Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Memorial to Carlos Schubert 1938-1994 THO M a S W
Memorial to Carlos Schubert 1938-1994 THO M A S W. DONNELLY Dept, o f Geological Sciences, State University o f New York, Binghamton, NY 13902-6000 Friends of Carlos Schubert Paetow were shocked and saddened upon hearing of his death in Caracas, Venezuela, on July 22, 1994, following an aneurism and a mesenteric stroke. Carlos, a longtime Fellow of the Geological Society of America, was one of the dominant figures of Venezuelan geology, specializing in his later years in neotectonics and in Quaternary geology. His untimely passing leaves a large void in Latin American—and in Quaternary—geology. His publications were voluminous and spanned a wide range of topics, but dominantly centered in Venezuelan studies. Carlos was bom in Hamburg, Germany, on October 9, 1938, and went to Caracas as an infant. He had a youthful interest in many subjects, but not especially in geology. His decision to pursue this field was the result of parental advice that geology and chemistry were the major fields of the future. Because he was uncom fortable with chemistry, he chose geology. Undoubtedly one of his important inspirations was the German explorer Alexander von Humboldt. Indeed, one of Carlos’s most prized possessions was his German 1815 edition of Humboldt’s Travels. In much of Carlos’s later work we can find a thread linking him to the founder of South American earth science. When he completed his high school studies in Caracas in 1957, he faced the problem that Pérez Jiménez, the president of Venezuela, had closed all Venezuelan universities. Fortunately, Carlos was awarded a scholarship from the Shell Oil Company to attend the University of Arizona, where he received his bachelor’s degree in geology in 1961. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1998 Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse Estelle T. Lau State University of New York at Buffalo Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Estelle T. Lau, Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 417 (1998). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN MONEY WHITEN? EXPLORING RACE PRACTICE IN COLONIAL VENEZUELA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR CONTEMPORARY RACE DISCOURSE Estelle T. Lau* The Gracias al Sacar, a fascinating and seemingly inconceivable practice in eighteenth century colonial Venezuela, allowed certain individuals of mixed Black and White ancestry to purchase "Whiteness" from their King. The author exposes the irony of this system, developed in a society obsessed with "natural" ordering that labeled individuals according to their precise racial ancestry. While recognizing that the Gracias al Sacar provided opportunities for advancement and an avenue for material and social struggle, the author argues that it also justified the persistence of racial hierarchy. -
Suriname Republic of Suriname
Suriname Republic of Suriname Key Facts __________ OAS Membership Date: 1977 Head of State / Head of Government: President Desire Delano Bouterse Capital city: Paramaribo Population: 597,927 Language(s): Dutch (official), English (widely spoken), Sranang Tongo (native language), Caribbean Hindustani, Javanese Religions: Protestant 23.6%, Hindu 22.3%, Roman Catholic 21.6%, Muslim 13.8%, other Christian 3.2%, Winti 1.8%, Jehovah's Witness 1.2%, other 1.7%, none 7.5%, unspecified 3.2% Ethnic Groups: Hindustani 27.4%, "Maroon" 21.7%, Creole 15.7%, Javanese 13.7%, mixed 13.4%, other 7.6%, unspecified 0.6% Currency: Surinamese dollar (SRD) Gross domestic product (PPP): $8.688 billion (2017 est.) Legal System: civil law system influenced by the Dutch civil codes. The Commissie Nieuw Surinaamse Burgerlijk Wetboek completed drafting a new civil code in February 2009. Political system: Suriname is a presidential republic. The president and vice president are indirectly elected by the National Assembly, where they go on to serve five-year terms without any term limits. The president will serve the Chief of State and the Head of Government. The National Assembly that elects people to these offices consists of 51 members who are directly elected in multi-seat constituencies by party-list proportional representation vote. These members also serve five-year terms. The High Court of Justice of Suriname consists of four members, as well as one court president and vice president. Each of these members are to be appointed by the national president in consultation with the National Assembly, the State Advisory Council, and the Order of Private Attorneys. -
Venezuela: Indigenous Peoples Face Deteriorating Human Rights Situation Due to Mining, Violence and COVID-19 Pandemic
Venezuela: Indigenous peoples face deteriorating human rights situation due to mining, violence and COVID-19 pandemic Venezuela is suffering from an unprecedented human rights and humanitarian crisis that has deepened due to the dereliction by the authoritarian government and the breakdown of the rule of law in the country. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that some 5.2 million Venezuelans have left the country, most arriving as refugees and migrants in neighbouring countries. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in 2018 had categorized this situation of human rights, as “a downward spiral with no end in sight”. The situation of the right to health in Venezuela and its public health system showed structural problems before the pandemic and was described as a “dramatic health crisis (…) consequence of the collapse of the Venezuelan health care system” by the High Commissioner. Recently, the OHCHR submitted a report to the Human Rights Council, in which it addressed, among other things the attacks on indigenous peoples’ rights in the Arco Minero del Orinoco (Orinoco’s Mining Arc or AMO). Indigenous peoples’ rights and the AMO mining projects before the covid-19 pandemic Indigenous peoples have been traditionally forgotten by government authorities in Venezuela and condemned to live in poverty. During the humanitarian crisis, they have suffered further abuses due to the mining activity and the violence occurring in their territories. In 2016, the Venezuelan government created the Orinoco’s Mining Arc National Strategic Development Zone through presidential Decree No. 2248, as a mega-mining project focused mainly in gold extraction in an area of 111.843,70 square kilometres. -
Situation of Venezuelans Who Have Returned and Are Trying to Return to Their Country in the Context of Covid-19
SITUATION OF VENEZUELANS WHO HAVE RETURNED AND ARE TRYING TO RETURN TO THEIR COUNTRY IN THE CONTEXT OF COVID-19 SEPTEMBER 2020 OFFICE TO ADDRESS THE CRISIS OF VENEZUELAN MIGRANTS AND REFUGEES OF THE OAS GENERAL SECRETARIAT SITUATION OF VENEZUELANS WHO HAVE RETURNED AND ARE TRYING TO RETURN TO THEIR COUNTRY IN THE CONTEXT OF COVID-19 OAS General Secretariat Office to Address the Crisis of Venezuelan Migrants and Refugees of the OAS General Secretariat ([email protected]) María Fernanda López Luisa Marín Ernesto Romero David Smolansky Contributors: Valery Fierro Valentina Vethencourt Cover photograph: María Elisa Ramírez © (2020) Organization of American States. All rights reserved under the International and Pan-American Convention. Reproduction and citation of its content is authorized provided the source is cited. SITUATION OF VENEZUELANS WHO HAVE RETURNED AND ARE TRYING TO RETURN TO THEIR COUNTRY IN THE CONTEXT OF COVID-19 The absence of a democratic system, systematic human rights violations, food shortages, precarious health systems, the electricity crisis, widespread violence and economic collapse are some of the main causes that have led to more than 5.200.000 Venezuelans1, (including pregnant women, children, adolescents, people with disabilities and the elderly) being forced to flee their country since 2015. The Venezuelan migration crisis has generated enormous challenges for transit and receiving countries which, with the support of the international community and civil society organizations, have made every effort to guarantee the free enjoyment and exercise of the human rights of Venezuelan migrants and refugees, observing jus cogens and working to ensure the full dignity and non-discrimination of this population, which is in a situation of manifest weakness. -
Air France's A380 Is Coming to Mexico!
Air France’s A380 is coming to Mexico! February 2016 © Stéphan Gladieu Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral This winter, Air France is offering six weekly frequencies between Paris-Charles de Gaulle and Mexico. Since 12 January 2016, there have been three weekly flights operated by Airbus A380, the Company’s largest super jumbo (Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday). The three other flights are operated by Boeing 777-300. From 28 March 2016, the A380 will fly between the two cities daily. On board, customers will have the option of travelling in four flight cabins ensuring optimum comfort – La Première, Business, Premium Economy and Economy. Airbus A380 Flight Schedule (in local time) throughout the winter 2016 season • AF 438: leaves Paris-Charles de Gaulle at 13:30, arrives in Mexico at 18:40; • AF 439: leaves Mexico at 21:10, arrives at Paris- Charles de Gaulle at 14:25. Flights operated by A380 on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays from 12 January to 26 March 2016. Daily flights by A380 as from 27 March 2016. © Stéphan Gladieu The comfort of an A380 Boarding an Air France Airbus A380 always guarantees an exceptional trip. On board, the 516 passengers travel in perfect comfort in exceptionally spacious cabins. Two hundred and twenty windows fill the aircraft with natural light, and changing background lighting allows passengers to cross time zones fatigue-free. In addition, six bars are located throughout the aircraft, giving passengers the chance to meet up during the flight. With cabin noise levels five decibels lower than industry standards, the A380 is a particularly quiet aircraft and features the latest entertainment and comfort technology. -
'Culture Collecting': Examples from the Study of South American (Fire)
The Cracks, Bumps, and Dents of ‘Culture Collecting’: Examples from the Study of South American (Fire) Fans As rachaduras, solavancos e amolgadelas da ‘coleta de cultura’: exemplos do estudo dos abanos (para fogo) sul-americanos Konrad Rybka Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract: Ethnography, a means of representing the culture of a people graphically and in writing, as well as ethnographic museums, institutions devoted to conserving, contextualizing, and displaying indigenous heritage for wider audiences, strive to portray cultures adequately and on their own terms. However, given that the ethnographic enterprise has virtually always been carried out by and within non-indigenous scientific structures, its products are at a high risk of being tinged by the Western lens, in particular Western scientific theory and practice. This article focuses on the ethnographic record of South American fire fans – defined by ethnographers as tools for fanning cooking fires – to demonstrate how such biases can be removed by taking stock of the entirety of the relevant ethnographic heritage and analyzing it through the prism of the documented practices in which such objects are enmeshed, including the very practice of ethnography. In the light of such practices, the ethnographic record of fire fans deconstructs into a corpus of historical documents revealing the momentary, yet meaningful, technological choices made by the indigenous craftsmen who produced the objects and exposing Western categories, Kulturkreise mentality, and culture-area schemata imposed on them. Keywords: collection; fire fans; Lowland South America. Resumo: A etnografia, enquanto meio de representar a cultura de um povo graficamente e por escrito, bem como os museus etnográficos, instituições dedicadas a conservar, contextua- lizar e exibir o patrimônio indígena para um público mais amplo, se esforçam para retratar as culturas de forma adequada e em seus próprios termos. -
Judgment of 18 December 2020
18 DECEMBER 2020 JUDGMENT ARBITRAL AWARD OF 3 OCTOBER 1899 (GUYANA v. VENEZUELA) ___________ SENTENCE ARBITRALE DU 3 OCTOBRE 1899 (GUYANA c. VENEZUELA) 18 DÉCEMBRE 2020 ARRÊT TABLE OF CONTENTS Paragraphs CHRONOLOGY OF THE PROCEDURE 1-22 I. INTRODUCTION 23-28 II. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND 29-60 A. The Washington Treaty and the 1899 Award 31-34 B. Venezuela’s repudiation of the 1899 Award and the search for a settlement of the dispute 35-39 C. The signing of the 1966 Geneva Agreement 40-44 D. The implementation of the Geneva Agreement 45-60 1. The Mixed Commission (1966-1970) 45-47 2. The 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain and the moratorium put in place 48-53 3. From the good offices process (1990-2014 and 2017) to the seisin of the Court 54-60 III. INTERPRETATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT 61-101 A. The “controversy” under the Geneva Agreement 64-66 B. Whether the Parties gave their consent to the judicial settlement of the controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 67-88 1. Whether the decision of the Secretary-General has a binding character 68-78 2. Whether the Parties consented to the choice by the Secretary-General of judicial settlement 79-88 C. Whether the consent given by the Parties to the judicial settlement of their controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement is subject to any conditions 89-100 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT 102-115 A. The conformity of the decision of the Secretary-General of 30 January 2018 with Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 103-109 B. -
Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia
MASS VIOLENCE & ATROCITIES Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia A Discussion Paper by Francisco Javier Sanchez C. Translated into English from the original Spanish version Context Colombia seeks to build a more open border policy. The Colombian Border Law of 1995 and the Andean Community standards promote Relations between Venezuela and Colombia deteriorated to a cross-border cooperation and planning, as well as the creation of breaking point after the Colombian Peace Agreement with the border integration zones. Due to the Venezuelan migration crisis, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) in Colombia created a border management agency, implemented a 2016. Today, the Colombian government recognizes Juan Guaidó as border mobility card, and discussed a bill to provide economic the legitimate interim president of Venezuela and considers Nicolás and social facilities to Cúcuta. A limited National Impact Plan was Maduro a usurper and his government a de facto regime. In refer- introduced, aimed at stimulating the economy and strengthening ence to Guaidó, there are limited diplomatic relations between his societies in the border areas and addressing their regular needs, representatives and Colombia, while there are no relations between which have increased because of Venezuelan migration. the Maduro government and Colombia following years of distrust. At the decision of Venezuela, formal crossing points along the Recommendations Colombian border have been officially closed since August 19, 2015, Given this context, the following proposals are presented: however there are unofficial openings during limited hours, though the consistency fluctuates. Since February 22, 2019, the crossing National Governments points at the border with the Venezuelan state of Táchira have been – Both governments should establish regular channels of com- closed to vehicular traffic, with pedestrian traffic allowed at the munication and cooperation, without delays.