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The Renovation of the Churches of Cairo in the Fatimid and Early Ayyubid Periods According to Abu Al-Makarim’S Churches and Monasteries of Egypt

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The Renovation of the Churches of Cairo in the Fatimid and Early Ayyubid Periods According to Abu Al-Makarim’S Churches and Monasteries of Egypt ECA 9 (2012-2013), p. 27-52; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.9.0.3044821 The Renovation of the Churches of Cairo in the Fatimid and Early Ayyubid Periods according to Abu al-Makarim’s Churches and Monasteries of Egypt Mat IMMERZEEL INTRODUCTION with the one in Paris: in combination, these two parts constitute a priceless topographical and his- It must have been not long after 1118 that Abu torical encyclopaedia of medieval Christian Egypt. al-Fadl Ibn al-Usquf died1. He was the right man To draw awareness to the scholarly interest of in the right place, and probably also at the right this unique account, the present study highlights a time. Born as the son of Bishop Yuhanna of Atrib, predominant topic in Abu al-Makarim’s writings: this powerful Christian scribe served two Fatimid the involvement of the Christian elite in the erec- viziers. As a prominent notable (sheikh or archon) tion and refurbishment of churches and monaster- of the Coptic community in Greater Cairo, he ies from the late eleventh century to the late twelfth acted as the perfect intermediary between the civic century. authorities and the lay and ecclesiastical leaders of the community, as well as being a diligent con- THE CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES OF EGYPT tributor to the building and renovation of churches. One of the sanctuaries he constructed was the When Evetts and Butler published the CME in Church of the Virgin in Deir al-Khandaq, a mon- 1895, they never suspected that the manuscript astery to the north of the Fatimid centre of power, they had studied told only part of the story. al-Qahira. In this church, Abu al-Fadl and his son Although the existence of what later turned out to Abu al-Surur found their final resting place below be the complementary part was reported for the the altar room. Both were eternalized in a painting first time in 1925, it largely escaped scholarly atten- in the apse, which showed them supplicating Christ tion for decades, even after the manuscript was pur- in Glory. chased by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in 19785. The buildings of Deir al-Khandaq disappeared In fact, the integral publication in 1984 of the Ara- centuries ago, but the fascinating story about the bic text of both parts by Father Samuel al-Suriani, family tomb of this high-ranking Christian in at that time a monk in Deir al-Surian, came as a Fatimid service and the effigies of the deceased lives total surprise to the academic world. With its focus on through a fourteenth-century Arabic manuscript in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich2. This source adds minor but salient detail about the life of an interesting man, whose professional vicissi- 1 This research was funded by the Netherlands Organization tudes have come down to us in the History of the for Scientific Research (NWO) and Leiden University. I Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church (henceforth would like to express my gratitude to Clara ten Hacken 3 for her assistance with the interpretation of the Arabic HPEC) . For a long time, the only other source on texts; Bas Snelders for his valuable suggestions; and Maria Abu al-Fadl’s involvement in the refurbishing of Sherwood Smith for her corrections to the English in this monasteries and churches was a manuscript in article. 2 Paris, edited and translated in 1895 by Basil Cod. Arab. 2570; CMS, 32, fol. 16b. 3 For the history and composition of the HPEC, see den Thomas Alfred Evetts, with annotations of Alfred Heijer 1996, 69-77. Joshua Butler; this edition was published under the 4 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, arabe 307. title The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt and 5 For the history of and discussions on the complete manu- Some Neighbouring Countries attributed to Abû script and the multi-layered complexity of the texts, see den 4 Heijer 1993, 209-211; idem 1994; 418-419; idem 1996, Sâlih, the Armenian (henceforth CME) . It turns 78-81; ten Hacken 2006, 186-190; Zanetti 1995. See also out that the manuscript in Munich forms a whole Coquin 1974, ix. 27 97087_ECA.indb 27 14/01/15 10:28 on the northern part of the Cairo area, Lower to interpret. Although the Bayerische Staatsbiblio- Egypt, and other regions in the Middle East, the thek has partly solved the problem of accessibility ‘new’ discovery provides a matchless addition to the by including the digitized manuscript in its online manuscript in Paris, which covers the southern catalogue8, until a sound critical edition of the Cairo region and Upper Egypt, as far as Nubia and full manuscript has been produced, scholars will Ethiopia. In 1992, shortly after his ordination as have to make do with the source material published a bishop, Samuel al-Suriani also published an Eng- so far. lish translation of the chapters on Lower Egypt, with the title History of the Churches and Monaster- Returning to the aims of this study, the account ies in Lower Egypt in the Thirteenth Century (hence- demonstrates that there was a well-developed socio- forth CMS). political and religiously bound system aimed at The copy of the text preserved in the above maintaining Christian life and practices under manuscripts was completed in or shortly after Fatimid and early Ayyubid rule. Even if we limit 1349, and covers events up to the early thirteenth our attention to the Greater Cairo area, i.e., century. The preliminary studies by Johannes between Damanhur Shubra to the North and den Heijer, Ugo Zanetti, and others reveal that it Turah to the South, the amount of information on constitutes a complex, multi-layered compilation of such patronage is overwhelming. As a sample of writings from different periods. Moreover, the ini- this wealth of virtually unexplored information, tial attribution of the Paris volume to Abu Salih this article will examine two instances that illustrate turned out to be false; the main body of the text the process of interaction between lay people and should properly be attributed to the Coptic priest the clergy. Abu al-Makarim Sa¨dallah Ibn Jirjis Ibn Mas¨ud, After a brief outline of the tumultuous political who refers to himself as the author in the part in developments in the period under discussion and Munich6. Abu al-Makarim lived for some time near an introduction to the involvement of the Coptic the Church of the Virgin in Haret Zuwayla and elite in the renovation of church buildings, we will witnessed a turning point in the history of Egypt. first deal with the reconstruction of the Church of To judge from the detailed digressions on events the Virgin at Haret al-Rum, a subject elaborated in between about 1160 and 1187, he lived to see the detail in the Munich manuscript. The second case downfall of the Fatimid dynasty and the rise of study maps the building history of the upper level Ayyubid power. of the Church of St Mercurius to the north of While Evett’s edition has become a widely con- Old Cairo and highlights the interaction between sulted standard work on the history of medieval lay donors and the higher ranks of the clergy in the Egypt, the contributions of Bishop Samuel, which development and decoration of this floor. It should were published by the Institute of Coptic Studies be noted that Evett’s edition discusses this church in Cairo, have remained largely unnoticed for the at length. Though other scholars have also studied simple reason of poor distribution7. Informative the passage to some extent, the question of the and complementary though his English edition is, purpose of the upper floor remains unanswered. it lacks professional quality and is therefore difficult The present article puts forward an alternative interpretation of the facts as presented by Abu al-Makarim, in combination with an analysis of the works of art in or from this part of the com- plex; this sheds some light on the way the building functioned as a patriarchal compound. 6 CMS, 7, fols 5a-b. As one might expect, Abu al-Makarim’s atten- 7 Until now, parts of these publications were consulted for a few studies, in particular Baraz 1995; Ciggaar 2006; den tion was mainly devoted to his own community. Heijer 1994; idem 1999; ten Hacken 2006; van Loon However, he did also elaborate, in varying degrees, 1999; Mouton/Popescu-Belis 2006; Samir 1996; Skalova/ on the whereabouts and vicissitudes of other Chris- Gabra 2007; Werthmuller 2010. tian groups, particularly the Melkites, Armenians, 8 Beschreibung der Kirchen und Klöster in Ägypten, auf der Sinai-Halbinsel, in Palästina, Syrien, dem Irak und in Kon- and Syrian Orthodox. We will address each of these stantinopel – BSB Cod.arab. 2570 (http://www.digitale- communities in separate sections below. The final sammlungen.de/index.html?suchbegriff=2570&c=suchen). topic to be dealt with is the question of whether the 28 97087_ECA.indb 28 14/01/15 10:28 renovation activities detailed in the account reveal Church of St Onophrius in Hamra ad-Dunya11. any significant patterns when viewed against the The situation was no less dramatic in Lower Egypt. background of historical events. To provide a clear During the Crusader siege of Bilbeis in 1164, overview of the churches and monasteries in the fanatical Muslims had demolished a church in the Greater Cairo area discussed by Abu al-Makarim, city. In the aftermath, Bishop Michael of Basta and the Coptic, Melkite, Armenian, and Syrian Ortho- Deir al-Khandaq called for the help of the Frankish dox churches are listed in four appendices, and King Almaric I, who kindly donated 300 Egyptian their locations are marked in Figures 1 and 2.
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