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Outline of Michael Tomasello, a Natural History of Human Morality (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2016)
Outline of Michael Tomasello, A Natural History of Human Morality (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2016). John Protevi LSU HNRS 2030.2: “Evolution and Biology of Morality” I Chapter 1: The Interdependence Hypothesis A) Parallels of natural and moral cooperation 1) Natural cooperation (a) Altruistic helping (b) Mutualist collaboration 2) Human morality (a) Parallel human morality types: (i) Altruistic helping via compassion, concern, benevolence: ethic of the good / sympathy (ii) Mutualist collaboration via fairness: ethic of right / justice (b) Simplicity vs complexity (i) Sympathetic altruism is simpler and more basic: (i) Pure cooperation (ii) Proximate mechanisms: based in mammalian parental care / kin selection (ii) Fair collaboration is more complex: interactions of multiple individuals w/ different interests (i) “cooperativization of competition” (ii) Proximate mechanisms: moral emotions / judgments 1. Deservingness 2. Punishment: feelings of resentment / indignation toWard Wrong-doers 3. Accountability: judgments of responsibility, obligation, etc B) Goal of the book: evolutionary account of emergence of human morality of sympathy and fairness 1) Morality is “form of cooperation” (a) Emerging via human adaptation to neW social forms required by neW ecological / economic needs (b) Bringing With it “species-unique proximate mechanisms” or psychological processes (i) cognition (ii) social interaction (iii) self-regulation 2) Based on these assumptions, tWo goals: (a) Specify hoW human cooperation differs from other primates -
Language in Mind : Advances in the Study of Language and Thought
Language in Mind This page intentionally left blank Language in Mind Advances in the Study of Language and Thought edited by Dedre Gentner and Susan Goldin-Meadow A Bradford Book The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England ( 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or informa- tion storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. This book was set in Sabon on 3B2 by Asco Typesetters, Hong Kong. Printed and bound in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Language in mind ; advances in the study of language and thought / edited by Dedre Gentner and S. Goldin-Meadow. p. cm. ‘‘A Bradford book.’’ Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-262-07243-2 (hc. : alk. paper)—ISBN 0-262-57163-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Psycholinguistics. 2. Cognition. I. Gentner, Dedre. II. Goldin, Susan. P37 .L357 2003 4010.9—dc21 2002029578 Contents Contributors vii Acknowledgments ix I Introduction 1 Whither Whorf 3 Dedre Gentner and Susan Goldin-Meadow II Position Statements 15 1 Languages and Representations 17 Eve V. Clark 2 Language and Mind: Let’s Get the Issues Straight! 25 Stephen C. Levinson 3 The Key Is Social Cognition 47 Michael Tomasello III Language as Lens: Does the Language We Acquire Influence How We See the World? 59 4 Sex, Syntax, and Semantics 61 Lera Boroditsky, Lauren A. Schmidt, and Webb Phillips 5 Speaking versus Thinking about Objects and Actions 81 Barbara C. -
Empathy and Altruism. the Hypothesis of Somasia
A Clinical Perspective on “Theory of Mind”, Empathy and Altruism The Hypothesis of Somasia Jean-Michel Le Bot PhD, University Rennes 2, Rennes doi: 10.7358/rela-2014-001-lebo [email protected] ABSTRACT The article starts by recalling the results of recent experiments that have revealed that, to a certain extent, the “ability to simultaneously distinguish between different possible perspec- tives on the same situation” (Decety and Lamm 2007) exists in chimpanzees. It then describes a case study of spatial and temporal disorientation in a young man following a cerebral lesion in order to introduce the hypothesis that this ability is based on a specific process of somasia. By permitting self-other awareness, this process also provides subjects with anchor points in time and space from which they can perform the mental decentring that enables them to adopt various perspectives. This process seems to be shared by humans and certain animal species and appears to be subdivided into the processing of the identity of experienced situa- tions, on the one hand, and of their unity on the other. The article concludes with a critique of overly reflexive and “representational” conceptions of theory of mind which do not distin- guish adequately between the ability to “theorise” about the mental states of others and the self-other awareness ability (which is automatic and non-reflexive). Keywords: Social cognition, theory of mind, empathy, altruism, neuropsychology, somasia, humans, animals, mental states, decentring. 1. INTRODUCTION In their seminal paper published in 1978, Premack and Woodruff stated that “an individual has a theory of mind [ToM] if he imputes mental states to himself and others” (Premack and Woodruff 1978). -
Metaphoric Structuring: Understanding Time Through Spatial Metaphors
COGNITION Cognition 75 (2000) 1±28 www.elsevier.com/locate/cognit Metaphoric structuring: understanding time through spatial metaphors Lera Boroditsky* Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Jordan Hall, Bldg. 420, Stanford, CA 94305-2130, USA Received 17 December 1998; received in revised form 22 September 1999; accepted 23 October 1999 Abstract The present paper evaluates the claim that abstract conceptual domains are structured through metaphorical mappings from domains grounded directly in experience. In particular, the paper asks whether the abstract domain of time gets its relational structure from the more concrete domain of space. Relational similarities between space and time are outlined along with several explanations of how these similarities may have arisen. Three experiments designed to distinguish between these explanations are described. The results indicate that (1) the domains of space and time do share conceptual structure, (2) spatial relational infor- mation is just as useful for thinking about time as temporal information, and (3) with frequent use, mappings between space and time come to be stored in the domain of time and so thinking about time does not necessarily require access to spatial schemas. These ®ndings provide some of the ®rst empirical evidence for Metaphoric Structuring. It appears that abstract domains such as time are indeed shaped by metaphorical mappings from more concrete and experiential domains such as space. q 2000 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. Keywords: Metaphoric structuring; Understanding time; Spatial metaphors 1. Introduction How do we come to represent and reason about abstract domains like time, love, justice, or ideas? There are at least two interesting puzzles here. -
How Languages Construct Time Lera Boroditsky Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, USA
CHAPTER 20 How Languages Construct Time Lera Boroditsky Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, USA Summary (OW DO PEOPLE CONSTRUCT THEIR MENTAL REPRESENTATIONS OF TIME ) FOCUS ON WORK EXAMIN ING THE ROLE THAT SPATIAL METAPHORS AND BASIC SPATIAL REPRESENTATIONS PLAY IN CONSTRUCTING REP RESENTATIONS OF TIME ACROSS LANGUAGES 4HE RESULTS REVEAL THAT THE METAPHORS WE USE TO TALK ABOUT TIME HAVE BOTH IMMEDIATE AND LONG TERM CONSEQUENCES FOR HOW WE CONCEPTUALIZE AND REASON ABOUT THIS FUNDAMENTAL DOMAIN OF EXPERIENCE (OW PEOPLE CONCEPTUALIZE TIME APPEARS TO DEPEND ON HOW THE LANGUAGES THEY SPEAK TEND TO TALK ABOUT TIME THE CURRENT LINGUISTIC CONTEXT WHAT LANGUAGE IS BEING SPOKEN AND ALSO ON THE PARTICULAR METAPHORS BEING USED TO TALK ABOUT TIME IN THE MOMENT &URTHER PEOPLE WHO CONCEPTUALIZE SPACE DIFFERENTLY ALSO CON CEPTUALIZE TIME DIFFERENTLY SUGGESTING THAT PEOPLE CO OPT REPRESENTATIONS OF THE PHYSICAL WORLD EG SPACE IN ORDER TO MENTALLY REPRESENT MORE ABSTRACT OR INTANGIBLE ENTITIES EG TIME 4AKEN ALL TOGETHER THESE lNDINGS SHOW THAT CONCEPTIONS OF EVEN SUCH FUNDAMENTAL DOMAINS AS TIME DIFFER DRAMATICALLY ACROSS CULTURES AND GROUPS 4HE RESULTS REVEAL SOME OF THE MECHA NISMS THROUGH WHICH LANGUAGES AND CULTURES HELP CONSTRUCT OUR BASIC NOTIONS OF TIME /NE OF THE GREAT MYSTERIES OF THE MIND IS HOW WE ARE ABLE TO THINK ABOUT THINGS WE CAN NEVER SEE OR TOUCH (OW DO WE COME TO REPRESENT AND REASON ABOUT ABSTRACT DOMAINS LIKE TIME JUSTICE OR IDEAS !LL OF OUR EXPERIENCE OF THE WORLD IS PHYSICAL ACCOMPLISHED THROUGH SENSORY PERCEPTION -
Tribal Social Instincts and the Cultural Evolution of Institutions to Solve Collective Action Problems
UC Riverside Cliodynamics Title Tribal Social Instincts and the Cultural Evolution of Institutions to Solve Collective Action Problems Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/981121t8 Journal Cliodynamics, 3(1) Authors Richerson, Peter Henrich, Joe Publication Date 2012 DOI 10.21237/C7clio3112453 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Cliodynamics: the Journal of Theoretical and Mathematical History Tribal Social Instincts and the Cultural Evolution of Institutions to Solve Collective Action Problems Peter Richerson University of California-Davis Joseph Henrich University of British Columbia Human social life is uniquely complex and diverse. Much of that complexity and diversity arises from culturally transmitted ideas, values and skills that underpin the operation of social norms and institutions that structure our social life. Considerable theoretical and empirical work has been devoted to the role of cultural evolutionary processes in the evolution of social norms and institutions. The most persistent controversy has been over the role of cultural group selection and gene- culture coevolution in early human populations during Pleistocene. We argue that cultural group selection and related cultural evolutionary processes had an important role in shaping the innate components of our social psychology. By the Upper Paleolithic humans seem to have lived in societies structured by institutions, as do modern populations living in small-scale societies. The most ambitious attempts to test these ideas have been the use of experimental games in field settings to document human similarities and differences on theoretically interesting dimensions. These studies have documented a huge range of behavior across populations, although no societies so far examined follow the expectations of selfish rationality. -
Michael Tomasello [March, 2020]
CURRICULUM VITAE MICHAEL TOMASELLO [MARCH, 2020] Department of Psychology & Neuroscience Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology Duke University; Durham, NC; 27708; USA Deutscher Platz 6; D-04103 Leipzig, GERMANY E-MAIL: [email protected] E-MAIL: [email protected] EDUCATION: DUKE UNIVERSITY B.A. Psychology, 1972 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA Ph.D. Experimental Psychology, 1980 UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG Doctorate, honoris causa, 2016 EMPLOYMENT: 1980 - 1998 Assistant-Associate-Full Professor of Psychology; Adjunct Professor of Anthropology, EMORY UNIVERSITY 1982 - 1998 Affiliate Scientist, Psychobiology, YERKES PRIMATE CENTER 1998 - 2018 Co-Director, MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR EVOLUTIONARY ANTHROPOLOGY 1999 - 2018 Honorary Professor, Dept of Psychology, University of Leipzig 2001 - 2018 Co-Director, WOLFGANG KÖHLER PRIMATE RESEARCH CENTER 2016 - James Bonk Professor of Psychology & Neuroscience, DUKE UNIVERSITY - Director of Developmental Psychology Program - Secondary App’ts: Philosophy, Evol. Anthropology, Linguistics 2016 - Faculty of Center for Developmental Science, UNC AD HOC: 1987 - 1988 Visiting Scholar, HARVARD UNIVERSITY 1994 (summer) Instructor, INTERNATIONAL COGNITIVE SCIENCE INSTITUTE 1994 (summer) Visiting Fellow, BRITISH PSYCHOLOGICAL SOCIETY 1995 (spring) Visiting Professor, UNIVERSITY OF ROME 1996 (spring) Visiting Professor, THE BRITISH ACADEMY 1998 (spring) Visiting Scholar, MPI FOR PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 1999 (summer) Instructor, INTERNATIONAL COGNITIVE SCIENCE INSTITUTE 2001 (winter) Instructor, LOT (DUTCH GRADUATE -
Understanding and Sharing Intentions: the Origins of Cultural Cognition
BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2005) 28, 000–000 Printed in the United States of America Understanding and sharing intentions: The origins of cultural cognition Michael Tomasello, Malinda Carpenter, Josep Call, Tanya Behne, and Henrike Moll Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, D-04103 Leipzig, Germany [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Abstract: We propose that the crucial difference between human cognition and that of other species is the ability to participate with others in collaborative activities with shared goals and intentions: shared intentionality. Participation in such activities requires not only especially powerful forms of intention reading and cultural learning, but also a unique motivation to share psychological states with oth- ers and unique forms of cognitive representation for doing so. The result of participating in these activities is species-unique forms of cultural cognition and evolution, enabling everything from the creation and use of linguistic symbols to the construction of social norms and individual beliefs to the establishment of social institutions. In support of this proposal we argue and present evidence that great apes (and some children with autism) understand the basics of intentional action, but they still do not participate in activities involving joint intentions and attention (shared intentionality). Human children’s skills of shared intentionality develop gradually during the first 14 months of life as two ontogenetic pathways intertwine: (1) the general ape line of understanding others as animate, goal-directed, and intentional agents; and (2) a species-unique motivation to share emotions, experience, and activities with other persons. -
Languages and Worldview
LANGUAGES AND WORLDVIEW Manon Allard-Kropp University of Missouri–St. Louis University of Missouri–St. Louis Languages and Worldview Manon Allard-Kropp This text is disseminated via the Open Education Resource (OER) LibreTexts Project (https://LibreTexts.org) and like the hundreds of other texts available within this powerful platform, it freely available for reading, printing and "consuming." Most, but not all, pages in the library have licenses that may allow individuals to make changes, save, and print this book. Carefully consult the applicable license(s) before pursuing such effects. Instructors can adopt existing LibreTexts texts or Remix them to quickly build course-specific resources to meet the needs of their students. Unlike traditional textbooks, LibreTexts’ web based origins allow powerful integration of advanced features and new technologies to support learning. The LibreTexts mission is to unite students, faculty and scholars in a cooperative effort to develop an easy-to-use online platform for the construction, customization, and dissemination of OER content to reduce the burdens of unreasonable textbook costs to our students and society. The LibreTexts project is a multi-institutional collaborative venture to develop the next generation of open-access texts to improve postsecondary education at all levels of higher learning by developing an Open Access Resource environment. The project currently consists of 13 independently operating and interconnected libraries that are constantly being optimized by students, faculty, and outside experts to supplant conventional paper-based books. These free textbook alternatives are organized within a central environment that is both vertically (from advance to basic level) and horizontally (across different fields) integrated. -
How Does Our Language Shape the Way We Think?
To arrive at the edge of the world's knowledge, seek out the most complex and sophisticated minds, put them in a room together, and have them ask each other the questions they are asking themselves. HOW DOES OUR LANGUAGE SHAPE THE WAY WE THINK? Lera Boroditsky [6.11.09] For a long time, the idea that language might shape thought was considered at best untestable and more often simply wrong. Research in my labs at Stanford University and at MIT has helped reopen this question. We have collected data around the world: from China, Greece, Chile, Indonesia, Russia, and Aboriginal Australia. What we have learned is that people who speak different languages do indeed think differently and that even flukes of grammar can profoundly affect how we see the world. Language is a uniquely human gift, central to our experience of being human. Appreciating its role in constructing our mental lives brings us one step closer to understanding the very nature of humanity. LERA BORODITSKY is an assistant professor of psychology, neuroscience, and symbolic systems at Stanford University, who looks at how the languages we speak shape the way we think. Humans communicate with one another using a dazzling array of languages, each differing from the next in innumerable ways. Do the languages we speak shape the way we see the world, the way we think, and the way we live our lives? Do people who speak different languages think differently simply because they speak different languages? Does learning new languages change the way you think? Do polyglots think differently when speaking different languages? These questions touch on nearly all of the major controversies in the study of mind. -
Do English and Mandarin Speakers Think Differently About Time?
Do English and Mandarin Speakers Think Differently About Time? Lera Boroditsky ([email protected]) Department of Psychology, 450 Serra Mall, Bldg. 420 Stanford, CA 94305 USA Abstract bounded events, unidirectional change, etc.) appear to be universal across cultures and languages. Do the languages we speak shape the ways we think? Boroditsky, (2001) demonstrated that speakers of English and However, there are many aspects of our concept of time Mandarin think differently about time. This work has recently that are not observable in the world. For example, does time been brought into question (January & Kako, 2007; Chen, move horizontally or vertically? Does it move forward or 2007). Here I present new evidence that again demonstrates a back, left or right, up or down? Does it move past us, or do difference between English and Mandarin speakers’ we move through it? All of these aspects are left unspecified construals of time. Both languages use horizontal and vertical in our experience with the world. They are however, spatial language to talk about time. For example, in English we might say that the best is ahead of us, or we may move a specified in our language —most often through spatial meeting up. In English, vertical metaphors are relatively metaphors. infrequent and horizontal metaphors predominate. In Across languages, people use spatial metaphors to talk Mandarin, both horizontal and vertical metaphors are about time. Whether they are looking forward to a brighter frequent. Importantly, vertical metaphors are much more tomorrow, proposing theories ahead of their time, or falling frequent in Mandarin than they are in English. -
Five-Year-Olds Understand Fair As Equal in a Mini-Ultimatum Game
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 116 (2013) 324–337 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Experimental Child Psychology journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jecp Five-year-olds understand fair as equal in a mini-ultimatum game ⇑ Martina Wittig a,b, Keith Jensen a,c, , Michael Tomasello a a Department of Developmental and Comparative Psychology, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, D-04103 Leipzig, Germany b Department of Developmental Psychology, Institute for Psychology, University of Kassel, D-34121 Kassel, Germany c School of Psychological Sciences, University of Manchester, Manchester M13 9PL, UK article info abstract Article history: In studies of children’s resource distribution, it is almost always the Received 14 February 2012 case that ‘‘fair’’ means an equal amount for all. In the mini-ultima- Revised 6 June 2013 tum game, players are confronted with situations in which fair does not always mean equal, and so the recipient of an offer needs to take into account the alternatives the proposer had available to her or Keywords: him. Because of its forced-choice design, the mini-ultimatum game Ultimatum game Fairness measures sensitivity to unfair intentions in addition to unfair out- Inequity aversion comes. In the current study, we gave a mini-ultimatum game to Punishment 5-year-old children, allowing us to determine the nature of fairness Moral development sensitivity at a period after false belief awareness is typically passed Social decision making and before formal schooling begins. The only situation in which Norms responders rejected offers was when the proposer could have made Sharing an equal offer.