Prosperity, Great Compression and Reaganomics: Lessons for Economic Policy
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Reaganomics and the Welfare State
The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 10 Issue 4 November Article 4 November 1983 Reaganomics and the Welfare State Mimi Abramovitz Hunter College Tom Hopkins Fordham University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the American Politics Commons, Economic History Commons, and the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Abramovitz, Mimi and Hopkins, Tom (1983) "Reaganomics and the Welfare State," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 10 : Iss. 4 , Article 4. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol10/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you by the Western Michigan University School of Social Work. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REAGANOMICS AND THE WELFARE STATE Mimi Abramovitz, DSW Hunter College School of Social Work Tom Hopkins, DSW Fordham University Graduate School of Social Services ABSTRACT Supply-side tax and spending policies have intensified poverty, unemployment and inequality, especially for women, minorities and organized labor. At the same time Reaganomics is shrinking and weakening the welfare state. To better understand and resist this conservative assault it is necessary to demystify the "eco- nomics" and "politics" of supply-side doctrine. This paper (a) defines the basic assumptions of supply-side economics; (b) iden- tifies some of its problems and contradictions; (c) discusses its impact on the welfare state; and (d) analyzes it as part of a broader plan for coping with the current economic crisis. It argues that the supply-side tax cut not only lowers government revenues, but provides a justification for cutting domestic pro- grams. Domestic cutbacks, in turn, are achieved by new laws that change program rules and regulations, transfer federal social welfare responsibility to the states, that weaken the political support for the programs themselves. -
World War II
World War II [Prepared for the Oxford Handbook of American Economic History] Taylor Jaworski Price V. Fishback Queen’s University University of Arizona Department of Economics Department of Economics Kingston, ON K7L 3N6 Tucson, AZ 85721 [email protected] [email protected] March 2014 Abstract This chapter reviews the evidence connecting World War II to US economic performance in the second half of the twentieth century. We emphasize the substantial costs of mobilizing the economy for war and provide a brief discussion of the institutions created to manage the war effort. We then survey four areas where research on World War II has concentrated: (1) the rise of women’s labor participation, (2) the decrease in wage and wealth inequality, (3) the postwar growth miracle, and (4) the changing role of government in American society. Economic historians and economists have provided important revisions in each area. Along the way, we point in several directions for future research. 1. Introduction World War II was a watershed event in US economic history. Over $26 billion in new capital investment (nearly three-quarters financed by the federal government) flowed to regions and firms as the national economy was converted to fight an “all-out” war. Postwar government programs—many a continuation of New Deal and wartime social programs—permanently altered the view and role of government in American society.1 Moreover, coming at the end of a prolonged economic downturn, the war is frequently ascribed a key role in recovery from the Great Depression as well as a major role in laying the foundation for the postwar “golden age.”2 That story emphasizes the role of demand-side stimulus, due to $108 billion in government spending on prime contracts, and productivity gains from learning-by-doing and R&D spending, to place mobilization for World War II at the center of recovery and postwar economic growth. -
Report Card on Reaganomics Stanley Antoniotti Bridgewater State College
Bridgewater Review Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 11 Oct-1983 The Last Word: Report Card on Reaganomics Stanley Antoniotti Bridgewater State College Recommended Citation Antoniotti, Stanley (1983). The Last Word: Report Card on Reaganomics. Bridgewater Review, 2(1), 28. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/br_rev/vol2/iss1/11 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. • • • The Last Word. uring the 1980 presidential In January of 1981, the unemployment rate or a decrease of greater than two percent. campaign, then candidate Reagan was 7.4 percent of the labor force. This was During this period the GNPdipped as low as D asked if we were "better off now about 7,847,000 people who were out of $1.4707 trillion. This is negative economic than we were four years ago." It is now 1983 work. The unemployment rate for June of growth. In other words, we were producing and we are more than half way through his 1983 was 9.5 percent. This was more than less goods and services during this period of term in office. It, therefore, seems 11,000,000 people. In terms of change this the Reagan Administration. appropriate that we look at the American was an increase of two percent or over In January of 1981 an annual interest rate . economy and see if we are indeed better off 3,000,000 people in the unemployment lines on a regular home mortgage in the Boston as a result of President Reagan's economic since the President took office. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
5. Credit Constraints and Investment Finance: Some Evidence from Greece
n 0 3 3 ro � Fund. Not for Redistribution Table 3. Financing of the Public Sector Deficit: Nominal flows Annual Rate of lnflatiofl o percent so percent 100 percent Last Month Year as Last Mooth Year as Last Month Year as Economic Indicator of Year a Whole of Year a Whole of Year a Whole Tolal ftnandng needs -o.0/330 -1.000 1.057 9.775 2.499 20.729 External debt Domestic liability Non-Interest-bearing 0.432 4.41 3 0.793 7.466 Interes t-bearing 0.097 10.000 2.245 20.000 Changes In reserves 0.08.30 1.000 0.332 ©International Monetary 4.538 0.539 5..736 Memorandum items: Changes Inresewes (in foreign currency! O.OB30 1.000 0.248 3.755 0.269 4.724 Note: Figures are arbitrary, reflecting approxrmarions to cases such as Mexrco and BraziL The figures were selectedso that 1 00 = GOP bef()(e inflation. 144 Ricardo Arriazu shown under the same inflationaryassumptions. This table should be interpreted in the following way. The country's financing needs, which are shown in the first line of the table, were obtained from the flows in Table 1. Since inflation also influences the nominal demand of economic agents for different financialassets, this element should be reflected in the economic policy assumptions. The assumptions used here reflect the desire of economic agents to maintain a constant real stock of interest-bearing debt instruments and a declining real stock of non-interest -bearing debt instruments. Under a fixed exchange rate, any difference between the financial needs of the public sector and the flow demand for financial assets of the private sector is adjusted through changes in reserves. -
Selected Issues in the Rise of Income Inequality
10922-10a_Gordon.qxd 1/25/08 11:24 AM Page 169 ROBERT J. GORDON Northwestern University IAN DEW-BECKER Harvard University Selected Issues in the Rise of Income Inequality INCREASED AMERICAN INCOME INEQUALITY, in particular the increased skewness at the very top of the income distribution, has received enormous attention. This paper surveys three aspects of rising inequality that are usu- ally discussed separately: inequality within the bottom 90 percent, inequality within the top 10 percent, and international differences in inequality, par- ticularly among top earners. We begin by examining data from the Current Population Survey (CPS) on income ratios between the 90th, 50th, and 10th percentiles, both for men and women separately and for the two sexes combined. We then examine several proposed explanations of changes in relative incomes within the bottom 90 percent, including the impacts of unions, free trade, immigration, the real minimum wage, and top-bracket tax rates. We also assess the hypothesis that the primary driver of increased inequality is skill-biased technological change. We then tackle the most controversial issue, namely, why American incomes at the very top have increased so much, both relative to incomes below the 90th percentile in this country and relative to top incomes in Europe and Japan.1 We distinguish three types of top-level income earners: We are grateful for superb research assistance from two Northwestern undergraduates, Bobby Krenn and Neil Sarkar, and for helpful comments from David Autor, Polly Cleve- land, Xavier Gabaix, James Heckman, and Lawrence Katz. This is a drastically shortened version of a complete survey soon to be available as a National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper. -
THE EMERGING WORLDVIEW: How New Progressivism Is Moving Beyond Neoliberalism a Landscape Analysis
THE EMERGING WORLDVIEW: How New Progressivism Is Moving Beyond Neoliberalism A Landscape Analysis REPORT BY FELICIA WONG JANUARY 2020 ABOUT THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE Until the rules work for every American, they’re not working. The Roosevelt Institute is a think tank and student-driven national network that believes in an economy and democracy by the people, for the people. The few at the top—corporations and the richest among us— hold too much wealth and power today, and our society will be stronger when that changes. Armed with a bold vision for the future, we want our work to move the country toward a new economic and political system: one built by many for the good of all. ABOUT THE AUTHOR ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Felicia Wong is the president and CEO of the Roosevelt This report draws on research Institute, which seeks to reimagine the social and economic and analysis conducted by Nell policies of Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt for the 21st century. Abernathy, Ariel Evans, Mike She is the coauthor of Hidden Rules of Race: Barriers to Konczal, and Katy Milani. The an Inclusive Economy (Cambridge University Press, 2017). author thanks Joelle Gamble, She holds a PhD in political science from the University of Angela Hanks, Jennifer Harris, California, Berkeley. Chris Hughes, Michael Linden, JW Mason, Julie Margetta Morgan, Lenore Palladino, Brishen Rogers, K. Sabeel Rahman, Ganesh Sitaraman, Dorian Warren, and Tracy Williams for their comments and insight. Roosevelt staff Kendra Bozarth, Matt Hughes, Jeff Krehely, Tayra Lucero, and Victoria Streker all contributed to the project. This report was made possible with the generous support of the Hewlett Foundation and the Omidyar Network. -
The Return of Deregulation and Trickle-Down Economics in the Age of Trump: Why the Efficient Market Hypothesis Refuses to Die and the Implications for U.S
THE RETURN OF DEREGULATION AND TRICKLE-DOWN ECONOMICS IN THE AGE OF TRUMP: WHY THE EFFICIENT MARKET HYPOTHESIS REFUSES TO DIE AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. ECONOMIC POLICY AT LARGE Matthew Glass Abstract The 2008 market collapse created economic devastation not seen in the United States since the Great Depression. More than a decade later, the reappearance of a fiscal agenda rooted in deregulation and trickle-down economics risks a return to the boom and bust cycles that have unfailingly wrought great economic pain on the American people. The ever-increasing inequality gap between the rich and poor is particularly concerning. I. Introduction As more than a decade has passed since the height of the 2008 financial crisis, it seems many of the prevailing views that dominated Wall Street before the market’s collapse are beginning to return in vogue, most notably, deregulation and trickle- down economics. At the heart of the belief that massive regulation is what ails the U.S. economy, there seems to be a recurrence of the hyperbolic rhetoric that mirrors the prior peaks of the Efficient Market Hypothesis (“EMH”) gone awry.1 Believing that highly efficient markets are great for a country’s economy is far different from believing in “perfectly rational” markets. Time and time again, this philosophy has proven to be correlated with the massive financial crises in the United States and around the world.2 Underlying this phenomenon is the crux of the issue—a blanket faith in wholly rational markets almost always is accompanied by a deregulation J.D., with a specialized concentration in international law, 2018, Shepard Broad College of Law at Nova Southeastern University; B.S. -
Neoliberalism, Capital Accumulation, and Austerity in Academia, the Term
Neoliberalism, Capital Accumulation, and Austerity Mehdi S. Shariati, Ph.D. Professor, Economics, Sociology and Geography Kansas City Kansas City Community College Abstract Recent crisis in global capitalism has once again brought to the fore major structural contradictions and the consequences of these contradictions are reflected in the massive dislocation of the economy, growing number of (the) poor, concentration of wealth in the hands of a few around the globe, indebtedness, rampant speculation and an unprecedented concentration of financial capital at the expense of productive sector of the economy. The austerity program by which the global working class must endure has generated much social protests including "occupy Wall Street," but with very little discussion of an alternative to the current global system. In academia, the term descriptive of finance capital’s policy prescription is “neoliberalism.” Yet the term not only has created confusion since in the North American context, liberals and neoliberals have always been viewed as left leaning people and not the free marketers and market fundamentalists. Neoliberalism often refers to a set of economic policies designed for intense and accelerated capital accumulation. Rarely the discussion of the process of intense capital accumulation includes a restructuring of society and social institutions as a precondition for the successful implementation of the policies. This paper is an attempt to add to the discussion by pointing out the indispensability of the practice of social imperialism in the process of reproducing the hegemonic structure and effective implementation of the policy. Reaction to the evolving socio-economic and political events has been one of the greatest preoccupation in the social and political sciences as a habit and of necessity. -
Thomas Pynchon's Vineland and the Neoliberal Shift in America Daniel Williams, Adrienne Hayes, and Hunter Atkins, Researchers and Authors; Dr
“Impossibly Complicated Tales of Dispossession and Betrayal”: Thomas Pynchon's Vineland and the Neoliberal Shift in America Daniel Williams, Adrienne Hayes, and Hunter Atkins, Researchers and Authors; Dr. Todd Hoffman Faculty Advisor CURS Summer Scholars Program, Georgia Regents University, Augusta, Georgia Abstract Context CONCLUSIONS The 1970s were characterized by the ascendancy of a particular breed of right wing conservatism that Neoliberalism in Pynchon’s Vineland What is Neoliberalism? Thomas Pynchon presents a snapshot of neoliberalism’s rise in America through depictions of: Neoliberalism is an anti-interventionist economic theory that incorporates advanced neoliberal reforms and precipitated the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan. As an economic theory, • the use of the media (“the Tube”) to alter ideological modes of thought traditional laissez-faire values into the schema of a highly modernized economy. Historically, in American politics, the theory has been implemented by right wing neoliberalism proposes that the government de-regulate markets and ease financial burdens on • the disenfranchisement of a generation of left-wing thinkers and the dilution of authenticity surrounding America´s collective perception of foreign cultures political parties, starting with President Ronald Reagan and continuing through • various branches of law enforcement which represent growing martial power and infringement upon the rights of the working class to today. The stance mainly consists of: corporations thus enabling wealth to be evenly distributed -
Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998 (Series Updated to 2000 Available)
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Fairness in Tax Policy
Embargoed Until 2pm March 5, 2007 Statement of Leonard E. Burman1 Director, Tax Policy Center Senior Fellow, the Urban Institute www.taxpolicycenter.org Before the Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government, House Appropriations Committee Fairness in Tax Policy March 5, 2007 Chairman Serrano, Ranking Member Regula, Members of the Committee: Thank you for inviting me to share my views on fairness in tax policy. As you are well aware, the issue of tax fairness is highly contentious and, unfortunately, economics provides little guidance. One person’s idea of a fair tax system—for example, a flat tax on wages—epitomizes unfairness to those who believe in tax progressivity. Defining fairness is tricky. Economists are mostly agreed on one notion of fairness—so- called horizontal equity—the idea that the tax system should treat similar people in a similar way. That means, for example, that the tax system shouldn’t discriminate between owners and renters, people with health insurance and people without, or those who choose to drive a hybrid car and those who drive an old clunker. Of course, the tax system does discriminate in each of those cases, always with the rationale that a higher policy goal is being advanced: building community (mortgage interest deduction), encouraging health insurance coverage (health insurance exclusion), and improving the environment and reducing reliance on foreign oil (hybrid vehicle tax credit). Thus, even when we have an objectively supportable standard, other goals may trump it and often do. The consequence is that neighbors with identical incomes might often pay very different amounts of tax.