references are as follows: The Literary Works of Machiavelli: with selections from the private correspondence, edited and translated by J.R. Hale, Oxford University Press, 1961. Chief Works and Others, 3 vols., translated by Allan Gilbert, Duke University Press, 1965. Florentine Histories, translated by Laura F. Banfield and Harvey C. Mansfield, Princeton University Press, 1988. Discourses on Livy, translated by Harvey C. Mansfield and Nathen Tarcov, University of Chicago Press, 1996. The Prince, translated by Harvey C. Mansfield, 2nd edition, University of Chicago Press, 1998.

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Burckhardt, Jacob (1988), Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien: ein Versuch, A. Kröner. Cassirer, Ernst (1946), The Myth of the State, Oxford University Press. Curtius, Ernst R. (1954), Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, Francke. De Grazia, Sebastian (1989), Machiavelli in Hell, Princeton University Press. De Sanctis, Francesco (1965), Storia della letteratura italiana, Sansoni. Dionisotti, Carlo (1993), “Machiavelli, Man of Letters”, in Machiavelli and The Discourse of Literature, edited by Albert Russell and Victoria Kahn, Cornell University Press, pp.17-51. Faulkner, Robert (2000), “Clizia and the Enlightenment of Private Life”, in T h e Comedy and Tragedy of Machiavelli, edited by Vicie B. Sullivan, Yale University Press, pp.30-56. Ferroni, Giulio (1993), ““Transformation” and “Adaptation” in Machiavelli’s Mandragola ”, in Machiavelli and The Discourse of Literature, pp.81-116. Hauvette, Henri (1914), Boccace: étude biographique et littéraire, A. Colin. Le Goff, Jacques (1997), “Laughter in the Middle Age”, in A Cultural History of Humour, From Antiquity to the Present Day, edited by Jan Bremmer and Herman Roodenburg, Polity Press, pp.40-53. ――――――― (2003), Une histoire du corps au Moyen Âge, Éditions Liana Levi. Mansfield, Harvey C. (1979), Machiavelli’s New Modes and Orders, A Study of the Discourses in Livy, The University of Chicago Press. ―――――――――― (2000), “The Cuckold in Machiavelli’s Mandragola ”, in The Comedy and Tragedy of Machiavelli, Essays on The Literary Works, pp.1-29. Martinez, Ronald L. (1993), “Benefit of Absence: Machiavellian Valediction in Clizia”, in Machiavelli and The Discourse of Literature, pp.117-144. ――――――― (2010), “Comedian, tragedian: Machiavelli and traditions of Renaissance theater”, in The Cambridge Companion to Machiavelli, edited by John M. Najemy, Cambridge University Press, pp.206-222. Matthes, Melissa M. (2004), “The Seriously Comedic, or Why Machiavelli’s 55

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Lucrezia Is Not Livy’s Virtuous Roman”, in Feminist Interpretations of Niccolò Machiavelli, edited by Maria J. Falco, The Pennsylvania State University Press, pp.247-266. Meinecke, Friedrich (1984), Machiavellism: the doctrine of raison d'état and its place in modern history, translated by Douglas Scott, Westview Press. O’Brien, Mary (2004), “The Root of the Mandrake, Machiavelli and Manliness”, in Feminist Interpretations of Niccolò Machiavelli, pp.173-195. Pitkin, Hanna Fenichel (1999), Fortune Is a Woman, Gender and Politics in the Thought of Niccolò Machiavelli, with a new afterword, The University of Chicago Press. Ridolfi, Roberto (1969), Vita di Niccolò Machiavelli, Sansoni. Saxonhouse, Arlene W. (2000), “Comedy, Machiavelli’s Letters, and His Imaginary Republics”, in The Comedy and Tragedy of Machiavelli, Essays on The Literary Work s, pp.57-77. Skinner, Quentin (1978), The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2vols., Cambridge University Press. ―――――――― (1981), Machiavelli, Oxford University Press. Steiner, George (1961), The Death of Tragedy, Yale University Press. Strauss, Leo (1958), Thoughts on Machiavelli, The University of Chicago Press. ―――――― (1989), An Introduction to Political Philosophy: Ten Essays, edited with an introduction by Hilail Gildin, Wayne State University Press. Verdon, Jean (2001), Rire au Moyen Age, Perrin. Villari, Pasquale （1898）, The Life and Times of Niccolò Machiavelli, translated by Linda Villari, T. Fisher Unwin. Viroli, Maurizio (2001), Niccolò's Smile : A Biography of Machiavelli, translated by Antony Shugaar, I.B. Tauris. Wolin, Sheldon S. (2004), Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought, expanded edition, Princeton University Press.

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