miMILITANT Weekly Organ of the Communist League of America [Opposition]
Vol. IIINo. 23, Telephone: DRYdockl656 NEW YORK, N^rTSaturdayTJune 14, T r I ceHT^ENT^ B ack to Lenin MANIFESTO TO THE RANK AND FILE AND SEVENTH NATIO NAL CONVENTION OF THE C. P. U. S. A .
The crisis iu the Part;', manifest to and the creation of a huge army ot the un rationalization, wage-slashing, and in gen all but the self-contented/bureaucracy, de employed are having the effect of wiping eral an offensive upon the workers’ stan mands the most serious attention of all out this illusion in the minds of broad dards of living, can only hasten the pro Left Needle Workers Communist workers. It is to aid them to sections of the working class. The sharp cess. U.S. Imperialism can re-create a break through the rigid barriers erected contrast between the previous “ prosperity" bourgeois working class in this country, by the ruling regime in the PaTty for the and the misery ot unemployment which such as England had at the opening of Convention Meets worthless “pre-convention discussion” that and hangs like a Damoclean sword over the century, only by enslaving tihe rest the Left Opposition addresses this appeal has cut Into more than 6 million workers of the world ,the mere endeavor of which The Second National Convention of the to the Party membership. the rest of them, Is jolting the working involves the most violent m ilitary and Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union There is a widening gap between the class out of its bourgeois stupor. A deep revolutionary eruptions. met in New York City last Saturday and Under the pressure of these develop possibilities for the strengthening of the going process of radicalization is begin Sunday, June 7th and 8th. There were over movement in the United States and the ac ning to take place. The process w ill be ments, the American workers are moving four hundred delegates present of whom away from bourgeois Influence and ide complishments that the leadership has to accelerated by the exhaustion of the “ pros 307 hailed from New York. According to ology, and their former passivity. There record. The increase in Party member perity reserves” of the workers. The at official reports 200 shops sent delegates is a growing mood for struggle and m ili ship and influence over the workers cor tempts of American capitalism to issue out from New York City. In other words this tancy. The huge demonstration on March responds less and less to the activity of of its crisis by a re-adjustment ot its in is an indication of the lack of Left wing 6 and even the smaller ones of May Day the Party. There is not a single mass dustry fo r more effective competition oh organization in the thousands ot New York ( Continued on Page 3 ) organization of the workers where the the world market, attempts which spell shops which were not represented. Party has succeeded in consolidating or The two days of the convention were advancing its position in the past year or devoted to combatting the Lovestoneites, two, be it in the Left wing unions, in the without any intelligent discussion of tto conservative A. F. of L. and independ Rally to Weekly actual needs of the uuion. The General dent unions, in the cooperatives, in the Executive Board that was elected was « numerous language fraternal orders, etc, continuation of the Stalinist) factionalism New York Leads the Way! which is undermining the Left wing in etc. In the ranks of the Party itself there is a deadening passivity, an indifference As we go to press, we are Informed that the New York Execntre of tlia fluence in the unions. Not only were one- and a growing dissatisfaction with the Communist League (Opposition) has met In response to our appeal for $2,000 to hundred percent members of the Stalin faction and their pliant supporters elected prevailing Party course, which are pre niisintaln the Weekly M ilitant, and has pledged a sum of $500.00 toward this end. to office but even Party members who at vented from completely paralyzing all ac A Day’s Pay from every member of the Branch was accepted as an immediate action. one time or another had happened to ex tivity only by feverish administrative lash In addition, the Branch members w ill prooeed to canvass sympathizers with special press a word of criticism or were unfor ings and tihe ever harder measures of the lists, and w ill inaugurate hon$e to house collections and other means to assure it tunate enough to harbor an independent! control commission. quota of $300.00 being raised in the given time. New York has set a good example. We look forward with confidence fo* thought were eliminated from the G. E. B. In the upper strata of the Party, new adequate pledges and results throughout the country. in spite of their superior experience. “ leaders” appear every day and old "lead We go to press Just as the convention ers” disappear or are demoted without The M ilitant lias been a fighting guide to tiie Communists and Left wing in concluded and are therefore compelled to the Party or working class knowing any their struggle against the labor bureaucracy of the A. F. of I* and the "labor leaders” hold over for the next issue a thorough and thing about it until they are informed by of the Hiilntan-Beckerman A. C. W. crew. detailed analysis of the course and perspec the official press. The suppression of all The M ilitant has fought for the organization of the masses of unorganized tives of the Industrial Uuion. initiative and the complete dependence of workers into labor unions on a militant industrial basis. all activity upon decrees from above make the Party immobile, and the leadership en For the Unemployed Save Georgia Class deavors to make up for the Party's fa il The Militant has conducted a campaign on behalf of the unemployed millions ure tto meet situations in time by plunging under the slogans of work or compensation, tor social insurance, the six hour day ft unprepared into adventures and con and the five day week, etc., and has merciiesslessly and accurately shown up the W a r Prisoners sequent debacles. thread-bare “ prosperity” of the imperialist) regime of Hoover and Company. One of the most brazen examples of The Party’s immobility and the lead The Militant has maintained a consistent position for revolutionary Com American capitalist class justice is the at ership's adventurism is the more danger munism, for the preservation and defense of the Russian Bolshevik Revolution. I t has with equal vigor combatted the revisionist theories, the opportunism and bureaucracy tempt to send bo the electric chair the six ous because of the broad perspectives for m ilitant workers, H. M. Powers, Gilmer the growth of Communism in this country. that have been nourished by and grown to huge proportions under the directions of the false disciples of Lenin — the Stalins and Bucharins. Brady, Henry Storey, Joseph Carr, Mary Apart! from the historical causes, the Dalton and Anna Burlak. the last three of immediate reasons for the bourgeois, class- For the Opposition whom are members of the Young Commun collaborationist ideology and political back The M ilitant has espoused the cause of the Russian Opposition—the Bolshevik. ist League, at Atlanta, Georgia. The South wardness of the American workers have Leninists led by Trotsky—who, In prison or in exile, maintain the struggle for the ern Bourbons threaten to deprive them of been the relative prosperity it enjoyed in preservation of the proletarian dictatorship and who struggle for the regeneration ot their lives for holding meetings of Negro the past few years and the privileged pos the Party of Lenin on Its October basis. and white unemployed workers and for ition it occupied in comparison with the The Militant fights for the building of a revolutionary Communist Party iu distributing Communist literature! For European and Asiatic working class. The the United States on a Leninist foundation, as against the caricature of one as this they have resurrected from the ar American workers have developed for the developed by the Fosters and Lovestones. chives of 1861 an unused law on Insurrec better part of a decade -under the illusion^ The M ilitant as a WEEKLY publication, has been better able to carry on tion. of a “permanent prosperity”. these historic tasks than in its early days as a semi-monthly paper. The indictment is so astounding that it The Economic Crisis Last week, we spoke of the danger and possibility of a return by the M ilitant seems almost incrodible, But if anyone The collapse of the stock market, the to existence again a3 a semi-monthly. We called upon our readers, mebers and thinks this is just some farcical trickery deep-going decline and crisis in industry. sympathizers to render us financial assistance that we may continue as a Weekly with which the reactionaries of Georgia Militant in the forthcoming period, and to solidify our position. are trying to amuse themselves let them at once drive this dangerous illusion out O u r A ppeal of tihelr head. These legal lynchers are in For Unity of Communist Ranks We need $2,000.00, over and above our regular income of subscriptions,bundle deadly earnest. They want the blood of the payments, etc. to insure our existence as a Weekly publication for the next six months. workers. They hope to terrorize the Negro We raise before the Party convention We believe that we can count upon your support. and white workers, and prevent organiza the question of restoring the Party mem Respond generously for tihe maintenance of the WEEKLY MILITANT. tion for better conditions. They want to bership of the expelled comrades of the Help raise the $2.000.00 Fund for the WEEKLY MILITANT. maintain the South as the stronghold of Opposition on the basis of the foregoing SEND YOUR CONTRIBUTION AT ONCE TO THE MILITANT, 25 Third Ave, feudal reaction while the most modern me statement of aims and views. We also pro New York) N. Y. thods of industrial exploitation are devel pose to the Convention that it take a stand oped. But they live in the past. for the reestablishment of the Unity of the The alarm must be sounded. The work Communist International by calling for the The Militant ers of America must be aroused to the reinstatement of the Russian and Inter 25 Third Avenue terrible fate which await these six workers national Opposition, and for the immediate New York, New York in the prisons of Atlanta, if the blood cessation of those measures which espec Dear ComrAjcs : hounds of the South are permitted to car ia lly undermine the Party and the Prolet Enclosed please find $...... as my contribution to the mainteu- ry through their murderous plans. Re arian Dictatorship and strengthen the en ance of the W 0E K LY M ILITA N T member Sacco and Vanzettl! Remember emies of the working class—the arrests, Mooney and Billings! exile and banishment of the Russian Oppo vaiutbi ...... sition. MILITANT OUTING Members of New York Branch Com — FROM THE PLATFORM OF A nn niüfts ...... THE COMMUNIST OPPOSITION munist League (Opposition) and sympa ADOPTED (CHICAGO) MAY thizers w ill have an outing Sunday, Jun« 20, 1029. n i 'v v ...... S T A T E ...... 15. at Hunter Island. Hikers will meet a Pelham Bay Park Station at 10:30 a. nr ltege 2 T H B MILITANT Saturday, June 14, 1930
Our National Tour Senate Red - Baiting Scab Gunman is Probe Starts Meetings Stir Great Enthusiasm A cquitted PHILADELPHIA— THE MILITANT, Vol. IIIN o. 23, June 14, 1930 Published weekly by the Com munist League of America (Opposition) at 25 Third Avenue, New York, N. Y. Sub- •rlption rate: $2.00 per year; foreign $2.50. Five cents per copy. Bundle rates, 3 cents per copy. Editorial Board; Martin Abern, James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman. Mau ke Spector, Arne Swabeck. Entered as second class mail matter November 28, 1928, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y. under the act of March 3. i»7 The Slogan of the National Assembly in China (China lias been ami w ill continue it.ics through the medium of the universal to be one of the touchstones of Marx B y L D. TROTSKY suffrage. The handful of Communists know ist theory and Leninist strategy in ths yesterday ot the Revolution. But let us one day but possibly several months but even today that universal suffrage is an in Communist International. The Stalin suppose that the bourgeois provisional that would have enriched the political ex- strument of bourgeois rule and thati they regime has brought an incredible amount government had been sufficiently decisive periences of the laboring masses and not can liquidate this rule only through the of confusion into the ranks of the Com to convene. the Constituent Assembly in only would not have retarded the prolet- medium of the proletarian dictatorship. In munists regarding the character, the March or A pril (1917). Was it possible? arian revolution but) would rather have ac- this spirit you can educate beforehand the perspectives and the slogans of the Natmrally it' was. The Cadets were busy celerated it. This in itself would have proletarian vanguard. But) the millions of Chinese revolution. This important with legal trickery to drag out the con- been of greatest significance. If the se- the toiling masses can come to the dictat contribution by Trotsky on the slogan vening ot the Constituent Assembly in the cond revolution would have occurred not orship of the proletariat only on the basis of the Constituent Assembly was w rit hope that the revolutionary wave would in October but let us say in July or Aug- of their own political experience and the ten in reply to some questions of the subside. The Mensheviks and the Social ust the army at the fronti would have been National Assembly would be a progressive Chinese comVades but it is of universal Revolutionaries took their cue from the less exhausted and weakened and the peace step on Phis road. This is why we come concern to all proletarian revolutionar Cadets. If the Mensheviks and the Social with the Hohenzollerns might have been out for this slogan in conjunction with ies. —Editors.) Revolutionaries would have had a little more favorable to us. Even if we should four other slogans of the democratic rev more revolutionary drive in them they could assume that the proletarian revolution olution: the transfer of the land to the It seems to me that our Chinese friends have convened the Constituent Assembly would not come a single day sc oner because peasant poor; the eighti hour work-day; the import too much of metaphysics and .-even in a few weeks. Would We Bolsheviks have of the Constituent Assembly, the school of independence of China; the right of self- some scholasticism into the question of participated in the elections and in the As- revolutionary parliamentarism would not determination of the nationalities included political slogans of democracy. sembly itself? Undoubtedly,for it was we have passed without leaving its trace on in the territory of China. The “ delicacies' begin with the name: who demanded all tlie time the speediest the political level of the masses and this It is understood that we cannoti deny Constituent Assembly or National Assem convening of the Constituent Assembly, would have made our tasks the day after also such a perspective—it is theoretically bly. In Russia until tit\e revolution we used Would the course of the revolution have the October Revolution much easier, admissable—that the Chinese proletariat the slogan of Constituent Assembly, be changed to the disadvantage of the prolet- A Slogan to Mobilize the Masses leading the peasant masses and supporting cause it most clearly emphasized our break ariat by an early convening of the Assem- Is this sort of a variant possible in itiself on the Soviets w ill comé to power with the past. But you write that in Chin bly? Not at all. Perhaps you remember China? It is not excluded. To imagine before the achievement of the National ese it is difficult to formulate this slogan. that the representatives of the Russian pos- and expect that the Communist Assembly in one or another form. But If so, it remains to adopt the slogan of sessing classes and following them also the Party of China can make the Jump from for the immediate period this is at any rate the National Assembly. For the conscious conciliators were postponing all the im- the present conditions of the rule of the improbable, because it presupposes the ex ness of the masses the contents of this portiant questions of the revolution “ until unbridled bourgeois m ilitary cliques, the istence of a powerful and centralized rev slogan w ill depend, firstly, in the implica the Constituent Assembly” , at the same oppression and dismemberment of the olutionary party of the proletariat. But in tion the revolutionary agitation will give time also dragging out the convening of working class, and the extraordinary low its absence what other forces will unite It, and secondly, on the events. You ask: it. This gave the landowners and cap- pbb of the peasant movement to the sei- the revolutionary masses of your gigantic "Is it possible to carry on agitation for a itallsts a possibility to mask to a certain zure of power—this would be to believe in country? In the meantime it Is our mis Constituent Assembly while denying that! extent their property interests in the ag- miracles. In practise this leads to guerilla fortune that there is no strong centralized It can be accomplished?" But why should rarian question, Industrial, etc. If the Con- adventurism, to Which the Comintern now Communist Party in China as yet. It first we decide beforehand that it cannot be ac sfiltuent Assembly would have convened lends its covert support. We must con- has tio be formed. The struggle for dem complished? Of course the masses w ill let us say in A pril 1917 then all the social demn this policy and guard the revolu- ocracy is the precisely necessary condition follow the slogan only if they consider questions would have been raised before tionary workers from it. for that. The slogan of the National As It! feasible. Who w ill accomplish it, and them. The possessing classes would have The political mobilization of the pro- sembly would unite the scattered provin how w ill it be accomplished? Here only been compelled to show their cards, the letariat and following it the peasant masses cial movements and uprisings, give them suppositions are possible. In case of the treacherous role of the conciliators would is the first task that must he solved in con- political unity and create the basis for further weakening of the milit«ry-Kuo- have been apparent, the Bolshevik faction Junction with the present circumstances, welding together the Communist Party as mintang regime and the growth of dis of the Constituent Assembly would have And these are the circumstances of the an all-national leader of the proletariat content among the masses, particularly in acquired the greatest popularity and have military-bourgeois counter revolution, the and the entire toiling mass. the cities, it) is possible that an attempt assisted the Soviets to elect a Bolshevik power of the suppressed masses is in their That is why the slogan of the National will be made by a part of the Kuomingtang majority. Under these circumstances the Con- number. When they awaken they strive to Assembly (on the basis of the universal, together with a "third party” to convene stituenti Assembly would have existed not express their strength of numbers in pol- direct equal and secret ballot) mush be something on the style of a National As raised as forcefully as possible and a sembly. Of course, they w ill as much as ln the International opposition courageous decisive struggle developed possible cut into the rights of the more around it. A month sooner or later the oppressed classes and layers. W ill we sterility of the purely negative position of Communists, go into such a curtailed afid the Comjntern and the official leadership of manipulated National Assembly? If we w ill Pertinent Questions to the Prometeo Group t'be Chinese Communist Party w iii merci not be strong enough to replace it, thati is lessly expose itself| This w ill happen the to take over power, we w ill, of course, go Dear Comrades: Particular tactical disagreements are sooner, the more decisively the Left Com In. Such a stage would in no way weaken A few months ago you addressed to absolutely unavoidable and can be no ob- munist Opposition w ill unfold and develop hs. On the contrary, it would help us me an open letter to which I then replied, stacle for close common work in the frame- its campaign for the slogans of democracy. gather and develop the forces of the pro Now it seems to me the time has come work of an international organization, In this case the inevitable crash of the pol letarian vanguard. Inside the pseudo-as to address an open letter to your group. Wherein do your disagreements with the icy of the Comintern will greatly siren gth- sembly, and particularly on the outside In Paris a preliminary conference ot Left Opposition consist? Are they of a en the Left Opposition and w ill help It of it, we would carry on our agitation for the International Left Opposition was re- principled or of an episodic character? You become the decisive force in the Chinese a new and more democratic assembly. In cently held. This conference is a must reply to this clearly and precisely, proletariat. Base of a revolutionary mass movement we serious step forward because it was made 3.) Your absence from the prelimin- April 2, 1930 would simultaneously build Soviets. It is possible only in consequence of lengthy ary international conference can be inter very possible that in such an event the preparatory work of an ideological charac- preted that there are disagreements of petty-bourgeois parties would convene a ter. Your group, before the eyes of which principle that divide you frof the Left Op- comparatively more democratic National As this work was being developed, did not position. I f this be so a third question The Economic Crisis sembly, as a dam against the Soviets. consider iti possible to participate in this crops up: why don’t you proceed with the conference. This extremely important) fact organization of on International faction of American capitalism has been unablei Would we participate in such a sort of to overcome the serious depressions in ag representation?. Of course we would par of absenteeism prompts me to ask you your own current? After all you cannot the following questions: conceive that revolutionary principles ad- riculture and in the coal, oil, textile, ship ticipate Again, if we would not be strong ping and other industries, nor will it be enough to replace the assembly with a 1. ) Do you assume that) Communism aptable for the whole world are not) applic- can have a national character? This for able to Italy or vice versa. The passive- able to prevent the coming decline in iron higher form of government, that is the and steel and autombile industries. Soviets. But such a possibility reveals example, Is the position ot Urbahns, who, conciliatory attitude towards the Left Op- while repeating the ritualistic formulas of position combined with reluctance to join The rapid increase in brokerage loans, Itself only at the highest point of revol in face of an average trading volume of utionary ascent. But as it is presently, internationalism, created a purely Ger- it and the refusal to participate in the life man sect having no connections in the of the Communist vanguard of other more than five m illion shares a day, pre we have not as yet approached the begin sages the beginning of the end of the “ itnil” ning. whole world and consequently deprived of countries is characteristic of national so- revolut lonary perspective. Therefore do ciallsm or national Communism and has market far more profoundly than the price Even if the Soviets were a fact—which you regard yourselves as a national cur- nothing in common with Marxist Commun- fall of June 1928. The fact that rates for Is not the case in China at present—tjiis rent or part of an International current? ism. stock-market had to be doubled and. In itself would not be cause enough for the 2. ) If in your answer to this question Your reply to these questions is of quadrupled.has caused the more realistic abandonment of the slogan of the National you state that you are fully satisfied with serious consequence not only from the in- of the bourgeois economists to be very Assembly. The majority inr the Soviet« may your isolated national existence then there ternational but first of all from the Ital- cautious in their predictions for the coming he (and at the beginning w ill certainly be) would be no room for any further ques- ian point of view in so far as these two year. in the hands of conciliatory and Centrist tions. But I have no doubt that you con- viewpoints can be in any way set off The fate of American imperialism, we parties and organizations. We w ill be sider yourselves internationalists. In this against one another. The illegal charac- repeat), is now bound up with its depend interested to have these parties exposed in case the second Question looms up: to ter ot the Italian Communist Party makes ence on world economy. Conversely the the open forum of the National Assembly. what particular International current do it difficult to follow up developments. Ne- situation In Europe is directly linked with By this method the majority of the Soviets you belong? There are now three basic vertheless there can be no doubt that with- the development of American national ec w ill be won over to our side sooner, and currents in international Communism: the in the framework of the Italian Communist onomy. The United States w ill seek to much more certainly. When our conquest Centrist, the Right and the Left (Lenin- Party there are besides the official fac- use Europe as a shield to take the blows of of the majority will become a reality, we lst). Besides these there are different kinds tion, your group and the group of Rights its own difficulties. This will in turn create w ill counter-pose the program of the So of ultra-Left offshoots who grppe about be- (Tasca), numerous revolutionary elements such situations in Europe, above ail in viets against the program of the National tween Marxism and anarchism. U ntil now who have not yet openly formulated their Germany, where with proper revolution Assembly, we w ill gather the majority of the we thought that you stood nearest to the positions. Under these circumstances ary leadership, a new wave of proletarian country around the banner of the Soviets, Left Opposition. Your hesitancy we as- you are among the indefinite element*, revolt will be initiated, or the relations be which w ill give us the possibility, in deed cribed to your possible desire to orientate Meanwhile precisely the illegal existence tween England and America w ill come to and not on paper, to replace the National yourselves in to* development of the Left of the Parity demands w ith double force the breaking point. This rapidly mater Assembly, this parliamentary-democratic Opposition. 1*»» becttancy cannot be main- the fu ll principled clarity ot the leading ializing process w ill change the correlation Institution, by Soviets, as the organ of the tained forever. Life is not stagnant el- groups. Your reply w ill help speed up the of forces in the Unified States in favor of revolutionary class dictatorship. ther in Italy or In the rest of the world, ideological crystallization within the Ital- the revolutionary proletariat, by undermin The Constituent Assembly In Bu*sla In order to join the International Left ian proletarian vanguard. ing the base of the American labor s.ristoc- In Russia, the Constituent Assembly there is no need whatever for false “mono- It is needless to say that the Russian tacy. existed only for one day. Why? Because lithism” in the spirit of the Stalinist bur- Opposition; wpuld be happy to learn of your — FROM THE PLATFORM OF K made its appearance too late, when the eaucracy. What is needed. is actual sol- decision to join the International Left, THE COMMUNIST OPPOSITION Soviet) power was already in existence, and idarity on the basic questions of reyplu- With Communist Greetings, ADOPTED (CHICAGO) MAY tame into conflict with it. In this conflict, tionary strategy that has stood the test L. TROTSKY 2«, 1929. lhe Constituent Assembly represented the of the past few years. Prinkipo, A prill 22, 1930 Saturday, June 14, 1930. T H E M ILIT A NT £ ■ 1; I n G e rm a n y door. After the abrupt attack of Schact against Hilferding (December, 1929 )the LOVESTONE’S end of the coalition was only a matter of weeks.... « * * «AMERICANISM» The new bourgeois bloc (Brunlng- The Menace of Fascism Schiele-Treviranus) is by its very nature Nowadays nobody with eyes in his hejftM BERLIN— workers from the social democracy bo the a transitional. regime. With its left foot can mistake the sorry role that LovestoSf Communist Party took place. it support's itself on the parliamentary re and his faction are playing in the Commutfc For several weeks the new government 1st movement. Years ago his opportunist» of the bourgeois bloc, the government! ot Tricked by the social democracy, re gime with its right foot it rests on the open dictatorship. 1 f contrary to ail pre ic ideas could always find shelter undi^i Brnning-Schiele-Treviranus has been In pelled by the Communist Party's politics dictions, the resistance ■ ot' the masses the protecting arm of Stalin's Comintern! office. From the outset, It has placed it of bluff, the bombastic phrasemongering which held sway over the Wedding Con against the regime of the bourgeois bloc today he must shiver in the rain of c r l f self under the sign of menacing dictator feism. To illustrate this I w ill point OU| ship. It sought a parliamentary majority gress of the Party, great masses of class should become too strong, the road to a new coalition would not be barred. The several things which occurred at a yo u tj but it) declared at the same time that if conscious workers sank into apathy and in transition to such a regime as exists in meeting held by the Lovestone group b t this majority were not forthcoming, it difference, bens of thousands have been Thuringia—parliamentary in ite externals the Grand Opera House last) week. would not resign—but would govern with lured over into the camp of the fascists. out parliament. The anger, the discontent and even the and fascist in it's essence—is quite within About fifteen people attended this meet“ the realm of possibilities. What is least ing. The audience was mainly composed o i during the twenty-one months when revolutionary hatred of the social demo cratic party have grown among the masses likely is that the bourgeoisie w ill at the Lovestoneites, a few League members and toe social democracy had power in its present time openly instal a fascist regime, a stool pigeon of the Y. C. L. sent there' hands, it prepared the ground for a strong but ab the same time confidence in the leadership and slogans of the Communist letting the parliamentary mask fail. The to 'report the League members fooli&Q er reaction; the bourgeois bloc took pos legal and semi-legal possibilities are not enough to think they could attepd any. session of the bloc which had been willed Party, in the political correctness of its line in the immediate struggles, has waned. yet exhausted, the class struggle in Ger meeting but their own. The reporter Pi to it by the coalition—to carry out in a many has not yet taken on that form which the evening was W ill Herberg. He gave $ speedier and more brutal fashion that The bourgeoisie is well aware of this compels the bourgeoisie to renounce the change in the outlook of lihe masses. To fa irly accurate representation of the sit which the social democracy has begun; the advantages of parliamentarism. uation in the Party. Any half-way edu throttling of the working class. day the bourgeoisie fears incomparably The traditional character of the present less than in 1928 the development of a cated Communist can see the countless mis i t was evident to every revolutionary regime reflects the profound crisis in which takes and false policies ot the leadership Marxist that the social democratic coalition revolutionary movement against its domin bourgeois democracy finds itself in Ger ation. and the impasse into which they have led could only play the role of preparing the many. The crisis in all the bourgeois the C. I. But when he tried to analyze' way. Nothing could be more false than The Bourgeoisie Dismisses the parties is the expression of the same phen the caa.ses at the bottom of this crisis andj the conception that the official Communist Social Democracy omenon: but the crisis of bourgeois democ to estimate the work and value ot th An Open Letter to the Members of the C. P. S. U. (b) ( Concluded from the Last Issue ) and sterile in the sphere of transitional A French proverb says that one must By L . D TROTSKY demands. It defends the erroneous slo know how to fall bade sometimes in order gan of “ democratic dictatorship”. It com youth the possibility of developing its own and practise of the “ Workers and Pea the better to leap. That is the condition initiative, of judging, of discussing, of com sants” Party (Stalin). bines the scholasticism of Bucharin with in which tihe leadership of the Soviet state, mitting mistakes and correcting them:—in the empiricism of Stalin and gives a the as well as the leadership of the Communist The cowardly, half-way abandonment the absence of such pre-requlsities there of this theory is not enough. It must be oretical elucidation of all the aberrations International finds itself at present. of Centrism. is the danger of a fatal rupture between pitilessly condemned as the worst example Both are driven by their own adven the successive revolutionary generations. of political treachery which has compro It is necessary to construct a program turism to the depths of an impasse. Plac Above all, it is necessary to alter the mised for a long time the proletarian forces worthy of the theory of Marx and the rev ing its “ prestige” above the interests, of olutionary school of Lenin. policy of the Communist International, in of Japan, India, Indonesia, and other * * * the world revolution, the Centrist bureau the East. countries of the East. cracy draws ever more the noose around The organization of peasant guerilla With no less decision must there he a One cannot find a way out of the pre sent contradictions without crises and the neck of the Party. In matters of tac warfare in China while the workers’ move repudiation of the slogan of the “ demo struggles. A favorable change in the rela tics, the flrsti tasl#is the following: to beat ment in the proletarian centres continues cratic dictatorship of the workers and pea tion of forces on a world scale, that is to a retreat by abandoning the positions of to vegetate, is to throw dust in the eyes—it sants” which is only a reactionary cover say some striking success of the revolu adventurism. The retreat is inevitable in is the sure road to the destruction of the for a policy of the Kuomintang kind, that tion would constitute an Important and any ease. It must therefore be carried out Communist Party. is to say, for the hegemony and dictator as soon as possible and in the best pos It is necessary to stop playing with the ship of the bourgeoisie in the national even decisive factor in the domestic affairs sible order. fire of adventurism. The Chinese Com revolution. of the Soviet Union. But it is impossible Put an end to the “ complete" collec munist Party must be armed with the slo The program of the Communist inter to construct a policy on the expectation of some miraculous salvation "in the short tivization replacing it with a careful sel gans of revolutionary democracy to aid it national adopted at the Sixth Congress is est possible interval”. Certainly there w ill ection based on a real freedom of self-de in the mobilization of the great masses iu entirely eclectic. It gives an incorrect be no scarcity of economic and revolu termination. city and country. conception of the world situation. It is tionary crises in the coming period, espec Bring the Kolkhoz (the farm collectives) The weakness of the Hindu proletariat built up on a concoction of internationalism ially in Europe and Asia. But this w ill not Into harmony with real resources. all a time when a profound revolutionary and of national-socialism. It gives a Men be enough to solve the problem. The de Put an end to the policy of merely ad crisis is developing in the heart of an shevik characterization of the colonial rev feats we suffered after the war taught us ministrative abolition of the kulaks. To enormous colonial country is explained by olutions and of the role that) the liberal that without a party powerful and sure bridle the exploiting tendencies of the ku the long reign of the reactionary theory bourgeoisie plays in them. It is impotent lak w ill remain a necessary policy yet for of Itself, in fu ll enjoyment of the confidence many years. The fundamental policy with of the masses, victory is impossible. Well, regard to the kulak holdings must con on this very decisive point, the balance sist in a rigid contractual system of co Barred from Union Activity for «Trotskyism» of the post-Lenin period shows a marked deficit. ercion (i. e., a contract with the govern Editor of the M ilitant: Youngstown workers were honored by the ment organizations obliging the kulak to That' is why it is necessary to he able presence of a combination organizer. He furnish certain products at fixed prices). Your issue of May 17 carried a brief to foresee that the situation internally and was here to build up everything. The internationally heralds a coming period full Put an end to the shock brigade me article from comrade Plarinos, describing the May Day demonstration in this city. Party, the T. U. V. L., the I. L. D. the of prolonged and grave difficulties which thods of collectivization. Re-evaluate the M. W. I. L. and what not. He spoke at w ill have their political repercussion. The question of the tempo of industrialization Brief though his article was, it was ade quate to cause his rejection as a member the Public Square and the thing he suc suppressed questions, the hidden doubts, In the light of experience taking into ac ceeded most in doing was in keeping the the heavy discontent of the masses w ill count the necessity of raising the standard of the Metal Workers Industrial League; the League which ironically claims to be crowd moving. No one would stop to lis come to the surface. The whole question Of living of the masses. ten to him. Such organizers who cannot is to understand whether they w ill ex Frankly raise the question of the qual interested in the organization of the un organized. speak and do not know what they are try plode tumultously .taking the Party by sur ity of production, its importance being as ing to say do much more harm than good. prise or if the latter w ill be able to muster great for the consumer as for the pro Plarinos, who has many years stand ing in the revolutionary movement, did not Barred from Union for Opposition Views sufficient forces in itself at the supreme duce r. moment to become a new Party (or rather Put an end to inflation by establishing participate in the May Day demonstration l ’lie Metal Workers Industrial League is fo r the purpose of seeing its faults. He supposed to be nil organization of metal t cipation in tihe Trotsky discussion the»* " M y L ife " - a n d its c ritic s DeWitt, Browder and Gold would be nothing really lost. The New Leader w ill say it for them—and say li on Trotsky's Autobiography first. The S.V.-SWinht United Front To a revolutionary all activity is a By James P. Cannon Quotations from these reviews, after The fundamental similarity of the thre« form of struggle and every instrument is DeWitt’s, would weigh this article down reviews mentioned has its own meaning fot a weapon. Cooped up in Constantinople ique in literature of this kind. But, even with an unavoidable burden of repetition those who look for the political content In through the amicable cooperation of Sta so, the book remains an autobiography, not The soul of DeWitt is marching on in them. literary polemic's. It is quite possible lin and Kemal Pasha—“ patiently, waiting a history. It does not) merely describe the The words of “ The Chatter Box” leap from that) many w ill fail to see any significants* for what is to follow’’—Trotsky writes his historic events but relates also the part the pages of the New Masses like armed in this united front and ask: "Are peoplt memoirs, and they become a bombshell the author played in them. And this is the men from ambush. not allowed to have the same opinions one* whose explosion résounds throughout the first point of DeWit't’s complaint. Browder, like DeWitti estimates the his in a while?” And to this we can answer world. “ There is so much of Leon Trotsky in toric Party struggle as a contest for per It: is not only allowed; it is unavoidable “My Life" is a literary sensation. The those six hundred pages of print and phrase sonal position and dismisses Trotsky's pre when they approach questions from the “critics” are amazed at the brilliance of that one receives only a hazy outline of the tentions in the same cavalier fashion. same essential standpoint. Its literary execution. The skillful ar Russian episode.” Again: “ I ’m terribly “ The theme of the book is how Trotsky The common ground on the matter at rangement of words, in their conception, is sorry to have allowed so much animus to happened to become subordinated to Len issue of the social democratic philistine an art which belongs exclusively to those creep into a review of a book. Eut Trotsky in ; how he planned to come into his own and the Stalinist Hessians of the pen only who have nothing to say. The legend that has left me so little of impersonal material when Lenin died; and how the “ degen demonstrates how far the official Commun wisdom OT>resses itself through dullness to judge, and so much of himself, that no erate” leadership of the Communist move ist Party has departed front the Marxism has a wide'popularity but that fact does other procedure is possible.” Well, that’s ment entered into a conspiracy to despoil method of analysis—the method whlcl not give it any real value. Why should too bad. But how could it be helped? Trotsky of his inheritance. Around this seeks the underlying social explanation o those who devote themselves to the strug As Trotsky himself remarked: "Nobody rather trite detective story scheme the book historic event and which sees persons— gle for ideas not learn the art of present has yet succeeded in writing an autobiog is built up.” Needless to say the shrewd even the greatest as representatives of so ing them effectively? Trotsky has done raphy without writing about himself.” Browder is not fooled by this dodge about cial forces. this to a superlative degree and has there A big section of the book is devoted to ’’political issues" at the botltom of the We Oppositionists who fight under the by added to his power and stature as a the Party struggle that began with Lenin's contest and like DeWitt refuses to be lured banner of Marxism in the International ar* revolutionary politician. His book, besides fatal illness. The account is a political into a discussion of these extraneous ques often reproached with merely being ad being a literary masterpiece is a mighty analysis which shows that) it was not as tions. “I, Trotsky, had power,” he says, herents of Trotsky in a personal struggle. weapon in the political struggle. This, the Philistines think, simply a struggle of “ This was taken away from me by a conspir But it is precisely the Oppositionists wh< in fact, is its essence. . persons for power. “ The struggle' of the acy of the degenerate leadership of the protest against such an interpretation o: Political Autobiography epigones for power, as 1 shall try to prove, Party headed by Stalin.” And from this the cleavage in the Party. The struggle was not merely a struggle of personalities; follows logically his pontifical admonition: of the Opposition against the reaction ir “ In these pages,” says the author, ‘T It represented a new political chapter—the “ The dictatorship of the proletariat can have continue the struggle to which my whole the Soviet Unioni is no more a mere fight reaction against October, and the prepar- no more dangerous or insidious enemy of persons for power than was the strug life is devoted. Describing, I also charac tion of the Thermidor.” On this thesis than a leader inside its apparatus who terize and evaluate; narrating, 1 also de gle of the Bolsheviks against Kerensky. Trotsky bases his account of the Party thinks in terms of personal power.” In each case the Philistines and reaction fend myself, and more often attack.” And struggle; but it is aJI lost on OeWitt. again: “ This is a boos of polemics. It re Ilrowder Joins tlic Freudians aries saw only the persons fighting tot flects the dynamics of that social life which He sees, or pretends to see, only the For Browder, as for his confrere ot the place, while the Marxists sought to explair is built entirely on- .conrtadlctions.” So, personal side of the struggle and takes New Leader, there is too much Trotsky in the causal social factors and their potenthfc in the introduction, the author sets the Trotsky to task for failing t.o play the Trotsky’s book about, bis life, and the two manifestations. keynote for his work. That he has succeed game like a good sport. The conductor of reviewers meet again in protest against: Trotsky applies this scientific method ed in his design is attested by the hood of “ The Chatter Box” chides the organizer of his ’'underestimation of the working class”. to his entire book about all stages of the comment which the book has called forth— the Revolution and the Red Army: When “ As a matter of fact”—we are quoting Russian revolution up to tho present mo comment which shows that his politco.1 it came to stepping down from your pet Browder now — “ it is almost impossible ment, The failure of DeWitt, Browder and blows have hit their mark. theories, and playing along with your po to find any hint of the existence of the Gold to grasp this issue and meet it con litical comrades on a ‘give and take’ basis working class in this book. 19 exists only demns their interpretations to absolute The positive political qualities of Trot you flopped miserably. Either they would sky’s memoirs have already been evaluated to provide a dark background which throws worthlessness. They miss the point entire, do as you ordered, or they were betraying into higher relief the brilliant exploits of ly and throw no light on the real question! in the M ilitant. Since then a number of the revolution. hostile reviews have appeared in other Trotsky.’’ at issue. coiums. A review of these reviews should “ This business of being as infallible What is left of Trotsky after ihese The worker who seeks an understand enable us to bring out more sharply and as God is so stupid.” withering blast*? Putting an upstart, in ing of these questions must turn from th< clearly the essential character of the auto One might think that DeWilt would his place is what we call it. And it is to critics of Trotsky's book to the book ¡((self biography, since a Ipook, like a man, is stop at this and call it a day. But the be hoped that he w ill stay there when he They w ill find it there. also to be Judged by the enemies it has Trotsky-killer has tasted blood and press gets the following profound diagnosis of made. es on remorselessly. "I, for one wouldn't the whole trouble. Trotnky refers tin swap a regiment of strutting Trotskys for Marx and tries to hinge his case on the World Union Membership As far as Uhe bourgeois writers are one Stalin.” There’s another vote to make Marxian method of social analysis. Brow concerned it suffices to say Tat not one it still more ’’.unanimous”. He must have der declines to follow him into this field, Declines of them, to our knowledge, has failed to thought he was writing a Party thesis. being too smart, as they say in the West, to understand that Trotsky's standpoint is He continues: "Calling all of us names, and play another man's game. Browder ap AMSTERDAM—(FP)—Official statistic« what it has always been . The millions of then spitting so viciously at. Stalin con peals to Freud, and the result is fatal—for show the trade union membership in 76 words that have been written to prove that vinces us beyond further argument that Marx as well as for Trotsky. Trotsky has countries as of Dec. 31, 1927 and J928, as he has become a renegade to the revolu your present fall from grace is the direct a "complex” says the reviewer—Erowder, respectively 46,187,060, and 44,180,525. This tion and an ally of the bourgeoisie have result)' of the poetic judgement... wherein not DeWitt’. Lenin once gave him a pair great loss in one year is due to the collapses all been wasted as far as thebe same great pride cometh before a fall.” of shoes which hurt his feet so badly that of the huge figures reported from Asia at bourgeoisie are concerned. For them, now, Trotsky might receive a grace if he he recalls the incident in the book after the height of the Chinese revolution. For as before, Trotsky is the symbol and rep would be a bit) ’umble under his adversities, many years. And what does that prove? 1927 Asia reported 3,697,000 trade unionists, resentative of the October revolution, and, but his stubborn pride shuts out. even that. It proves everything. Says Browder: "Let while in 1928 it: reported only 724,194. insofar as they depart from the purely And he doesn't understand the workers each amateur Freudian give his own an Chiang Kai-Shek had crushed in blood the literary side of his book and express op either! "There is an aristocracy about alysis of this interesting paragraph. Our Chinese trade union movement which inions on the Party struggle, their 'sym your carriage,” says DeWitt, “throughout own analysis is that Trotsky’s ruling idea, sprung up at the triumph of the revolu pathies” are invariably given to the “ prac the adventure which belies your oft-quoted from the time he met Lenin, was connected tion in 1927. tical” Stalin as against the “ visionary ” love for the proletariat. There is so little in one way or another with occupying Len Europe reports at the end of 1927 a Trotsky. This simple fact speaks volumes. about the workers in your narrative. All in's shoes.” What) mud could be clearer? total of 33,936,784 trade unionists, while a The Social Democrats you are taken up with is your theoretical Mike “Arrives” ye r later its total had risen to 35,392,081. America confessed that while its 1927 to if we turn to the social democratic paragraphing in this radical journal and After all this it might be well to let tal was 7,416, 491, its 1928 total was only press we meet the same phenomenon. that.” And so on and so forth. We mustl the matter rest. But the review of Mike 6,947,296. Australia rose from 99,652 to “ Trotskyism” has more than once been leave DeWitt here while we try to catch up Gold remains, and who can ignore him? 1,018,29 Africa fell from 144,33 io 90,- labelled a “ social democratic deviation” in with his line of argument in other columns. Mike has "arrived”, so to speak, and suc 497. solemn official documents of the Comintern. The Stalinists cess has made him bold. He thinks he can - Trade unionism in the United States But with a strange perversity these people get) away with anything—even plagiarism. The Stalinists had to take notice of showed an increase, but in Mexico and also fail to catch the point. The New There has to be some honor, among writers the book in question in order to bury once other Latin-American countries a loss waa Leader’s review of “ My Life” is no less as well as among thieves, and DeWitt has again the doctrine that has died so many registered. European countries making hostile than those of the Stalin press, and deaths at their hands. And they have done a just ground to complain at the way Gold —what is especially noteworthy—its bitter gains in that year — 1928 — were Austria, the job this time wibh characteristic b ril has stolen his stuff on Trotsky and has Bulgaria, Czechoslovokia, Denmark, Fin criticisms reveal such an identity of con liance choosing for the medium, the New passed it off as his own. tent with the Stalinist) reviews that one land, Italy, Latvia Luxemburg, Memel, Nor Masses. An example: “One point that struck way Russia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, could hardly distinguish between them if me in Trotsky’s autobiography. What Luci- Why the New Masses of all places and and Yugoslavia. . Notable losses occurred they were printed side by side in the same fernian pride in every lin e !.. .Trotsky is all things? The explanation is simple. in Greece, Great Britain, Lithuania, Po journal, with the names of the authors too convinced that he is a great m an... Up till now the New Masses confined it land and Portugual and less losses, in Bel omitted. But there are no supermen. All men are self in the war against “ Trotskyism" to the gium, Esthonia, Hungary, Ireland, France Let us first consider the review in the fallible,” etc. That’s clever, but DeWitti modest role of keeping quiet, suppressing and Rumania. New Leader for May 10th by S. A. DeWitt. all material on the question and refusing said it first. Why not give him credit? The reviewer Is somewhat of a “ literary” paid advertisements for our publications. Another example: "Trotsky writes of man himself and the conductor of ‘‘The This course was predicated on the theory the revolution as a chess player might, or Chatter Box”. One might think that Trot that it was a “ political” matter; and the a general.” And—believe it or not)—“ He "M Y LIFE" sky has suffered enough of misfortune and New Masses is a hot-house for the cultiv has no feeling for the pathos, the poetry A ll readers Oi the Militant, and their tribulation. But no, another cruel disap ation of that flower of the ages: the pro and human beauty of the proletarian friends, who desire to get their copy of pointment awaits him: "comrade” DeWitt letarian w riter who has nothing to say masses.” This is more literary larceny of Leon Troteky, "My Life”, should make it disapproves of Trotsky and his book, too. against which DeWitt may rightly protest). about politics. a point to order the book directly through' He says so straight out with all the heavy These quotations are the core of Gold’s But “My Life”, it seems, is a "literary” the Militant. Shipment w ill be made the solemnity of a man who knows the weighti product, and that makes it duck soup for review, and they are lifted bodily, almost day the order is received, and the cost of and import of his words. the New Masses, which, as everybody literally, from “ The Chatter Box’’. This the book, five dollars, ($5.00), covers the Trotsky’s autobiography is a masterful knows, is literary at all costs. Conse thing can’t go on. For the good of the exposition of the historic process in which quently we have in the June number not profession, literary ethics must be observed postage charge. Send your order, together individuals are playing their parts. His one review but two, and both of them from and swiping the other fellow’s stuff must with money order or cash to own activities are related and subordin eminent literati—Earl Browder and Mike must be cut out. Even if such a ruling would THE MILITANT ated to it with an objectivity that is un- Gold. debar the New Masses from further parti 25 Third Avenue, New York, N. Y. T HE YOUNG VANGUAR D The Misery of India's Communist Youth and the L e ft Opposition B IG G E R A N D Youthful Toilers Of the organizations in the Communist Youth membership into its ranks. The BETTER WARS International, none have suffered and con young workers of Austria remain under so It would be ridiculous to expect from tinue to suffer such mangling as the Young cial democratic influence while the Com Thursday, May 24, a Rochester aud the British (and their junior partners, the Communist International. With a splen munist influence is almost nil. The Amer ience seated themselves in a vaudeville native) ruling classes that have made of did background—the struggle of the Youth ican League continues to remain at a stab house to be treated to an unexpected view India a huge welter of poverty, pestilence, against the war in unison and under the le membership of between 1,000 and 1,500 of the latest scientific marvel, television— political guidance of the Bolsheviks, the superstition and ignorance anything but members. Here the fruits of the Love- the combination of radio and vision. Russian Revolution, and the splendid lead the most callous treatment of the young stone leadership and the present incom One mile away, in the laboratories ot ership of comrades Lenin and Trotsky dur toilers in field and factory. But even we, petent, pretentious and impotent leader the General Electric Company, artists sang ing the early days of the organization of none too pampered by Hooverian proper ship of Steuben, Green and Harvey have and spoke, a director led the orchestra the Communist International—the Y. C. I. t y were deeply shocked to read of the ter made matters only worse. (Of the Amer which was in the theatre, ail clearly visible was destined to enjoy a healthy growth rible conditions the young workers and ican League more w ill be said in other a r on the screen. and activity. peasants are forced to live and work under. ticles.) And so on ad infinitum. The next morning every thinking per Education and participation in mass The invention of the spurious“ third son was deeply thrilled as he read the Speaking generally, an idea can be activity—these were the watchwords of the period” theory and the rise of adventurism account. This feeling, however, turned into gained by noting the fact that infant mor Youth Leagues. Progress was inevitable. in political policy has only made matters one of abhorrence when he or she read the ality reaches the rate of 206 per thousand The Leagues everywhere enjoyed consider worse. It has added greatly to the already statement of the developer of the television, all over the peninsula as compared with able growth. They embodied a revolu achieved sectarianism and isolation. The Mr. W. E. Alexandersson. 91 In the United Kingdom. In the textile tionary enthusiasm and energy that gave present policies of the Y. C. I. and its Mr. Alexandersson spoke of the latest city of Bombay this reaches the sickening rise to splendid activity. The education Leagues only promise to perfect this con discovery as being “ inspiring” . Of the total of 667 on the average and S28 in the in Communism and tihe participation in the dition. uses to which this new invention could, workers centers. Behind these figures can class struggles prepared hundreds and thou be put, he said: be glimpsed the terrible poverty, poor This situation in the Youth movement sands of young revolutionaries for future is but a reflection of the situation in the “ Or what' w ill this mean in the future housing and poor food that grips the na leadership in the ranks of the Party. Communist International. The past seven when a staff officer can see the enemy tion, the five acres of land that compromise This ascent however, in the ranks of through the television eyes of his scouting the average holding, causing the terrible years history of the Comintern is mirrored the Young Communist International was in the Leagues, though at times even more plane or when they can send a bombing holocausts that sweep the country in the halted abruptly. In preparation of the plane without a man on board which can shape of epidemics and pestilences. grotesque and more accentuated. The so struggle against the Russian Opposition lution of the present crisis in the Inter see the target and be steered by radio up to The margin between bare existence under the leadership of comrades Trotsky, the moment) it hits?” and non-existence is so slight that the national Youth movement can come about Rakovsky, etc., the Stalinist bureaucracy only through a solution of the problems You question, Mr. Alexandersson, what child, when barely able to balance itself aimed heavy fire against the Youth Inter it means. Let us tell you: must go into the field to work. School is facing the Communist International. The national. The Youth International was struggle of the Opposition against the pre It means that the next war (in the out of the question even it such facilities m?}le a mere appendage to the Right- offing in spite of, or more truthfully, be were present). The British Empire, that sent revisionism, adventurism and oppor Center bloc. Made to think that the youth tunism alone w ill solve this crisis. A re cause of, your master class's “ peace” and carrier of enlightenment, does not deem it alone were the leaders in the struggle for “ disarmament)” conferences) w ill make of necessary to spend more than 11 pence per surgence and reeducation is necessary— correct political lines in the ranks of the on the basis of a correct political program. the last war child’s play; that where young head in India for education (local, district, revolutionary movement, the theory of workers and farmers were killed singly now That program is the platform of the Op national and from the empire) as against they w ill be slaughtered by the droves for “vanguardism” once again made its way position. Participation in the ranks of the the two pounds spent in the British Isles in the Youth International. From this the the bosses’ greater profits. It means that which has none too a high a standard. Opposition and common struggle together ory grew a negative attitude toward the with the Party comrades is an imperative all your vaunting of scientific progress is a terrible taunt; it means that capitalism When Prince Albert Victor (the royal education of the Youth and their partic task of the Youth. The bureaucratic Stal is rapidly approaching its doom—either gentleman on the tins of tobacco) who was ipation in mass activity. In place of a inist leadership cannot bring about a rev- barbarism or Communism:either capital the grandson of Queen Victoria vldtited training for the future, the international italiizing of the International Youth move ism w ill scientifically poison, gas, drown, Poona in 1882, the following doggerel leagues entered a stage of heated particip ment. That task belongs to the Opposition. greeted him: ation in “high politics” and into an un tear and otherwise efficiently k ill the toilers In the solution of the present crisis in the and drag society back into the abyss of "Tell grandma we are a happy nation, precedented period of factionalism. There Communist movement the Youth w ill play barbarism or the proletariat! will fleze But 19 crore* are without education.-' developed in the ranks of the youth cynic no little role. —ALBERT GLOTZER ism for the elementary tasks of organiza power and society w ill advance into the A crore is 10,000,000. tion. next stage, Communism, where man's wis Beginning with the period of 1923-24 a dom w ill not be used to discover more Of the 269 millions in India today but state of passivity, opportunism and stag Lovestone’s «Americanism» “ rationalized” methods of killing each 22 million know an alphabet. The huge nation set in. Bureaucratic direction dis Continued from Page 5 other .but) to provide more leisure, more profits, the great taxation, the usury is placed the education of the Youth. Mass of t'he better things of life to the masses. reburnd in no form whatever to the masses activity was shunted fo r an accelerated the Opposition held by all its adherents That is what it means! of India. condition of factionalism. The scandalous fro Russia to America. That the danger Capitalism is here shown in its stark, If the conditions of the ryots (pea maltreatment of the Young Communist In of the Thermidor is being augmented in hideous reality. Its path of glory leads sants) are bad, they are infinitely above ternational left horrible gaps in its ranks. the persecution, exiling and shooting of but to its grave. And that path is rapidly those of the factory workers. In 1926 there The Russian League alone withstood the Oppositionists, in the breaking of the al nearing its end. Every such new discov were 1,500,00 factory workers of whom heavy decline of its organization. liance between the workers and peasants ery but adds velocity to this journey. 250 were women and 70,000 are children In Germany the social democratic and because of adventurist policies in indus Mr. Alexandersson is the guest of the below 15 years of age. (These figures are Reformist youth gained heavily at the ex trialization and collectivization; in the U. S. Navy on the airplane carrier, Sara a factory popuation of 2,650,000 with the pense of the Young Communist League. In growing of the power of the Kulak and the toga, bound for Panama, to experiment percentage of women and children doubt France the League lost 12,000 members and Nepmen due to Stalin’s zigzag policies; in with the pilotless plane. less holding their own if not actually gain, has today a membership of only 3,000. The the ominous growth of the Thermidorian lug.) opportunist policy of the Right-Centrist) bureaucrcy in the Party and the govern recall these trifles before he terms us in leadership was not without its effect on the ment—only a Herberg can deny while he Textile is the chief industry in India. significant to debate with. British League. There with the splendid shuts his eyes and shouts “don’t talk to us Nowhere has King Cotton been a benevo Evading Questions of Principle lent monarch; his history is one of blood, situation caused through the split in the about Socialism in one country, we want) to hear about American questions." But just like tha whole Lovestona particularly of women and children whe Guild of Youth (Social Democratic) and crew, no sooner does Herberg say this than the General Strike, the League numbers Covering Lovestone’s Misdeeds ther in England in 1844, in Gastonia or in he starts to retract it. Well, the reason only a few hundred (even Bulky B ill Rust India from 1919 on. The most interesting part of the meet they didn't want to debate, according to Read the section of Marx's Capital deal cannot count more) . In Sweden the Right ing was Herberg’s answer to the question Herberg is because the questions we raise ing with conditions in the spinning mills wing split carried more than half of the of Lovestone’s use of underworld tactics (Socialism in One Country, Chinese Rev- darken the picture and an idea is gleaned in the fight against the Left Opposition volution Anglo-Russian Committee, ete.)| of the conditions of the mill cities of India seems hardly likely—the conditions in the and the challenge to debate with us on “ hold no interest for the American work «oday. British-owned mills challenge worsening. fundamental questions. Complacently Her ers”. When Lovestone was in good graces There is a total of 374,380 workers in In the jute m ills of Calcutta and Ben berg repudiated the, violence perpetrated with Stalin, when he ran the Daily Worker, the cotton industry of India of whom 70,000 gal, where most of the Jute in the world against the Opposition by the Lovestone when we had uo press, before we could are women and over 15 thousand are chtld- is produced the average wage for children group with the naive remark “ati that time print any of the suppressed literature, then qen. is 9 pence per day. In 319,000 workers in we were under Stalinist influence”. Even it was time to scatter scandal, lies and Wages in the Cotton Industry by Days 76 jute mills investigated 50,000 were wo if any weight could be attached to this calufnies about us. Now, when we are in men an! 29,000 children. remark, Lovestone w ill have to explain a position to reply to his lies and expose Adults away their burglary of the Party office Rupee Anna Pies* And so it) is in the entire country. On the his opportunism, Lovestone hides himself and his own tacit silence while Blum- 1 0 plantations of Assam hundreds of thou in a dark corner and fearfully cries out, Ahmedabad 5 kin was shot and thousands of Opposition 1. 5 6 sands of farm laborers, entire families in “The American workers are not interested Bombay ists are crim inally persecuted and exiled Sholapur 15 11 cluding babes toil for a few pence per day. in the Chinese Revolution” . Whom does to Siberia. We are still waiting for Love Ot'her Centers 1 1 8 Fabled spices of India! this remind us of? Haven’t we heard some Women and children even dig coal in stone to raise a voice against the exiling where before this same alibi about the Big Lads and Children India, bringing coal to the surface in bas of L. D. Trotsky. American workers not being interested in Ahmedabad 11 4 kets—human beings are cheaper than hoist Not less demagogic and cowardly was fundamental problems but in more imme Bombay 11 1 ing machinery.. Of the 250,000 miners, 9 Herberg’s reply tc the challenge of a de Sholapur diate and more pressing questions. Doesn’t 9 1 thousand are women and a similar num bate on fundamental issues. No! Herberg 8 n the S. P. carefully avoid the questions ot Other Centers ber children. won’t debate with us because,1st, we are too Internationalism, the Proletarian Dictat As for social legislation for children small; secondly because the questions we orship, etc. with ju st such platitudes? *A rupee is about 32,4 cents. An anna and youth, the little that has been forced want to debate about don’t interest the But the Opposition is not afraid to de is one-sixteenth of a rupee or 2 cents and through is flagrantly disregarded. Twelve American workers. The great Lovestone, bate with Lovestone on American ques a pies is one-twelfth of an anna or about years is the minimum age at which child the overwhelming “majority” of the Amer- tions; not afraid to show Lovestone, Her one-sixth of a cent. ren are permitted to work In factories em can Pairtly refuses to debate with us be berg and Co. how t