ECA 9 (2012-2013), p. 27-52; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.9.0.3044821

The Renovation of the Churches of in the Fatimid and Early Ayyubid Periods according to Abu al-Makarim’s Churches and Monasteries of

Mat IMMERZEEL

INTRODUCTION with the one in Paris: in combination, these two parts constitute a priceless topographical and his- It must have been not long after 1118 that Abu torical encyclopaedia of medieval Christian Egypt. al-Fadl Ibn al-Usquf died1. He was the right man To draw awareness to the scholarly interest of in the right place, and probably also at the right this unique account, the present study highlights a time. Born as the son of Bishop Yuhanna of Atrib, predominant topic in Abu al-Makarim’s writings: this powerful Christian scribe served two Fatimid the involvement of the Christian elite in the erec- viziers. As a prominent notable (sheikh or archon) tion and refurbishment of churches and monaster- of the Coptic community in Greater Cairo, he ies from the late eleventh century to the late twelfth acted as the perfect intermediary between the civic century. authorities and the lay and ecclesiastical leaders of the community, as well as being a diligent con- THE CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES OF EGYPT tributor to the building and renovation of churches. One of the sanctuaries he constructed was the When Evetts and Butler published the CME in Church of the Virgin in Deir al-Khandaq, a mon- 1895, they never suspected that the manuscript astery to the north of the Fatimid centre of power, they had studied told only part of the story. al-Qahira. In this church, Abu al-Fadl and his son Although the existence of what later turned out to Abu al-Surur found their final resting place below be the complementary part was reported for the the altar room. Both were eternalized in a painting first time in 1925, it largely escaped scholarly atten- in the apse, which showed them supplicating Christ tion for decades, even after the manuscript was pur- in Glory. chased by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in 19785. The buildings of Deir al-Khandaq disappeared In fact, the integral publication in 1984 of the Ara- centuries ago, but the fascinating story about the bic text of both parts by Father Samuel al-Suriani, family tomb of this high-ranking Christian in at that time a monk in Deir al-Surian, came as a Fatimid service and the effigies of the deceased lives total surprise to the academic world. With its focus on through a fourteenth-century manuscript in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich2. This source adds minor but salient detail about the life of an interesting man, whose professional vicissi- 1 This research was funded by the Netherlands Organization tudes have come down to us in the History of the for Scientific Research (NWO) and Leiden University. I Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church (henceforth would like to express my gratitude to Clara ten Hacken 3 for her assistance with the interpretation of the Arabic HPEC) . For a long time, the only other source on texts; Bas Snelders for his valuable suggestions; and Maria Abu al-Fadl’s involvement in the refurbishing of Sherwood Smith for her corrections to the English in this monasteries and churches was a manuscript in article. 2 Paris, edited and translated in 1895 by Basil Cod. Arab. 2570; CMS, 32, fol. 16b. 3 For the history and composition of the HPEC, see den Thomas Alfred Evetts, with annotations of Alfred Heijer 1996, 69-77. Joshua Butler; this edition was published under the 4 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, arabe 307. title The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt and 5 For the history of and discussions on the complete manu- Some Neighbouring Countries attributed to Abû script and the multi-layered complexity of the texts, see den 4 Heijer 1993, 209-211; idem 1994; 418-419; idem 1996, Sâlih, the Armenian (henceforth CME) . It turns 78-81; ten Hacken 2006, 186-190; Zanetti 1995. See also out that the manuscript in Munich forms a whole Coquin 1974, ix.

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97087_ECA.indb 27 14/01/15 10:28 on the northern part of the Cairo area, Lower to interpret. Although the Bayerische Staatsbiblio- Egypt, and other regions in the Middle East, the thek has partly solved the problem of accessibility ‘new’ discovery provides a matchless addition to the by including the digitized manuscript in its online manuscript in Paris, which covers the southern catalogue8, until a sound critical edition of the Cairo region and , as far as and full manuscript has been produced, scholars will Ethiopia. In 1992, shortly after his ordination as have to make do with the source material published a bishop, Samuel al-Suriani also published an Eng- so far. lish translation of the chapters on Lower Egypt, with the title History of the Churches and Monaster- Returning to the aims of this study, the account ies in Lower Egypt in the Thirteenth Century (hence- demonstrates that there was a well-developed socio- forth CMS). political and religiously bound system aimed at The copy of the text preserved in the above maintaining Christian life and practices under manuscripts was completed in or shortly after Fatimid and early Ayyubid rule. Even if we limit 1349, and covers events up to the early thirteenth our attention to the Greater Cairo area, i.e., century. The preliminary studies by Johannes between Damanhur Shubra to the North and den Heijer, Ugo Zanetti, and others reveal that it Turah to the South, the amount of information on constitutes a complex, multi-layered compilation of such patronage is overwhelming. As a sample of writings from different periods. Moreover, the ini- this wealth of virtually unexplored information, tial attribution of the Paris volume to Abu Salih this article will examine two instances that illustrate turned out to be false; the main body of the text the process of interaction between lay people and should properly be attributed to the Coptic priest the clergy. Abu al-Makarim Sa¨dallah Ibn Jirjis Ibn Mas¨ud, After a brief outline of the tumultuous political who refers to himself as the author in the part in developments in the period under discussion and Munich6. Abu al-Makarim lived for some time near an introduction to the involvement of the Coptic the Church of the Virgin in Haret Zuwayla and elite in the renovation of church buildings, we will witnessed a turning point in the history of Egypt. first deal with the reconstruction of the Church of To judge from the detailed digressions on events the Virgin at Haret al-Rum, a subject elaborated in between about 1160 and 1187, he lived to see the detail in the Munich manuscript. The second case downfall of the Fatimid dynasty and the rise of study maps the building history of the upper level Ayyubid power. of the Church of St Mercurius to the north of While Evett’s edition has become a widely con- and highlights the interaction between sulted standard work on the history of medieval lay donors and the higher ranks of the clergy in the Egypt, the contributions of Bishop Samuel, which development and decoration of this floor. It should were published by the Institute of Coptic Studies be noted that Evett’s edition discusses this church in Cairo, have remained largely unnoticed for the at length. Though other scholars have also studied simple reason of poor distribution7. Informative the passage to some extent, the question of the and complementary though his English edition is, purpose of the upper floor remains unanswered. it lacks professional quality and is therefore difficult The present article puts forward an alternative interpretation of the facts as presented by Abu al-Makarim, in combination with an analysis of the works of art in or from this part of the com- plex; this sheds some light on the way the building functioned as a patriarchal compound. 6 CMS, 7, fols 5a-b. As one might expect, Abu al-Makarim’s atten- 7 Until now, parts of these publications were consulted for a few studies, in particular Baraz 1995; Ciggaar 2006; den tion was mainly devoted to his own community. Heijer 1994; idem 1999; ten Hacken 2006; van Loon However, he did also elaborate, in varying degrees, 1999; Mouton/Popescu-Belis 2006; Samir 1996; Skalova/ on the whereabouts and vicissitudes of other Chris- Gabra 2007; Werthmuller 2010. tian groups, particularly the Melkites, Armenians, 8 Beschreibung der Kirchen und Klöster in Ägypten, auf der Sinai-Halbinsel, in Palästina, Syrien, dem Irak und in Kon- and Syrian Orthodox. We will address each of these stantinopel – BSB Cod.arab. 2570 (http://www.digitale- communities in separate sections below. The final sammlungen.de/index.html?suchbegriff=2570&c=suchen). topic to be dealt with is the question of whether the

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97087_ECA.indb 28 14/01/15 10:28 renovation activities detailed in the account reveal Church of St Onophrius in Hamra ad-Dunya11. any significant patterns when viewed against the The situation was no less dramatic in Lower Egypt. background of historical events. To provide a clear During the Crusader siege of in 1164, overview of the churches and monasteries in the fanatical Muslims had demolished a church in the Greater Cairo area discussed by Abu al-Makarim, city. In the aftermath, Bishop Michael of Basta and the Coptic, Melkite, Armenian, and Syrian Ortho- Deir al-Khandaq called for the help of the Frankish dox churches are listed in four appendices, and King Almaric I, who kindly donated 300 Egyptian their locations are marked in Figures 1 and 2. dinars to restore the devastated building12. Ulti- mately Michael never spent the money for the des- HISTORICAL CONTEXT: FROM BADR AL-JAMALI TO ignated purpose, as four years later Frankish troops SALAH AD-DIN in turn massacred the population of Bilbeis, Chris- tians, and Muslims alike13. In 1169 the war ended The attitude of the Shiite Fatimids towards their in a Zenghid victory. Soon thereafter, Salah ad-Din non-Shiite subjects (Sunnites and dhimmis, in par- became vizier of Egypt, and with his proclamation ticular ) can best be described as an as sultan in 1174, his grip on the country was com- awareness that they had to deal with a multi-reli- plete. Egypt would be ruled by the Ayyubids until gious society on a day-to-day level. Tolerance is a the rise of the Mamluks in 1250. misnomer in this matter. Things went wrong whenever emotions and religious fanaticism pre- THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE COPTIC ELITE vailed over pragmatism, as was the case with the hostile reaction of al-Hakim in 1004, who ordered Traditionally, the elite of literate Christian laymen churches to be closed and demolished9. In practice, was well established within the civic administra- political and socio-economical setbacks affected all tion, and their communities benefited greatly from Egyptians, irrespective of their beliefs. Between their influential contacts at the highest level. At the 1065 and 1072, the country increasingly suffered same time, these dignitaries were also involved in from great unrest, due to plundering and wide- consolidating Christian properties14. At this point, spread rebellion of foreign troops in Fatimid ser- the curriculum vitae of the afore-mentioned Abu vice; the situation was further worsened by periods al-Fadl Ibn al-Usquf offers a distinct example of of famine and plague. Peace was only restored after how a high-ranking Copt functioned within the Caliph al-Mustansir (1036-1094) sought the inter- ‘old boys’ network’ of Fatimid Cairo, and simulta- vention of the converted Armenian chieftain Badr neously embodied the tendency of the state to exert al-Jamali in 1072. Badr was vizier from 1074 to control on its Christian subjects. In the chapter 1094 and founded a highly efficient, secular, mili- on Cyril II (1078–1092) in the HPEC, tary dictatorship, which temporarily prolonged al-Fadl is presented as Sheikh Abu al-Fadl Yahya Fatimid hegemony10. After the vizier’s death, his Ibn Ibrahim, the mutawali (supervisor) of the son al-Afdal Shahansah (1094-1121) took over the Diwan (office) of the Gates in Misr (Cairo) and regency and fully controlled Caliph al-Amir (1101- the Diwan of Industry, which office he held during 1130) until the latter killed him. The period of the vizierate of Badr al-Jamali. On the arrival of the Armenian supremacy endured until the resignation of the last, incompetent and unpopular, Christian Armenian vizier Bahram in 1137. Decisive in the history of Cairo and its churches 9 For the position of the Christians in Fatimid and Ayyubid were the events of the and 1170s. Two par- Egypt, see Brett 2005a; CE 4, 1097a-1100a; Samir 1996; ties had joined the political minefield of that period Tagher 1998; Werthmuller 2010, 29-49. 10 For Badr al-Jamali, see CE 2, 324-326; Brett 2005b; and had set their sights on the Fatimid capital: the Dadoyan 1996, 201-205; eadem 1997, 107-127; den Latins of the Kingdom of , and the Syrian Heijer 1999; Werthmuller 2010, 39-40. Zenghids. In the complex turmoil of rapidly chang- 11 For the fires of 1168, see Kubiak 1976; Raymond 2007, ing alliances, advancing armies, and enraged Mus- 75-77. 12 CMS, 57-58, fol. 28a. For the siege of Bilbeis, see Runci- lim mobs, several churches near Old Cairo were man 2002, 368. pillaged in 1164 or went up in flames in 1168, 13 Runciman 2002, 380-381. such as the Church of St Mercurius, and the 14 Jeudy 2009.

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97087_ECA.indb 29 14/01/15 10:28 Fig. 1. Map of Al-Qahira (Mat Immerzeel)

patriarch in Old Cairo for his consecration in 1078, Abu al-Fadl officially welcomed him and arranged Fig. 2. Map of the Greater Cairo area (Mat Immerzeel) a royal barge to transport the patriarch from Rhoda Island to the East bank of the Nile15. He would also attend the consecration of Patriarch Macarius II (1102–1131), who, through Abu al-Fadl’s medi- Al-Fadl’s concern with church affairs comes to ation, met with Vizier al-Afdal to arrange the the fore particularly in the protracted selection pro- church leader’s journey to Alexandria16. By then cedure leading to the election of a new bishop of Abu al-Fadl was at the height of his power: as the Cairo in 1118, in which matter the local archons vizier’s scribe, he was “[…] the person who signed had a substantial say. As the leading notable, Abu in his stead for money and men, and he was in Al-Fadl welcomed the candidate John Ibn Sanhut charge of the Diwan of the Council, and overseer to his house in Misr (/Old Cairo). Saliently, of all the Diwans of the Exchequer (al-Istifa) for all Patriarch Macarius had recommended that John be the affairs of the kingdom”17. interrogated by his Armenian confrere Grigor, in order to establish his suitability for the office. On his way back to Abu al-Fadl’s home from the cell of 15 HPEC 2.3, 325-326. the catholicos at az-Zuhri, the future bishop enjoyed 16 According to custom, the patriarch should be consecrated the honour of being accompanied by his host18. three times: in , at the Monastery of St Macar- ius, and in Cairo. As this instance shows, the influence of high- 17 HPEC 3.1, 4-6. ranking laymen in the broader ecclesiastical net- 18 HPEC 3.1, 11-35, esp. 32-34. work was considerable. One of the notable scribes

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97087_ECA.indb 30 14/01/15 10:28 among their ranks, Abu al-¨Ula Ibn Tarik, who also Ma¨ani, the brother-in-law of the priest Abu al- served as a deacon in the Church of St Mercurius, Muna, whose tomb was near the church25. would even be elected as Patriarch Gabriel II Things were much the same in other parts of the (1131-1145). This appointment was made at the country, especially in the Nile Delta. In Qalama, a recommendation of the Syrian Orthodox Bishop church dedicated to St Philotheus burned down in Joseph of Deir al-Surian, who was consulted in the 1181/82. The area was under the authority of the matter by a delegation of the Cairene archons19. Kurdish lawyer al-Arshad Isa, a confidant of Abu al-Fadl’s contributions to the renovation of Salah ad-Din; his scribe Sheikh Fakhr al-Kufah, several churches and monasteries have come down also known as al-Fakhr Ibn Dawud, took charge of to us in the CME. He took charge of a new altar the restoration, which was completed in 118426. for the Church of St Menas in Deir Mari Mina, A certain Sheikh Abu al-Khair Jergah furnished the built the Chapel of St George on the first floor of roof construction of the Church of the Virgin in the Church of St Mercurius (see below), and Samannud in the western Delta. This dignitary was renewed the sanctuary of the Church of Deir not just a notable in his own city: he held the posi- al-Nahiyah to the west of Gizeh20. This archon’s tion of governor of the region27. Obviously, Chris- generosity towards the Church extended to the tian functionaries had managed to keep their posi- lowest level: he used to pray in the Church of tions in the administration after the Ayyubid St Onophrius at Hamra ad-Dunya and left a dinar assumption of power, or had resumed office after for the priest, “on account of the pleasure which he their temporary exclusion from key positions at the took in his ministration and the sweetness of his start of Salah ad-Din’s vizierate28. voice”21. The CMS particularly focuses on Abu al- Fadl’s commitments to Deir al-Khandaq. Near the THE CHURCH OF THE VIRGIN AT HARET AL-RUM: Church of the Virgin inside this monastery – which A FAMILY ENTERPRISE? he erected and where, as we have seen, he was interred and portrayed – he founded a garden, One of Abu al-Makarim’s most detailed accounts where a certain Sheikh Ezz al-Kufah Abu al-Maka- of the renovation of churches after the Ayyubid sei- rim (not the author) constructed the Church of the zure of power deals with the Church of the Holy Disciples. The tomb of al-Kufah’s father, Sheikh Virgin in the Haret al-Rum quarter, in the south- Mustafa al-Mulk Abu Yussef, stood inside the ern part of the Fatimid city: church. According to Abu al-Makarim, the honour of such a prominent burial place was due to Musta- The rightly guided priest Abu Zekri, a native of fa’s position as the son-in-law of Abu al-Fadl22. The Nesha, undertook to whitewash and restore this latter was also involved in obtaining extra land out- church, in the month of Abib, in the year 902 of the side the monastery for a garden, and in extending pure martyrs [June/July, A.D. 1186], comprising all the monastery’s congested cemetery23. the ancient images which were under the gabled roof Evidently, Abu al-Fadl was not the only high- and inside the sanctuary. A body of Christians renewed ranking Copt who was a prominent patron of the pictures by the hand of the painter Ibn al-Hufi. churches. To mention just a few of the many exam- ples furnished by Abu al-Makarim: a church in Old Cairo that had been set on fire in 1168 was restored ¨ in 1186/87 (A.M. 903) by Sheikh Abu Sa id Ibn 19 HPEC 3.1, 39-40. Andunah, the financial secretary of one of the 20 CME, 105, fols 30a-b (St Menas); 121-122, fol. 38b diwans and chief notary24. Furthermore, the Church (St George); 182, fol. 61b (Deir al-Nahiyah). For Abu of St Theodore the Oriental at al-Fahhadin was al-Fadl, see also Hunt 2011, 174; van Loon 1999, 25-27. 21 CME, 115, fol. 34b. rebuilt by Sheikh Abu al-Barakat, advisor to a cer- 22 CMS, 32-33, fol. 16b. tain Abu al-Fakhr Ibn Beseweih, whose father was 23 CMS, 35, fols 17b-18a. a friend of , the last Fatimid vizier. Abu al- 24 CME, 95-96, fol. 28a. For the term diwan, see EI2, 336- Makarim’s report on this event also shines some 341. 25 CMS, 20, fol. 11b. light on the part of an apparently well-to-do crafts- 26 CMS, 56, fol. 27b. man in this project: the sanctuary screen in the 27 CMS, 64-65, fol. 31a. church was made at the expense of the jeweller 28 HPEC 3.2, 165-166; Werthmuller 2010, 44-47.

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97087_ECA.indb 31 14/01/15 10:28 Sheikh Abu al-Khair, known as Saybuyaih, the This quotation contains everything an art historian scribe, made a marble pulpit for that church. Mansur could desire: it provides the names of craftsmen – of Antioch – the marble cutter – finished that work. Its the sculptor Mansur from Antioch, the painter Ibn cost was 300 dinars. Abu Ghaleb Ibn Bepham carried al-Hufi, and the woodworker Ishac – as well as of the marble of his house to that church, and marbled the the people who instigated and financed the renova- church with it. The said Abu al-Khair made the tablet. tions, furnished the materials, and passed around The seven principal feasts and the image of Abu al- the hat to collect the requisite funds. Moreover, the Sirri, a native of Melieg, were drawn on this painted author describes a sanctuary screen and the icon tablet, which was interwoven with gold. This tablet was placed on top of it, representing the seven principal erected upon the screen of the altar. The aforesaid screen feasts and the effigy of a donor or deceased person. and its doors were made of teak inlaid with ivory and It is fascinating to realize that Abu al-Makarim ebony, made by Ishac al-Naggar [the carpenter]. Long must have known these contemporaries: he lived in ago, a house which adjoined the church was perma- Haret Zuwayla, just a short distance from Haret nently attached to it. In that church there is a carved al-Rum (Fig. 1). wooden cathedra, made by Ishac the carpenter. Yet this passage contains several ambiguities and The altar was badly decayed, and the aforesaid inconsistencies, which are characteristic of the church did not have any benefit of it because of its bad account as a whole. To start with the order of the condition. Sheikh Abu Zekri Ibn Abu al-Bishr, scribe, events, Abu al-Makarim seems to refer to three dif- and his cousin Abu al-Muna, also a scribe, undertook ferent renovation campaigns, with no regard for the to attach this house to the church. A dome was built chronological sequence. On closer inspection, we upon the church and the sanctuary, with a wooden can discern that the first phase of extension and screen, and its arabesque doors were made by the two restructuring concluded with the consecration of themselves, with what had been collected from the the church by Patriarch John V (1147-1166) on 22 chief men. Hatur, A.M. 879 (and not 979, as is mentioned in The church had three altars below the dome. The the text), that is, 1 December 1163; next the first altar was undamaged, but was removed by pil- church was partially decorated in 1172/73; and lage, and the (new) altar was made in the same shape finally, the interior was completed in 1186. (as the former). The sanctuary had two screens, the One point of uncertainty is the interpretation of first and the second. When the church was finished, the individual contributions. How should we and nobody had been informed of the improvements, understand the involvement of the scribe Abu al- Anba Yuannis, the patriarch, the seventy-second in the Khair in the making of the pulpit and the icon? order of succession, came and consecrated it at night Was he the painter of the icon30, or should the and celebrated the liturgy, and the laity partook of phrase “The said Abu al-Khair made the tablet” be Holy Communion, in the year A.H. 557 [A.D. read as “The said Abu al-Khair had the tablet 1162/63] in the of Adid, on the feast of made”? By contrast, for the murals applied in the St Cosmas, on the twenty-second of Hatur, in the year final phase of restoration (1186), the text makes a 979 of the pure martyrs in the vizierate of Ruzic Ibn clear distinction between those who commissioned Tala¨i Ibn Ruzic. The principal Abu al-Wafa the the work – “a body of Christians”– and the execut- priest, brother of the said Abu Zekri, covered the two ing artist, Ibn al-Hufi. Saliently, we also come corners inside the sanctuary with marble, with the rest across this painter in the part of the manuscript of the marble and the other things that Abu Zekri left; published in 1895. Immediately after the Coptic he painted images on the dome and the whole of the takeover of the Armenian Church of St James in sanctuary, in the patriarchate of Anba Marcus Ibn al-Basatin (see below), “Abu al-Fath Ibn al-Akmas, Zara¨a, in the year 568 A.H. [A.D. 1172/73], with known as Ibn al-Hufi the painter” embellished the what he had collected from the Christians29. apse at the expense of Abu Sa’id Ibn az-Zayyat, accomplishing this task in the month of Amshir in A.M. 892 (January/February, A.D. 1176)31. The name of Ishac the carpenter turns up once more in 29 CMS, 10-12, fols 6a-b. This quotation has been revised on the basis of Clara ten Hacken’s reading of the Arabic text. connection with the refurbishment of the Church 30 Skalova/Gabra 2006, 105. of St Theodore the Oriental at al-Fahhadin, behind 31 CME, 9-10, fol. 5a. the vizier’s residence. He made a twisted wooden

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97087_ECA.indb 32 14/01/15 10:28 ambon and a sanctuary screen for this church, which was reopened on 13 Baramuda, A.M. 892 Azhar as-Zanf ≈ ? (21 April, A.D. 1176). In this case, too, Abu al- Makarim distinguishes between the craftsman and the person who commissioned the screen, a certain Abu al-Fadl al-Taha¨an32. Abu al-Bishr al-Ahdab ≈ ? When it comes to offices, names, and kinship we also encounter a certain amount of confusion. The central figure in the whole renovation project was the priest Abu Zekri from Nesha (in the Nile Delta). But was he the same person as the scribe Abu Zekri Ibn Abu al-Bishr ≈ ? Abu al-Wafa Ibn Abu al-Bishr Sheikh Abu Zekri Ibn Abu al-Bishr? Taking into account Abu al-Makarim’s digression on the resto- ration of the nearby Church of St Theodore the Fig. 3. Provisional genealogical tree of Abu al-Bishr Oriental only adds to the confusion. There, “the al-Ahdab according to Abu al-Makarim above-mentioned Abu Zekri” is said to have financed “the bakehouse to bake the Holy Bread”, twice by Abu al-Makarim, who, as a resident of the whilst “the aforesaid deacon Sheikh Abu Zekri” courtyard of the Church of the Virgin at Haret provided the wooden banisters of the ambon33. Be Zuwayla, was practically the convert’s neighbour37. that as it may, Abu Zekri Ibn Abu al-Bishr had a This example of patient digging lays bare the brother, the priest Abu al-Wafa, who also partici- shortcomings and complexity of the History of pated in the works of 1172/73. He can be identi- Churches and Monasteries. Invaluable though fied as the priest Abu al-Wafa Ibn Abu al-Bashar (= Bishop Samuel’s English edition is, its inconsisten- Bishr), who was also involved in the refurbishment cies add further confusion to a text that was already of the afore-mentioned Church of St James at al- fairly disorderly in itself. Nevertheless, the text Basatin in 117634. Perhaps his input is related to sketches an intriguing picture of how the Church the entrustment of the liturgical celebrations in this of the Virgin at Haret al-Rum was restored through church to the priests of the Church of the Virgin the commitment of a group of civic notables and in Haret ar-Rum. As stated above, the church at clergymen who had the means and determination al-Basatin would be painted by al-Hufi shortly to accomplish this self-imposed task. At this point thereafter. this case stands model for that of many other Undoubtedly the sons of Abu al-Bishr and Ibn churches in the Cairo area and abroad. al-Hufi belonged to the inner circles of Coptic Cairo in the early Ayyubid period and collaborated THE PATRIARCHAL COMPOUND IN THE CHURCH OF on several occasions. This brings us to the identity ST MERCURIUS of Abu al-Bishr, the father of al-Zekri and al-Wafa. Some clues to his identity are hidden elsewhere in A second example of joint efforts of the civic elite Abu al-Makarim’s account. A potential candidate is and higher clergy for the purpose of refurbishing Abu al-Bishr al-Ahdab, who became a deacon in churches is the renovation of the sanctuaries at the the Church of the Virgin at Haret Zuwayla in 1186 upper level of the Church of St Mercurius (Abu and constructed its bakehouse (Fig. 3)35. He is Sefein) in Deir Abu Sefein to the north of Old mentioned once more as the brother-in-law of Cairo. In the 1070s, Patriarch Christodulus granted Asfur al-Nabbath, who in 1187/88 restored the St Mercurius the status of patriarchal church, Church of the Nativity on the upper level of the church at Haret al-Rum36. A striking detail is that this Abu al-Bishr was a converted Jew, whose 32 CMS, 20, fol. 11a. original name was Abu al-Fakhr Ibn Azhar as-Sanf. 33 CMS, 14-15, fols 7b-8a. He was baptized in the al-Martuti Church at 34 CME, 8-9, fols 4b-5a. 35 CMS, 7, fol. 5a. al-Adawiyah in 1159. Already known from the 36 CMS, 13, fol. 7a. HPEC, the story of his celebrated conversion and 37 HPEC 3.1, 90; CME, 138, fols 44b-45a; CMS, 6-7, fols integration into the Coptic community is told 4b-5b.

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97087_ECA.indb 33 14/01/15 10:28 although he preferred to live in the residence in Damru in the Delta (see below). At Badr al-Jamali’s insistence, Christodulus’ successor Cyril II defini- tively transferred the See to Old Cairo after 108438. Over the centuries, Abu Sefein would frequently be the stage of consecrations and burials of patri- archs39. As we will see, there is also visual evidence for the function of this complex as the patriarchal compound. Today the upper level of the church is closed on all sides, but in 1884 Butler described it as a flat roof with clusters of chapels standing in the open air40. Built around the southern, western, and northern elevations of the lower church, the area consists of a triphorium-like construction with sev- eral sanctuaries of modest dimensions: the Church of St George at the end of the southern corridor, the Church of the Virgin (al-¨Adra) in the north- west corner, and, at the end of the northern corri- dor, three churches dedicated to St Anthony, St Fig. 4. Plan of the upper level of the Church of Anub, and the Archangel Michael, respectively St Mercurius (after Butler 1884, Fig. 7) (Fig. 4). Erected by Abu al-Fadl, the secretary of Vizier al-Afdal, the Church of St George dates from the 891”, i.e., A.D. 1174/7544. Referred to by Abu al- late eleventh century or the early twelfth century41. Makarim as Ibn Abu al Fada¨il Ibn Farruj, this ben- The sanctuary largely preserves the architectural efactor also “built an enclosure around this church, layout of the original construction, since this which he also whitewashed and paved; and it was church survived the fire of 1168, when an enraged solemnly opened in the year 570” (A.D. 1174/75)45. mob burned down part of the complex42. Over the Taken together, the corresponding text and inscrip- years that followed, St Mercurius was extensively tion furnish solid evidence for the refurbishment restored, and the upper level was lavishly embel- and decoration of the complex between 1168 and lished with wall paintings43. An inscription below 1175, with this notable playing a key role46. the feet of an archangel depicted near the stairway In Abu al-Makarim’s account, the construction to the upper level in the northern gallery furnishes history of the Churches of the Archangel Michael the name of the person behind the refurbishment, and St Anub comes after the section on St George’s. a certain Abu al-Fada¨il (1 on Fig. 4; Pl. 1). He was Although Evetts and Butler assumed that the author a deacon and notable, and “with his children he was discussing churches in the wider vicinity rather took care of the church and that painting in A.M. than those of the upper level, the dedications of which they took to be “meant to preserve the names of the three churches which have perished”47, there 38 Den Heijer 1999, 573-574. For both patriarchs, see are good reasons to believe that the author was Swanson 2010, 59-66. referring to the chapels in the north-eastern corner. 39 Coquin 1974, 21-23. The Church of the Archangel Michael was built 40 Butler 1884, 118-124, esp. 118. by the wealthy scribe and priest Tarik during the 41 CME, 121-122, fol. 37b. 42 primacy of Patriarch Michael IV (1092-1102). CME, 119-120, fols 36b-37a. ¨ 43 Van Loon 1999, 17-30. When in 1131 Tarik’s son Abu al- Ula succeeded 44 Van Loon 1999, 29, Pls 30-31. Michael as Patriarch Gabriel II, he chose this 45 CME, 122, fol. 37b; van Loon 1999, 29. church as his personal cell. As we saw, Gabriel 46 Van Loon 1999, 29-30. 47 CME, 122-123 n. 3. started his career as a lay scribe and deacon in 48 HPEC 3.1, 39; Coquin 1974, 23-24. For Gabriel, see St Mercurius, and was ultimately also buried Swanson 2010, 67-76. there48. St Michael’s was reopened in 1172 after the

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97087_ECA.indb 34 14/01/15 10:28 Pl. 1. Church of St Mercurius, northern corridor of the upper level: archangel with commemorative inscription (photograph: Mat Immerzeel)

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97087_ECA.indb 35 14/01/15 10:28 restoration at the expense of Sheikh As-Sadid Abu courtyard in front of the Church of St Michael, al-Fada¨il, who served the Kurdish Amir ¨Ali Ibn where “the patriarchs generally sat on a wooden Ahmad as his scribe49. Is this the same person as the dais, to enjoy the coolness during the days of Abu al-Fada¨il mentioned earlier?50. If this hypoth- summer”52. Troubled by this reference, Evetts and esis is correct, then the application of the painting Butler believed that the two churches, and thus the and commemorative inscription must have been patriarchal cell, were located elsewhere in the quar- delayed until the embellishment of the entire upper ter. We should not attach too much weight to this floor was complete. Patriarch Gabriel also contrib- detail, however, as the present Church of the Arch- uted to the expenses of the construction of the angel Michael evidently functioned as the patriar- adjacent Church of St Anub by his brother, Abu chal cell for centuries53. In all probability, the patri- Nasr. Left unfinished for several decades and dam- archs took their ease on the platform between the aged by the fire of 1168, the Church of St Anub three chapels and the Church of the Virgin, rather was completed by a scribe called Sheikh as-Safi than in the courtyard of a church at some distance Butrus Ibn Muhna, renamed in honour of from St Mercurius. This alternative reading brings St Anthony and consecrated by Patriarch John VI us one step closer to the interpretation of the upper (1189-1216) at the beginning of his patriarchate51. level as an area reserved for patriarchal purposes. Most confusing in Abu al-Makarim’s digression The assumption of a twelfth-century date for on the latter church is his remark about the pleasant these chapels is lent extra weight by Butler’s remarks on a “dim fresco” of the Virgin and Child he noticed in the Church of St Anthony (2 on Fig. 4). 49 CME, 122-123, fols 37b-38a. He included these observations in his Ancient 50 An example of the confusion about the names of persons Coptic Churches of Egypt but omitted them in his in the writings of Abu al-Makarim concerns the notable comments on the CME54. Since this fresco has not Abu al-Fada¨il, who rebuilt the Chapel of St John in Deir come down to us, his observations have not yet Mari Mina, to the north of Deir Abu Sefein, between 1164 and 1169 (Appendix A). On fol. 30a he is called “Sheikh been checked. Assuming that the Chapel of Ibn Abu al-Fada¨il Ibn Abu Sa¨id”, but on fol. 31b “Sheikh St Anthony was also decorated in 1174/75, or Khassat ad-Daulah Abu al-Fada¨il, known by the name of perhaps immediately prior to its consecration a Ibn Dukhan”. Despite the differences in nomenclature, the decade or so later, it is not far-fetched to read author evidently means one and the same person. 51 CME, 123-124, fols 38a-b. It should be noted that the Abu al-Makarim’s digression on these churches as CME dates the consecration to A.M. 903 (A.D. 1187/88), a description of the north-eastern corner of the which, in view of Patriarch John’s consecration in 1189, is upper floor. probably two years too early; the reference to John’s death If the upper level was indeed in use as the patri- in A.M. 923 (A.D. 1207/08) is also erroneous. This part of the text is probably a later addition. archal compound from the late eleventh century, 52 CME, 124, fol. 38a. one can expect this exalted position to have left its 53 For the sources on this matter, see Coquin 1974, 21-23, traces in the extant works of art in St Mercurius. 32. A fascinating remark by Abu al-Makarim about the 54 Butler 1884, 119. 55 CMS, 171, fol. 69a. The author discusses the patriarchal patriarchal residence in Deir Abu Maqar or Damru residence in the chapter on Deir Abu Maqar, but causes (see below) forms a crucial guideline. Here, the confusion on its location: “And the patriarchate is north of memory of earlier Church leaders was kept alive in al-Castalia, which Coptic name was Zerbaben”. In his images: “In that patriarchate, there are paintings of comment, Bishop Samuel identifies this place as Azri, 55 because Abu al-Makarim also situates the patriarchate in the patriarchs: Anba Mark and his successors” . Azri near Samnusah (CMS, 91, fol. 41b). However, in imi- Although we are left in the dark about the nature tation of the HPEC, Abu al-Makarim also locates it in and function of these depictions, they must have Damru to the West of Mansura (CMS, 70-71, fols 30a-b). been more than just a gallery of spiritual genealogy. According to the HPEC, this complex was founded by Patriarch Philotheus (979-1003; HPEC 2.2, 150-151). In this context, some of the works of art in, or The last Church leader to reside there was Christodulus originating from the upper level of St Mercurius (HPEC 2.3, 167-168). The residence was plundered by add much to the picture. Berber troops in the later part of Christodulus’ primacy, on The first, undisputed, series of representations which occasion the patriarch was captured and tortured (CMS, 71, fols 33b-34a; HPEC 2.3, 278-279). For Damru, of patriarchs is rendered on a large screen icon from see CE 3, 688b-689a; Swanson 2010, 52, 62, 65; cf. den the thirteenth century, preserved in the Church of Heijer 1999, 573-574. St Mercurius. The icon’s surface is divided into

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97087_ECA.indb 36 14/01/15 10:28 Pl. 2. Church of St Mercurius, screen icon, detail: patriarchs (archive of Paul van Moorsel)

seven niches, enclosing the Virgin enthroned with date from the foundation by Abu al-Fadl in the the Child between two archangels in the centre: later part of the eleventh century or the early three groups of three bishops to the left, and an twelfth century59. Particularly relevant to the equal number of monastic to the right. Partly discussion concerning the supposed patriarchal preserved Greek inscriptions enable us to identify use of the church is a row of saints shown on some of the prelates in the two leftmost niches the preserved carved panels of the khurus screen as Ignatius of Antioch, , (3 on Fig. 4; Pl. 3)60. Their garments – an omopho- Athanasius, and Peter, surnamed The Last Martyr rion worn over a phelonion, an epitrachelion, and (Pl. 2)56. By contrast, the bishops in the third niche finally a sticharion – as well as the book marked are identified as the renowned Church Fathers John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Basil the Great, who never sat on the Alexandrine patri- 56 43 x 252 x 2.5 cm (Skalova 2004, 1534-1536; Skalova/ archal throne. Given the thematic layout of the Gabra 2006, 180-183, no. 9). Modern Arabic inscriptions icon, consisting of the Virgin flanked by the epis- on the lower part identify the two remaining prelates in the copal and monastic pillars of the Coptic Church, left niche as St Nicholas and John the Merciful. 57 one may assume that this piece originates from the We can deduce that huge icons of this kind were placed on ¨ wooden sanctuary screens from Abu al-Makarim’s descrip- Church of al- Adra, where it would have been tion of the icon of the seven feasts in the Church of the placed on a sanctuary screen57. This is all the more Virgin at Haret al-Rum (see above). likely given that a screen icon of similar composi- 58 43 x 165 x 2.5 cm. In its present composition, the assem- tion and height, with the images of mounted mar- bled icon shows, from the left to the right, saints Philotheus, 58 Victor, Menas, Theodore Stratelates Killing the Dragon, tyr saints, has also been preserved in the church . George Rescuing the Youth, and Isaac of Tiphre. Origi- Presumably, this sister piece was once placed on top nally, the section showing the juxtaposed Sts George and of the wooden sanctuary screen of either the khurus Theodore would have formed the central scene (Skalova or the haykal in the Church of St George. 2004, 1534-1536; Skalova/Gabra 2006, 184-186, no. 10). 59 Jeudy 2006, 116-119. The sanctuary screens from the Church of 60 Jeudy 2006, 117-118; Pls 21D, 22A/B; Pauty 1930, St George, which are currently stored, probably 27-32; Zibawi 1995, Pl. 125.

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97087_ECA.indb 37 14/01/15 10:28 tion is highly similar to the symbolic expression of the later screen icon showing the Virgin between Church Fathers and monastic saints. On further consideration, the concept of a func- tional iconographic programme – i.e., patriarchal representations in a patriarchal environment – reflects the centuries-old emphasis on a variety of martyr and monastic saints in the murals of monas- tic churches. The well-preserved murals at Deir Anba Antonius, which were painted in A.D. 1232/33 by a team of artists headed by the painter Pl. 3. Khurus screen, Church of St George: Theodore, form a textbook example of this lay- prelates (photograph: Adeline Jeudy) out63. On entering the nave through the doorway in the northwestern corner, the visitor first arrives in a space embellished with mounted martyrs, and with a cross that each carries clearly mark them as afterwards in a room showing depictions of monas- prelates; however, in the absence of inscriptions, tic saints, the martyrs of the second generation who their identity and position in the ecclesiastical hier- gave up their common life to become ‘angels in the archy remains obscure. desert’64. This design allowed the monks to address The iconography of the prelates was picked up their prayers to and identify with their spiritual again in the decoration of the haykal of St George’s ancestors. It is very common for the bibliographers in the 1170s. Inside this room, paintings of three of patriarchs to depict them as champions of Mia- anonymous saints in priestly dress are found physite Christianity and miracle-workers, who directly to the left of the entrance (4 on Fig. 4; surely form a third category of martyrs; the sancti- Pl. 4)61. They are all that is left of the decorative fied leaders of the Church who embodied the suf- programme at eye level on the northern side of the fering of the entire community65. Actually, one sanctuary, and perhaps formed the first of a row of story literally deals with the communication prelates stretching over the full length of the wall. between a patriarch and the effigies of his predeces- Significantly, these figures are mirrored by a row of sors. A fragmentary tenth-century Coptic text eight apostles on the south wall62. On entering the about Patriarch Benjamin I (623-662) recounts sanctuary, then, one would have faced Christ in how he entered a monastic church embellished Glory and the Virgin and Child between two arch- with the images of the patriarchs Mark, Peter, angels in the central niche. They would have been Athanasius, Cyril, and Dioscorus. As Benjamin flanked by the twelve apostles, or founders of the approached to kiss them, they started to praise him first communities, dispersed over the south (eight) loudly66. and east wall (two on either side of the niche?), Not only are some of these illustrious Church facing the saints who stood in the line of apostolic leaders – namely Athanasius, Cyril, and Peter – succession. Strikingly, this hypothetical reconstruc- featured on the screen icon in St Mercurius, they are also found in Deir Anba Antonius. Here, the lateral sanctuaries of the haykal are dedicated to 61 Van Loon 1999, 20, Pl. 14; Zibawi 2003, Fig. 225. the patriarchs Mark (left) and Athanasius (right). 62 Van Loon 1999, 20, no. 9 on Pl. 5, Pl. 18. Van Loon’s Each is depicted in a niche in the eastern wall of suggestion that these figures should be identified as apostles the sanctuary in question. Inside the haykal of is correct, since a partly preserved Coptic inscription near St Athanasius, the genealogy of Church leaders is the fourth from the left can be read as Andrew. 63 Bolman 2002; eadem 2009. extended with Sts Severus and Dioscorus, who are 64 Bolman 2009, 146-151. placed above St Athanasius, and Sts Theophilus, 65 Swanson 2010, 2, 21-26. Peter, and perhaps the afore-mentioned Benja- 66 Evelyn White 1933, 33; Müller 1968, 295-300 (full text); min, on the adjoining south wall67. This composi- Swanson 2010, 2. 67 Bolman 2002, 71, Fig. 4.43; see also Figs 6.8 and 7.14 tion recalls the reconstructed situation in the in the same volume; van Moorsel 1995/1997, 73-82, Pls haykal of the Church of St George in St Mercu- 25-32. rius, but it leaves us in the dark about the inten-

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97087_ECA.indb 38 14/01/15 10:29 Pl. 4. Church of St George, northern wall of the haykal: prelates (photograph: Mat Immerzeel)

tions of Theodore and his principals. Painted in contexts in mind, the indications for a patriarchal 1232/33, the row of patriarchs dates from a period function of the upper floor of St Mercurius are when internal division and warfare left the Coptic strong, if not to say overwhelming. One conclusion Church without leadership between the death of that can be drawn from this case study is that the Patriarch John VI in 1216 and the consecration clergy, laity, and artists involved in the refurbish- of Cyril III in 123568. With the written sources, epigraphic evidence, and representations of prelates in crucial symbolic 68 Werthmuller 1999, 55-58.

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97087_ECA.indb 39 14/01/15 10:29 ment of this church acted in close concert. Haret Zuwayla, situated within the walls of al- Undoubtedly, the design of a visualized patriarchal Qahira. Apparently, this church accommodated genealogy and its symbolic significance must have foreign envoys and visitors to the nearby residential been a major topic of their mutual discussions, quarters, as an altar was available for the Byzantines even if this iconographical standard had been set and Franks to celebrate their liturgy73. centuries earlier. According to the HPEC, Abu al-Barakat attended the consecration ceremony of Patriarch Gabriel II in 1131 as the state representative, a task THE MELKITES formerly assigned to Abu al-Fadl, who must have been dead by then74. Not long afterwards, this Sparing though Abu al-Makarim is with informa- leading Melkite figure fell from grace and was tion on the smaller Egyptian Melkite community, exiled to Alexandria, where he was put to death in he occasionally furnishes details of great interest, 113475. In Abu al-Makarim’s account, the story of especially on the involvement of the powerful al- his detention has taken on mythical proportions: Layth family. The Melkites owned a number of the disgraced official was imprisoned in a tower for churches in Greater Cairo and held two monastic seventeen years in the company of a great dragon, settlements: the Monastery of St John the Baptist which he tamed and which became his close com- near al-Habash Lake, and Deir al-Qusayr in the pany in those years of solitude76. mountain range near Turah (Appendix 2). In the Krijnie Ciggaar extends the family network of latter monastery, the Church of St Sabas was Abu al-Barakat by suggesting that he was also a restored by the Melkite Sheikh Abu al-Barakat relative, perhaps even a brother, of Anba Sabas Ibn Yuhanna Ibn Abu Layth69. He was a contemporary al-Layth, a high-ranking cleric and physician who, of the aforementioned Coptic authority Abu al- between 1101 and 1121, travelled to Constantino- Fadl, and as the superintendant of the Diwan al- ple by official invitation to heal the emperor of ill- tahqiq, which was founded by Vizier al-Afdal in ness77. He was received with great honour in the 1107/08 to regulate his fiscal reforms and the re- Byzantine capital and enjoyed the privilege of rid- division of land, one of the most powerful men in ing on horseback with a lighted candle in his hand, the country in the first decades of the twelfth cen- otherwise exclusively the prerogative of patriarchs. tury70. Abu al-Barakat charged his brother, the Ciggaar convincingly substantiates the identifica- scribe Abu al-Fada¨il, with supervising the renova- tion of this person as the Melkite Patriarch Sabas of tion of the Church of St Sabas. Its interior was Alexandria, who participated in a synod held in embellished with pictures of the Forty Martyrs of in 1117. Sabas did not return home Sebaste, and also contained Abu al-Fada¨il’s tomb71. empty-handed: he spent 10,000 Egyptian dinars on Sheikh Abu al-Hakam, a relative of Abu al-Barakat, the purchase of precious liturgical accoutrements took charge of the Church of St George on a and a gilded icon of the Virgin with the Child for mountain peak outside the monastery72. Abu al- a church of his community in Alexandria78. Barakat and his brother – not necessarily the same In the course of the twelfth century, the Melkite one – also renovated the Church of St Nicholas in influence in the Greater Cairo area gradually decreased, partly because of suspicions of Crusader sympathies, partly because of the loss or decline of ¨ 69 CME, 150-151, fols 50b-51a. Melkite monasteries and sanctuaries. Abu al-Fada il 70 CE 4, 1097b; Dadoyan 1997, 138; EI 2, 329; For Maqrizi Ibn al-Layth had taken some interest in the Mon- on Abu a1-Barakat, see Evetts/Butler 1895, 150 n. 2. astery of St John the Baptist, but at his death his 71 See also CE 4, 1098a. For Deir al-Qusayr, see CE 3, possessions in this monastery were bequeathed to 853b-855b. 72 CME, 152, fol. 51a. Abu al-Makarim Mahbub, the son of the brothers’ 73 CMS, 8-9, fol. 5b. sister. Shortly afterwards, this nephew converted to 74 HPEC 3.1, 40. and expelled the monastic population from 75 CME, 150 n. 2. the complex. Efforts of the Melkite Bishop Joseph 76 CMS, 40-41, fol. 20a. 77 CMS, 239, fols 99a-b; Ciggaar 2005. of Misr to regain control over the now decayed 78 Ciggaar 2005, 289-296. monastery, reportedly with Coptic assistance, were 79 CME, 129, fols 40a-b. not very successful79. Meanwhile, Deir al-Qusayr

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97087_ECA.indb 40 14/01/15 10:29 had lost much of its grandeur. In 1175 its popula- used for storage of clover for animal fodder. A body tion was reduced to “five monks in poor circum- of Armenians wrote a letter to Badr al-Jamali, stances”80. In 1186 the Melkite patriarch assigned requesting the use of this church. Once the vizier the monastery to Mark Ibn al-Kandar, an apostate had granted his permission, the building was Copt with Melkite sympathies81. Finally, four restored and named after St George89. However, of the five Melkite churches in Old Cairo were Abu al-Makarim’s version of this story throws a dif- plundered and broken down by Guzz and Kurdish ferent light on the change of denomination. On his soldiers during the events of the 1060s82. visit to Egypt in 1075, Catholicos Grigor noted that the church was used for storing beans. His THE ARMENIANS request to take possession of the church was granted, and again Badr is said to have played a role Well before Badr al-Jamali’s arrival in 1072, small in the transfer and the subsequent renaming of the groups of Armenians dwelled in the Cairo area83. church after St George, which occurred during the One of their leaders founded a church dedicated to primacy of Patriarch Cyril II (1078-1092)90. Now St George in al-Maqs, the harbour quarter to the how would Grigor’s intentions for this initially dis- west of al-Qahira (Appendix 3). Under al-Hakim, graced building have fitted within his foundation the building was transformed into a mosque84. of the Armenian See in Egypt? Abu al-Makarim’s Badr housed his Armenian troops in Haret al-Hus- statement about St George’s serving as the Cathol- sayniya, outside the northern city wall. To make ical church suggests that Grigor might have seen space, the Syrian inhabitants of the haret were com- it as the ideal Armenian stronghold. After all, pelled to move, and their church was confiscated Deir al-Khandaq was located at close quarters to on behalf of the Armenian Christian immigrants the centre of political power of the day91. (see below). Over the next few decades, this quarter In all probability, the former warehouse was would become the main Armenian residential area, reinstated as a church during the early years of with shops and markets85. Cyril’s primacy, no later than 108092. One of the In 1075 Catholicos Grigor Vkayaser, or Marty- rophyl, visited Egypt and established an Armenian See. Almost immediately, he ordained his nephew 80 CME, 152, fol. 51b. For Deir al-Qusayr, see CE 3, Grigor, or Gregory, as the first Catholicos of the 853b-855b. Armenians in Egypt. The new Church leader must 81 CME, 33, fol. 13b; for Mark Ibn al-Kanbar, see CME, still have been a child at the time, as he is known 20-43, fols 9a-17a. Part of the account must have been a to have arrived in Alexandria as a young man no later addition to Abu al-Makarim’s text, as follows from the 86 statement that Ibn al-Kandar died in 1208 (CME, 152, fols earlier than 1087 . In the succeeding decades, 51b-52a). thousands of Christian Armenians fled to Egypt 82 Werthmuller 2010, 65, 72; CME, 129, fol. 40b (Monas- from their homeland in Central Turkey, where the tery of St John the Baptist); 152, fol. 51b (Deir al-Qusayr). advancing Seljuks posed a serious threat. In Greater 83 For the Armenians in Fatimid Egypt, see Dadoyan 1996; eadem 1997. Cairo, the Armenians owned churches at Deir 84 CMS, 27, fols 14a-b; HPEC 2.3, 355-356. al-Khandaq, al-Basatin, and az-Zuhri, where 85 Dadoyan 1997, 116-117. Catholicos Grigor (the nephew) had his cell and 86 HPEC 2.3, 344-345. was buried87. 87 According to the HPEC, the Armenian warlord Bahram, vizier from 1135 to 1137, was buried in the Church of the The history of Deir al-Khandaq, or the Monas- Virgin in az-Zuhri (HPEC 3.1, 54). However, other tery of the Moat, commences with the founding of sources give Deir al-Khandaq as his last resting place the Fatimid town by Vizier in 969, when a (Dadoyan 1997, 84). Coptic monastery dedicated to St George had to 88 CMS, 28-38, fols 14b-18b; HPEC 2.3, 356-357; for Deir al-Khandaq, see CE 3, 814-815. give way to the construction of the Eastern Palace. 89 HPEC 2.3, 356-357. In recompense, permission was granted to erect 90 CMS, 30-31, fol. 15b. In addition, a certain Sarkis erected a new monastery across the defence moat to the a small Armenian church within the monastic complex during the caliphate of al-Zafir (1149-1154). north of the city, near the location of the present- 91 88 CMS, 28, fol. 14b. day Cathedral of St Mark in Abbasiya . 92 According to Maqrizi, in 1084 Badr al-Jamali ordered that Deir al-Khandaq had a church dedicated to the church be handed over to the Armenians (Dadoyan St Macarius, which, according to the HPEC, was 1997, 124, with further references).

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97087_ECA.indb 41 14/01/15 10:29 prominent Christians buried in Deir al-Khandaq Fakih al-Baha ¨Ali from , who arranged was the retired Nubian King Solomon, who during that the displaced Armenians could celebrate their a visit to Assiut in 1079 was recognized and brought liturgy in the Church of John the Baptist on the to Cairo. He was received with great honour and upper level of the Church of the Virgin in Haret developed a warm relationship with Badr al-Jamali. Zuwayla. In 1172 the catholicos and his retinue left Solomon died the next year, and was interred to for Jerusalem, carrying with them money, the altar the right of the entrance to the Church of St vessels, and seventy-five manuscripts, including a George93. Although Abu al-Makarim alleges that copy of the Gospels with gilded and coloured illu- the church “continued under the administration of minations98. Subsequently the Church of St James the Armenians till now”94, he also states that it was was taken over by the Copts, decorated, and con- returned to the Copts in the early days of Ayyubid secrated on 1 Barmuda, A.M. 892 (9 April, A.D. rule. A priest of the monastery, called Mansur, 1176). Over the next decade this church and the “renewed the whitewashing of all of the Church of one in az-Zuhri were the subject of fierce dispute. St George and tiled its roof. He put paintings Armenian efforts to regain control over both build- [icons?] in all of its altars, and the church was ings were in vain, as their clergy and those of the reopened on Sunday 2 Amshir, A.M. 901”, i.e., Copts failed to agree on the churches’ ownership, 9 February, A.D. 118595. even after the intervention of the vizier and later The Armenians owned another monastery at al- ruler al-Adil in 1186. Eventually the matter was Basatin near the Muqattam mountain range settled at the level of community leaders: it was (Appendix 3). Abu al-Makarim recounts how its decided to re-allocate the two churches to the Church of St James, which was already discussed Armenians, who had apparently succeeded in main- above, was reconstructed by an , who “[…] taining some interests in Egypt99. ruled Egypt on behalf of the caliph. He was a friend to all Christians, whether high or low”96. The emir THE SYRIANS also restored a second church in the monastery, and was allegedly buried there. Evetts and Butler were There is a considerable time gap between the first not able to decipher his name in the manuscript. reports on Syrian communities in Greater Cairo However, their tempting suggestion to identify him and the little Abu al-Makarim has to say about as Badr al-Jamali creates more problems than it them. His only remarks concern the Syrians’ expul- solves, since the HPEC is explicit on the location of sion from Haret al-Hussayniya to make way for the the mausoleum of the Jamali family in the cemetery newly arrived troops of Badr al-Jamali, a story that outside Bab-al-Nasr97. was also told in the HPEC100. Following the reloca- After the unsuccessful vizierate of Bahram, the tion of the Syrians, their church in this quarter Armenian influence steadily decreased, hitting rock was reconstructed and allocated to their Armenian bottom on the defeat of the Fatimids. In the after- fellow believers. To compensate for this loss, the math of the struggle for power, the monastic popu- vizier permitted the community’s leader, a certain lation, including the anonymous catholicos of that Ibn al-Tawil, to celebrate the liturgy in the Church moment, was expelled from the monastery at al- of St Apoli in Deir al-Khandaq. However, Abu Basatin. The settlement was allotted as a fief to al-Makarim adds a new aspect to the story, which amounts to a happy ending. Apparently, totally denying the Syrians access to their former church 93 CME, 270-271; fols 98a-b; Brett 2005a, 54. in the haret was a step too far; eventually the 94 CMS, 30, fol. 15b. church “gathered the Jacobites, and the Armenians, 95 CMS, 29, fol. 15a. 96 and was divided into two churches with what was CME, 1-2, fols 1b-2a. 101 97 HPEC 3.1, 37; Dadoyan 1997, 116, 149-150, with further added to the church of the Jacobites” . references. According to the twelfth-century chronicler 98 CME, 4-5, fols 2b-3a. Patriarch Michael the Syrian, who drew his infor- 99 CME, 8-13, fols 4b-6b. mation from the now lost annals of his ninth- 100 CMS, 31, fols 15b-16a; HPEC 2.3, 355-356. 101 CMS, 26-27, fol. 14a. Confusingly, Abu al-Makarim century predecessor Dionysius of Tell Mahre, two applies the term ‘Jacobite’ to both the Copts and Syrian Syrian Orthodox churches were erected in Fustat Orthodox. during the reign of the Ummayad governor

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97087_ECA.indb 42 14/01/15 10:29 ¨Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwan (685-705; Appendix 4). days, the Armenians and Syrians had a church each The man behind their foundation was Athanasius in Deir Mari Mina (Monastery of St Menas) at Bar Gumaye, a wealthy and erudite Edessan in the Fum al-Khalig to the north of the fourteenth-cen- service of the governor. Athanasius knew how to tury aqueduct110. As for the Syrian sanctuary, the play his role as patron: he was also involved in the author was probably referring to the small annex building of some other churches and monasteries chapel to the south of Church of St Menas, which in Egypt, and in his home town he founded the is still today dedicated to St Behnam, the much Church of the Mother of God and a baptistery that venerated Syrian Orthodox saint from the Mosul housed the renowned Mandylion. Through area (Fig. 5)111. In light of Abu al-Makarim’s Michael’s chronicle he has gone down in history as description of this monastic complex and its con- the person who was believed to have secretly struction history, there is a strong possibility that exchanged the original effigy of Christ – which he this church was initially dedicated to St George. kept himself for a while – for a perfect copy102. Originally a bakehouse, the annex building was Other sources on the churches founded by Atha- transformed into a church during the primacy of nasius in Misr are somewhat contradictory. The the Coptic Patriarch John V (1147-1166). In tenth-century Melkite patriarch Eutychius of Alex- 1164/65 the complex and the Church of St George andria attributes the Churches of St George and St went up in flames, but were soon rebuilt112. The Cyrus to him103, whereas the Ethiopian Synaxarion Church of Mar Behnam kept its Syrian Orthodox – which calls him Andrew – mentions the Church denomination until the Cairene community joined of Sts Sergius and Bacchus and Church of the Syrian in 1782. It was handed Sts Cyrus and John as foundations established dur- over to the Coptic Church before 1813113. ing the primacy of Patriarch John III (681-689)104. All this occurred a good century before the first Syrian monks became installed in Deir al-Surian in 102 Chabot 1901, 475-477. See also the anonymous Syriac the Wadi al-Natrun, which would function as the Chronicle of 1234 (Chabot 1952, 229; Fiey 1972-1973, main Syrian Orthodox stronghold in Egypt for 327), and the Chronicle of Bar Hebraeus (Wallis Budge centuries. This group originated from Takrit to the 2003, 104-105). For Athanasius Bar Gumaye, see Segal north of . In the course of the ninth cen- 2001, 202-203, 213-214. 103 Migne 1863, col. 1119. tury – probably in the years preceding the installa- 104 Wallis Budge 1976, 312; cf. Coquin 1974, 93. tion of the Abbasid general Ahmed Ibn Tulun as 105 For the Takritan community, see den Heijer 2004, 934- governor of Egypt in 868 – other Takritans, in all 935; Evelyn White 1932, 311-315; Fiey 1972-1973, 326- likelihood civil servants and merchants, took up 327; Immerzeel 2004, 1311-1313; idem 2008, 66-67; idem 2009b, 257-259. residence in Fustat. The scant information on these 106 BL Add. 14492, fol. 104a; Wright 1870, 179 (no. 243). Syrian Orthodox immigrants emerges from notes 107 BL Add. 14585, fol. 1a; Wright 1871, 503 (no. 631). in a few Syriac manuscripts from Deir al-Surian105. 108 Fiey 1972-1973, 340-341; Immerzeel 2004, 1312; idem The earliest relevant statement is found in a 2008, 66-67; idem 2009b, 258. 109 BL Add. 14504, fol. 163b; Wright 1870, 281 (no. 338). lectionary written in Balad near Mosul in A.G. Other manuscripts were donated by Takritans to the mon- 1173/A.D. 862, according to which this manu- astery: BL Add. 17102, fol. 59b; Wright 1870, 12, (no. script was made for the Church of St John in 17), and BL Add. 14485; Wright 1870, 149 (no. 220). Fustat (Appendix 4)106. Other sources, such as an 110 Evetts/Butler 1895, 327. For Deir Mari Mina, see Butler 1884, 49-74; Shafik 2008. undated manuscript presented to “the church of 111 Butler 1884, 62-66. It seems that the Syrian Orthodox the Takritans in Fustat” by Simeon Bar Cyriacus of from Northern Mesopotamia were accustomed to dedicate Takrit, are less explicit about the dedication of this their churches abroad to St Behnam, for example in Trip- sanctuary107. When Abbot Moses of Nisibis of Deir oli, Bcharreh (), and Famagusta (Immerzeel 2009a, 78-81, 124). al-Surian returned from a voyage to Mesopotamia 112 CME, 105-106, fol. 30b. The restoration took place during in 932, where he collected some 250 manuscripts the vizierate of Shawhar (d. 1169). Confusingly, there is for the library in his monastery108, he also brought also a Church of St George on the first floor, which was some books for this church. A note in a tropolo- initially dedicated to St Theodore (CME, 104, fol. 30a). 113 Fiey 1972-1973, 327-329; Skalova/Gabra 2003, 236; gion mentions that Mar Yakira Bar Sahlun gave Immerzeel 2009a, 9. For the presence of Syrians and Arme- this book, along with two others, to Moses for the nians in Deir Mari Mina in the seventeenth century, see use of the Syrian church in this city109. In Maqrizi’s Vansleb 1677, 245.

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97087_ECA.indb 43 14/01/15 10:29 between the repercussions of historical events on Christian buildings and subsequent refurbishment. In other words: our aim is to detect a correlation between the alternating periods of unrest and peace and the ups and downs in renovation works. The turbulent developments of the 1160s that culminated in the burning down of churches in 1168, and the Zenghid victory in the next year, serve as our starting point. Taking the latter his- torical event as the decisive breaking point, Figure 6 gives a chronological overview of the documented restorations or consecrations before the defeat of the Fatimids, going back in time as far as the third quarter of the eleventh century, when the interven- tion of Badr al-Jamali brought an end to anarchy and famine. Figure 7 provides the same overview for the period from 1168/69 to 1187. Starting with Figure 6, a certain increase in activ- ities can indeed be detected roughly between 1074 and 1130, when the vizierate was in Armenian hands. In this matter the contemporary influx of Christian Armenians and their need for suitable Fig. 5. Plan of the Churches of St Menas and sanctuaries also played a role. After an interval of St Behnam, Deir Mari Mina several decades, during which just a few appreciable (Mat Immerzeel, after Butler 1884, I, Fig. 1) works were executed, the renovations flourished again from the first years of Ayyubid rule (Fig. 7)114. CHURCH RENOVATIONS IN THE ELEVENTH AND Evidently, the Christians of Cairo were used to lick- TWELFTH CENTURIES

With over a hundred references to churches and Year A.D. Church Location monasteries in Greater Cairo in the eleventh and 1036-1094 St George Fustat twelfth century, ranging from detailed digressions on 1074-1094 St Thomas (M) Haret Bergawan specific sanctuaries to succinct allusions, Abu al- 1074-1094 St George (A) Turah Makarim’s encyclopaedic overview has revealed itself 1074-1094 St James (A) Basatin to be a priceless source of information. In almost half 1101-1121 Virgin Deir al-Khandaq of these cases he also provides chronological clues to 1101-1121 St Sabas Deir al-Qusayr restoration projects and subsequent consecrations by 1101-1121 Virgin Adawiyah prominent bishops or patriarchs. Often he went no 1101-1130 St Nicholas (M) Haret Zuwayla further than furnishing the names of the patriarch 1101-1130 St Colluthus Hamra al-Wusta and ruler(s) of that moment, but some dates – given 1130-1149 Three Youths Deir al-Khandaq according to the Coptic Era of the Martyrs (A.M.) 1147-1167 St George Deir Mari Mina or the Islamic era (A.H.) – are astonishingly precise. 1149-1154 Church (A) Deir al-Khandaq This wealth of extremely useful data lends itself 1153/54 Virgin Matariyah perfectly to a statistical approach to the coherence 1154/55 St Victor Deir al-Khandaq 1162/63 Virgin Haret al-Rum 1165/66 St George Fustat 114 The reconstruction of devastated churches in the days of Salah ad-Din is also mentioned in the HPEC (3.2, 166). 1166/67 St Mercurius Deir- al-Khandaq 115 Abu al-Makarim mentions his own contribution to the structural reinforcement of Deir al-Khandaq, where he had Fig. 6. Restoration and refurbishment of churches a waterwheel constructed. A nearby garden was owned by between the reign of al-Hakim and the Fatimid defeat in the author’s wife, Sitt ad-Dar (CMS, 37-38, fol. 18b). 1169 (A = Armenian; M = Melkite)

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97087_ECA.indb 44 14/01/15 10:29 Year A.D. Church Location ings in Abu Sefein, for example, allow us to trace the 1168-1171 Archangel Gabriel Hamra al-Wusta start of this movement back as far as the 1170s, 1168-1171 St John the Martyr Deir Mari Mina which leads us to conclude that the Ayyubid period 1172/73 Archangel Michael Deir Abu Sefein as a whole saw a revival of Coptic culture. 1174/75 St George Deir Abu Sefein 1175/76 St Mercurius Deir Abu Sefein CONCLUDING REMARKS 1176 St Theodore Fahhadin 1176 St James Basatin Loosely attributed to Abu al-Makarim, the Churches 1176 St George Fustat and Monasteries of Egypt sketches a Coptic com- 1176/77 4 Living Creatures Hamra ad-Dunya munity that, with ups and downs, succeeded in 1178/79 St Menas Habash maintaining its place in Egyptian late Fatimid and 1180/81 St Theodore Haret al-Rum early Ayyubid society. At the same time, the 1181 St John the Baptist Fustat account provides a revealing insight into the active 1182/83 St Mercurius Haret al-Rum protection of Coptic interests by the scribal elite. The author’s deliberate detailing of persons 1183 St Onophrius Hamra al-Wusta involved in the renovation of churches before and 1184 St John the Baptist Hamra ad-Dunya during his lifetime, their positions and family ties 1185 St George Deir al-Khandaq lends his digressions an unparalleled authenticity, 1184/85 St Poemen Deir al-Khandaq in particular regarding the Greater Cairo area. This 1185/86 church al-Adawiyah was his world, and he shared it with his readers. 1185/86 Virgin Haret al-Rum As far as the two case studies are concerned, the 1186/87 Church Fustat Church of the Virgin at Haret al-Rum – in its pre- 1186/87 Nativity Haret al-Rum sent state – does not seem to reveal any of the 1186/87 St Anub/Anthony Deir Abu Sefein reported refurbishments, and on this point we have 1187 Virgin Fustat to take Abu al-Makarim’s words at face value. By 1191 St Apoli (2) Deir al-Khandaq contrast, some of the modifications in the upper 1194 St Mercurius al-Adawiyah level of the Church of St Mecurius, mentioned in the account left tangible traces. This is the case Fig. 7. Restoration and refurbishment of churches after the Fatimid defeat in 1169 particularly in the architecture of the Church of St George, which evidently took its present shape in the late eleventh or early twelfth century. The ing their wounds after decades of warfare. Their lay exceptionally accurate correlation between the leaders turned out to be flexible and wealthy enough reported year of the renovations financed by Sheikh to make the most of political and military stabiliza- al-Fada¨il (A.D. 1174/75) and the surviving dated tion to refurbish the devastated churches. It should inscription from that year mentioning this person’s be borne in mind, however, that Abu al-Makarim name adds a great deal to the picture. However, must have drawn his information on events before this does not alter the fact that the imprecise indi- the 1160s from earlier sources; he vividly reported cations of the locations of the Churches of the the events of his own days, that is, between the early Archangel Michael and of St Anub/Anthony gave 1160s and 1187. Undoubtedly the author himself rise to the somewhat confusing interpretation of witnessed refurbishment works and attended conse- Evetts and Butler, according to which these sanctu- crations, and had first-hand information115. Although aries were situated elsewhere in the vicinity of St this marginal note puts things into perspective, it Mercurius. On the other hand, this example per- does not alter the fact that the early Ayyubid period fectly demonstrates the advantages of searching for was marked by large-scale, if not to say systematic, coherence between the written word – and this also rebuilding campaigns. applies to Butler’s report on the presence of a now It is widely recognized that the Coptic Church vanished wall painting in the Church of St Anthony flourished in the thirteenth century, or at least in the – and extant remains. first half, when the Ayyubids ruled over Egypt116. Abu al-Makarim’s reports on the restoration and embellishment of churches and the extant wall paint- 116 Werthmuller 2010, 70-72.

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97087_ECA.indb 45 14/01/15 10:29 Leaving aside folkloristic fantasies such as the time consecration of the Church of the Virgin after story about Abu al-Bakarat’s tamed dragon, the a secret restoration in 1162/63 and the overt inau- account as a whole gives the impression of reliabil- guration of churches by bishops and patriarchs in ity. Yet, like many other historical sources, it the first years of Ayyubid rule119. In addition, Abu requires a critical approach. For example, as long as al-Makarim substantiates the weakened position of furnished dates fit within the chronological frame- the Melkites and Armenians against the back- work, there is little cause to question their plausi- ground of the political reality of those days. While bility. When Abu al-Makarim states that the the former gradually lost some of their strongholds Church of the Virgin of Haret al-Rum was conse- in the Greater Cairo area in the course of the crated in A.M. 557 (A.D. 1161/62) by Anba Yuan- twelfth century, the history of the Armenian nis, the seventy-second in the order of succession, churches unmistakably reflects the fact that the i.e., Patriarch John V (1147-1166), in the caliphate Armenian influence was limited to the century of al-Adid (1160-1171), there are no reasons to between Badr al-Jamali’s takeover of power in 1072 doubt this statement. However, the Coptic year and the defeat of the Fatimids in 1069. Simultane- 979 in his report of this event is evidently a clerical ously, however, it puts the decline of the Armenian error; the consecration must have taken place on community in perspective. Although their fate had 22 Hatur A.M. 879, which corresponds to become inextricably entangled with that of the 1 December A.D. 1162117. This example reminds Fatimid dynasty, the Armenians did not entirely us that the manuscript only came down to us in a vanish from Egyptian soil, as they eventually suc- fourteenth-century copy. In other words: mistakes ceeded in repossessing the Church of al-Basatin and may have slipped in during the copying process at that of az-Zuhri. any point between the writing of the original text Syrian Orthodox presence in Greater Cairo can and the final version. be traced back to the late seventh or early eighth Another noteworthy aspect is that this thorough century. Since the churches in Fustat mentioned in account is surprisingly silent on certain matters, in the ninth and tenth-century sources do not occur in particular the churches built on and inside the Abu al-Makarim’s writings, they were probably lost Roman walls of Old Cairo. Aside from a few casual for the Syrian Orthodox community well before his allusions118, key monuments in the history of the lifetime. By then, the Syrians were established in Coptic Church such as the Church of Abu Sarga Haret al-Hussayniya at the other side of Al-Qahira; (St Sergius) and al-Mu’allaqah, which were subse- the fact that they were simply expelled from this quently used for patriarchal consecrations, are not quarter and had to leave their church to the Arme- discussed at all. In this matter, too, we should give nian newcomers, or, if we are to believe Abu al- the author the benefit of the doubt; probably the Makarim, shared it with them, forms an indication fourteenth-century copyist just overlooked the that their presence and influence were marginal. chapter on this part of Misr. In conclusion, as a main source on the late What stands out is the crucial position the Fatimid and early Ayyubid periods, the account of archons exercised as ‘spiders in the web’ (to use a Abu al-Makarim merits further scholarly attention. Dutch expression) of civil and religious affairs, by An important condition for this, however, is a new making flexible use of their influence and wealth critical edition of the entire manuscript by an inter- within the margins of the moment. Telling in this disciplinary team, which should include arabists, matter is the contrast between the reportedly night- coptologists, historians, and art historians.

117 Bishop Samuel’s reading of this date as 977 is false, but he realized that it did not correspond with the given Islamic year 557 (CMS, 12, n. 1). 118 CME, 256, fol. 92a (Abu Sarga); CME, 23, 106, 127, fols 9b, 31a, 39a (al-Mu’allaqah). 119 Swanson 2010, 78.

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97087_ECA.indb 46 14/01/15 10:29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Evelyn White, H.G. 1932/1933, The Monasteries of the Wâdi ‘n-Natrûn, Vols II-III, New York. Abbreviations: Evetts, B.T.A., A.J. Butler (eds) 1895, The Churches and Mon- asteries of Egypt and Some Neighbouring Countries attributed CME = Evetts, B.T.A., A.J. Butler (eds) 1895, The Churches to Abû Sâlih, the Armenian, Oxford. and Monasteries of Egypt and Some Neighbouring Countries Fiey, J.-M. 1972-1973, ‘Coptes et syriaques. Contacts et attributed to Abû Sâlih, the Armenian, Oxford. échanges’, SOCC 15, 297-365. CMS = Samu’il al-Suriany (ed. and transl.) 1992, History of the Hacken, C. ten 2006, ‘The Description of Antioch in Abu Churches and Monasteries in Lower Egypt in the Thirteenth al-Makarim’s History of the Churches and Monasteries Century, Cairo. of Egypt and some Neighbouring Countries’, in: K. Ciggaar, HPEC 2.2 = Atiyya, A.S., Y. ¨Abd al-Masih, O.H.E. Burmester M. Metcalf (eds), East and West in the Medieval Eastern (ed. and transl.) 1948, History of the Patriarchs of the Mediterranean, I. Antioch from the Byzantine Reconquest Egyptian Church, known as the history of the Holy Church, until the End of the Crusader Principality, Leuven, 185-216 Vol. II, Part 2, Khaël III-Shenouti II (AD 880-1066), Cairo (OLA 147). (Publications de la Societe d’Archeologie Copte 4). Heijer, J. den 1993, ‘The Composition of the History of the HPEC 2.3 = Atiyya, A.S., Y. ¨Abd al-Masih, O.H.E. Burmester Churches and Monasteries of Egypt: Some Preliminary (ed. and transl.) 1959, History of the Patriarchs of the Remarks’, in: D. Johnson (ed.), Acts of the Fifth Interna- Egyptian Church, known as the history of the Holy Church, tional Congress of Coptic Studies Washington 12-15 August Vol. II, Part 3, Christodoulus-Michael (AD 1046-1102), 1992, Vol. II, Part 1, Rome, 209-219. Cairo (Publications de la Societé d’Archeologie Copte 5). Heijer, J. den 1994, ‘The Influence of the History of the Patri- HPEC 3.1 = Khater, A., O.H.E. Burmester (ed. and transl.) archs of Alexandria on the History of the Churches and 1968, History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, Monasteries of Egypt by Abu l-Makarim and Abu Salih’, known as the history of the Holy Church, Vol. III, Part 1, ParOr 19, 415-439. Macarius III – John V (AD 1102-1167), Cairo (Publica- Heijer, J. den 1996, ‘Coptic Historiography in the Fatimid, tions de la Societe d’Archeologie Copte 11). Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Periods’, Medieval Encounters 2/1, 67-98. Baraz, D. 1995, ‘The Incarnated Icon of Saidnaya goes West. Heijer, J. den 1999, ‘Considérations sur les communautés A Re-examination of the Motif in the Light of New Man- chrétiennes en Egypte fatimide: État et Église sous le uscript Evidence’, Le Muséon 198, 181-191. vizirat de Badr al-Jamali (1074-1094)’, in: M. Barrucand Bolman, E.S. 2002, ‘Theodore, ‘The Writer of Life’, and the (ed.), L’Egypte fatimide; son art et son histoire, Actes du Program of 1232/1233’, in: E.S. Bolman (ed.), Monastic colloque organisé à Paris les 28, 29 et 30 mai 1998, Paris, Visions. Wall Paintings in the Monastery of St. Antony at the 569-578. Red Sea, Cairo/New Haven, 37-76. Heijer, J. den 2004, ‘Relations between Copts and Syrians in Bolman, E.S. 2009, ‘Scetis at the Red Sea: Depictions of the Light of Recent Discoveries at Dayr as-Suryan’, in: Monastic Genealogy in the Monastery of St. Antony’, in: Immerzeel/van der Vliet 2004, 923-938. Mikhail/Moussa 2009, 143-158 (reprint from Coptica 3 Hunt, L.-A. 2011, ‘Ceiling and Casket at the Cappella Palatina (2004), 1-16). and Christian Arab Art between Sicily and Egypt in the Brett, M. 2005a, ‘Al-Karaza al-Marqusiya. The Coptic Church Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, in: D. Knipp (ed.) in the Fatimid Empire’, in: Vermeulen/Steenbergen 2005, Siculo-Arabic Ivories and Islamic Painting 1100-1300, Pro- 33-60. ceedings of the International Conference, Berlin, 6–8 July Brett, M. 2005b, ‘Badr al-Gamali and the Fatimid Renas- 2007, München, 171-197 (Römische Forschungen der cence’, in: Vermeulen/Steenbergen 2005, 61-78. Bibliotheca Hertziana 36). Butler, A.J. 1884, The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, Immerzeel, M. 2004, ‘The Stuccoes of Deir al-Surian: a Wafq Vol. I, Oxford. of the Takritans in Fustat?’, in: Immerzeel/van der Vliet Chabot, J.-B. (ed. and transl.) 1901, Chronique de Michel le 2004, 1303-1320. Syrien, Patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166-1199), Vol. II, Immerzeel, M. 2008, ‘Playing with Light and Shadow. The Paris. Stuccoes of Deir al-Surian and Their Historical Context’, Chabot, J.-B. (ed. and transl.) 1952, Anonymi auctoris Chroni- ECA 5, 59-74. con ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, Vol. I, Louvain Immerzeel, M. 2009a, Identity Puzzles. Medieval Christian Art (CSCO 109). in and Lebanon, Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA (OLA Ciggaar, K. 2005, ‘An Egyptian Doctor at the Comnenian 184). Court’, Nea Rhome 2, 287-302. Immerzeel, M. 2009b, ‘A Play of Light and Shadow. The Stuc- Coquin, Ch. 1974, Les édifices chrétiens du Vieux-Caire, I, Bib- coes of Deir al-Surian and Their Historical Context’, in: liographie et topographie historiques, Le Caire. Mikhail/Moussa 2009, 246-271 (reprint from Coptica 3 Dadoyan, S.B. 1996, ‘The Phenomenon of the Fatimid Arme- (2004), 104-129). nians’, Medieval Encounters 2, 193-213. Immerzeel, M. Building the Past on the Present. Art and Identity Dadoyan, S.B. 1997, The Fatimid Armenians: Cultural and in the Christian Middle East, forthcoming. Political Interaction in the Near East, Leiden.

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97087_ECA.indb 47 14/01/15 10:29 Immerzeel, M., J. van der Vliet (eds) 2004, Coptic Studies on Samir, S.K. 1996, ‘The Role of Christians in the Fatimid Gov- the Threshold of a New Millennium, Proceedings of the ernment Services of Egypt to the Reign of al-Hafiz’, Medi- Seventh International Congress of Coptic Studies Leiden, eval Encounters 2, 177-192. 27 August – 2 September 2000, 2 vols, Leuven/Paris/ Samu’il al-Suriany (ed.) 1984, Ta’rikh al-kana’is wal-adyirah fi Walpole, MA (OLA 133). al-qarn al-thani ‘ashar al-miladi h-‘Abi al-Makarim, Cairo. Jeudy, A. 2006, Le mobilier liturgique en bois au Moyen Age: Segal, J.B. 2001, Edessa. The Blessed City, Piscataway, NJ interactions et identité de la communauté copte du Xe au (reprint from 1970). XIVe siècle, Paris (diss.). Shafik, M. 2008, The Coptic Icons in St. Mina Monastery, in Jeudy, A. 2009, ‘Elite civile et ‘mécénat’: le rôle du comman- Fum Al-Khalig Cairo, Cairo. ditaire dans le développement des arts et des lettres en Skalova, Z. 2004, ‘Five 13th-Century Great Deesis Portraits Egypte du Xe au XIVe siècle’, ECA 6, 51-65. in the Wadi Natrun: Their Origin’, in: Immerzeel/van der Kubiak, W. 1976, ‘The Burning of Misr al-Fustat in 1168. Vliet 2004, 1525-1550. A Reconsideration of Historical Evidence’, Africa Bulletin Skalova, Z., G. Gabra 2007, Icons of the Nile Valley, Cairo 25, 51-65. (2nd edn.). Loon, G.J.M. van 1999, The Gate of Heaven. Wall Paintings Swanson, M.N. 2010, The Coptic Papacy in Islamic Egypt with Old Testament Scenes in the Altar Room and the Hurus (641-1517), Cairo/New York (The Popes of Egypt 2). of Coptic Churches, Istanbul (PIHANS 85). Tagher, J. 1998, Christians in Muslim Egypt: An Historical Migne, J.-P. 1863, ‘Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini, Annales’, Study of the Relations Between Copts and Muslims from PG 111, cols 889-1232. 640 to 1922, Altenberge. Mikhail, M.S.A., M. Moussa (eds) 2009, Christianity and Vansleb, J.M. 1677, Nouvelle relation en forme de Iournal, d’un Monasticism in the Wadi al-Natrun. Essays from the 2002 voyage fait en Egypte en 1672 & 1673, Paris. International Symposium of the Saint Mark Foundation and Vermeulen, U., J. Steenbergen (eds) 2005, Egypt and Syria in the Saint Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society, Cairo/ the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, IV, Leuven/Paris/ New York. Walpole, MA (OLA 140). Moorsel, P.P.V. van 1995/1997, Les peintures du Monastère de Wallis Budge, E.A. 1976, The Book of the Saints of the Ethio- Saint-Antoine, 2 vols, Le Caire (MIFAO 112). pian Church, 4 vols, Hildesheim/New York (reprint from Mouton, J.-M., A. Popescu-Belis 2006, ‘Une description 1928). du monastère Sainte-Catherine du Sinaï au XIIe siècle: Wallis Budge, E.A. 2003, The Chronography of Gregory Abu’l le manuscrit d’Abu l-Makarim’, Arabica 53, 1, 1-53. Faraj, the son of Aaron, the Hebrew physician commonly Müller, C.D.G. (ed. and transl.) 1968, Die Homilie über die known as Bar Hebraeus, Vol. I, Piscataway, NJ (reprint Hochzeit zu Kana und weitere Schriften des Patriarchen from 1932; Gorgias Historical Texts 6). Benjamin I. von Alexandrien, Heidenberg (Abhandlungen Werthmuller, K.J. 2010, Coptic Identity and Ayyubid Politics in der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Egypt, 1218-1250, Cairo/New York. Klasse. Jahrg. 1968. Abh. 1). Wright, W. 1870, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Pauty, E. 1930, Bois sculptés d’églises coptes (époque fatimide), Museum acquired since the Year 1838, Vol. I, London. (et introduction historique de Gaston Wiet), le Caire. Zanetti, U. 1995, ‘Abu l-Makarim et Abu Salih’, BSAC 34, Raymond, A. 2007, Cairo. City of History, Cairo. 85-138. Runciman, S. 2002, A History of the , Vol. III, The Zibawi, M. 1995, Eastern Christian Worlds, Milan. Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades, London (reprint Zibawi, M. 2003, Images de L’Egypte Chrétienne: Iconologie from 1978). Copte, Paris.

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97087_ECA.indb 48 14/01/15 10:29 APPENDIX 1: COPTIC CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES Haret al-Hussayniya OF GREATER CAIRO (ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CEN- Church of the Virgin. Restored at an unknown TURIES) date. Turned into a mosque in A.H. 567/A.D. 1171/72 (CMS, 25-26, fols 13a-14a). Damanhur Shubrah Church of St Theodore the Oriental. Flooded Haret al-Reyhaniya by the Nile between 1101 and 1121 (CME, 104, Church of the Virgin (CMS, 27, fol. 14a). fol. 30a; CMS, 38-40, fol. 19a). Church of St Theodore the Oriental. Converted Church of the Virgin, Shubrah al-Kheima. An icon into a mosque during the caliphate of al-Adid of St Theodore from the flooded church was moved (1160-1171; CMS, 27, fol. 14a). to this church (CME, 104, fol. 30a; CMS, 38-39, fol. 19b). Deir al-Khandaq (Monastery of the Moat) Church of St Macarius: turned into the Armenian Matariya Church of St George. Re-appropriated by the Church of the Virgin (CMS, 41-42; fols 20b, 21a). Copts, decorated and reopened in A.M. 901/A.D. 1185 (CMS, 28-30, fols 14b, 15a; HPEC 2.3, 356- Haret Zuwayla 357). Church of the Virgin (?) (CMS, 1-8, fols 3a-5b; Church of the Three Youths, on the upper floor of Maqrizi: Evetts/Butler 1895, 326). the Church of St George. Renovated and decorated Church of St Mercurius. On the upper floor of the between 1130-1149 (CMS, 28; fol. 14b). Church of the Virgin (CMS, 2; fol. 3a). Church of St Apoli (1). Handed over to the Syrian Church of St John the Baptist. Used by the Arme- Orthodox in the 1070s (CMS, 31, fols 15b, 16a). nians in the years after A.H. 564/A.D. 1168/69 Church of St Poemen (Pimen). Built in A.M. (CME, 3, 10-11, fols 2a, 5a). 900/A.D. 1183/84; opened in A.M. 901/A.D. 1184/85 (CMS, 31, fol. 16a). Haret al-Rum Church of St Apoli (2). Built near the Church of Church of the Virgin. First restoration in A.M. St Poemen and opened in A.M. 907/A.D. 1191 557/A.D. 1162/63. Second restoration in A.H. (CMS, 31-32, fol. 16a). 568/A.D. 1171/72. Repainted in A.M. 902/A.D. Church of the Virgin (CMS, 32, fol. 16b). 1186 (CMS, 9-12, fols 6a-7a; see also CME, 9, Church of the Disciples (CMS, 32-33; fol. 16b). 11-12, fol. 6a; Maqrizi: Evetts/Butler 1895, 326). Church of St Mercurius. Built during the caliphate Church of the Nativity, on the upper floor of of al-Hakim (996-1021) and restored in A.H. Church of the Virgin. Repainted in A.M. 903/A.D. 562/A.D. 1166/67 (CMS, 33; fol. 17a). 1186/87 (CMS, 13, fol. 7a). Church of St Victor, built on top of the Church of Church of St George. Restored and rededicated to St Mercurius. Furnished in A.H. 549/A.D. 1154/55 St Mercurius; reopened in A.M. 899/A.D. 1182/83 (CMS, 34; fol. 17a/b). (CMS, 13-14, fols 7a/b). Church of St Philotheus (CMS, 34; fol 17b). Church of St Theodore the Oriental. Restored Maqrizi: Church of the Archangel Gabriel and in A.H. 575/A.D. 1179/80, reopened in A.M. Church of St Mercurius and Ruwais (Evetts/Butler 897/A.D. 1180/81 (CMS, 15-16, fols 8a/b). 1895, 326).

Al-Fahhadin Az-Zuhri Church of St Michael (CMS, 19, 21-22, fols 9b, Church of St Cosmas (HPEC 2.3, 346; HPEC 11b). 3.1, 4). Church of the Virgin (CMS, 19, fol. 11a). Church of St Claudius (CMS, 19-20, fol. 11a). Hamra al-Wusta (al-Kantarah) Church of St Theodore the Oriental: restored and Church of St Colluthus. Built during the caliphate reopened in A.M. 892/A.D. 1176 (CMS, 20-21, of al-Amir (1101-1130; CME, 108, 126; fols 32a, fols 11a/b). 39a).

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97087_ECA.indb 49 14/01/15 10:29 Annex churches dedicated to St Colluthus, Church of the Archangel Michael; upper floor. St Menas, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and St Hur Restored in A.H. 568/A.D. 1172/73 (CME, 122- (CME, 111-115, fols 33a-34b). 123; fols 37b-38a). Church of St Onophrius. Burned down in 1168 Church of St Anub; upper floor. Rededicated to and restored in A.M. 899/A.D. 1183. St Anthony and reopened in A.M. 903/A.D. 1186/87, or A.M. 905/A.D. 1188/89 (CME, 123- Deir Mari Mina (Monastery of St Menas) 124, fols 38a/b). Destroyed by fire in A.H. 559/A.D. 1164/65 and restored in the years thereafter (CME, 102-108; Fustat (Old Cairo) fols 29b-32a; Maqrizi: Evetts/Butler 1895, 327). Church of Al-Mu¨allaqah (CME, 106, 127, fols Church of St Menas (CME, 103-108, fols 29b-32a; 31a, 39a; HPEC 2.3, 255). HPEC 2.3, 313). Church of St George. Restored during al-Mustansir Church of St George. On the upper floor of the (1036-1094); burned down in A.M. 559/A.D. Church of St Menas, formerly dedicated to St The- 1164 and restored in A.M. 560/A.D. 1165/66; fur- odore (CME, 104, fol. 30a). ther restoration in A.M. 892/A.D. 1175/76 (CME, Church of St John the Martyr, on the upper floor 86-91; fols 23b-24b; Maqrizi: Evetts/Butler 1895, of the Church of St Menas. Restored between 328). 1164/65 and 1169 (CME, 104-105, 107; fols 30a, Church of St John the Baptist. On the upper floor 31b). of the Church of St George; opened in A.M. Church of St George (2), a former bakehouse next 897/A.D. 1181 (CME, 89; fols 24b-25a). to the Church of St Menas. Opened during the Church of the Virgin: On the upper floor of the primacy of Patriarch John V (1147-1167; CME, Church of St George; opened in A.H. 582/A.M. 105-106, fol. 30b). 903/A.D. 1187 (CME, 91-92; fols 25b-26a). Church of the Archangel Gabriel. Destroyed in Hamra ad-Dunya 1168 and restored between 1168 and 1171 (CME, Church of St Sophia (CME, 124-125; fol. 38b). 94-95, fol. 27a). Church of St Macarius (CME, 125, fol. 38b). Church of the Nativity. On the upper floor of Church of the Four Living Creatures. Reopened in the Church of the Archangel Gabriel (CME, 94, A.M. 893/A.D. 1176/77 (CME, 125-126, fols 38b, fol. 27a). 39a). Church. Destroyed by fire in 1168; restoration Church of St Poemen (CME, 126, fol. 39a). finished in A.M. 903/A.D. 1186/87 (CME, 95-96; Church of the Virgin (CME, 126, fol. 39a). fols 27a-b). Church of the Archangel Gabriel (CME, 127, fols 39a-b). Al-Habash Lake Church of St John the Baptist. Restored and reo- Church of St Victor. An inscription dates the pened in A.M. 900/A.D. 1184 (CME, 127, fols paintings in the apse to A.M. 759/A.D. 1042/43. 39b, 40a). Two altars were erected in A.H. 572/A.D. 1077/78 (CME, 131-132, fol. 41b). Deir Abu Sefein (Monastery of St Mercurius) Church of St George, on the upper floor of the Damaged by fire in 1168 (CME, 116-122; 34b- Church of St Victor. Built during the Caliphate 37b). al-Fa’iz (1154-1160; CME, 132; fol. 41b). Church of St Mercurius. Restored and reopened in Church of St Menas, near the Church of St Victor. A.M. 892/A.D. 1175/76 (CME, 120-121; fols Built in A.H. 573/A.D. 1178/79 (CME, 132, fols 37a/b; HPEC 2.3, 256, 296; Maqrizi: Evetts/But- 41b-42a). ler 1895, 328). Monastery of St John (Deir at-Tin; CME, 127- Church of St John the Baptist. Spared from the fire 128, fol. 39b; see also CE 3, 881b-882a). in 1168 (CME, 120, fol. 37a). Monastery of St George. Abandoned by the Nesto- Church of St George; upper floor. Restored and rians, it became Coptic. The church was rededi- reopened in A.H. 570/A.D. 1174/75 (CME, 121- cated to St Philotheus and opened in A.M. 122, fol. 37b). 899/A.D. 1183 (CME, 134-136, fols 42b-44a. CE 3, 881b-882a).

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97087_ECA.indb 50 14/01/15 10:29 Al-Basatin Az-Zuhri Church of St James. Temporarily repossessed by Church of the Virgin (HPEC 2.3, 346; HPEC 3.1, the Copts. Decorated and consecrated on 1 Bar- 32). muda, A.M. 892 (9 April, A.D. 1176). Temporar- ily closed in 1185 and reopened in 1186, and Fustat/Old Cairo restored to the Armenians (CME, 8-13, fols 4b-6b). Five churches, four of which were plundered and Two adjacent churches (CME, 12, fol. 6a). destroyed in the 1160s (CME, 96-97, fol. 28a). Maqrizi mentions the Churches of the Virgin, the Al-Adawiyah Archangel Gabriel, and the Archangel Michael Church of the Virgin (al-Martuti). Restored (Evetts/Butler 1895, 346). between 1101 and 1121 (CME, 136-141, fols 44a- 46b). Reported ruined by Maqrizi (Evetts/Butler Al-Habash Lake 1895, 340) (CE 3, 712b-713a). Monastery of St John the Baptist. Transformed Church near al-Martuti. Restored and reopened in into mosque in the early twelfth century and 1185/86 (CMS, 138, fols 45a-45b). decayed (CME, 128-130, fols 40a-b. For other Church of St Mercurius, on the upper floor of the sources, see CE 3, 881b-882a). aforementioned church. Consecrated in A.M. 910/A.D. 1194 (CME, 139, fol. 45b). Al-Basatin Church built during the reign of al-Amir (1101- Turah 1130) to recompense the loss of a church at Haret Monastery of St Mercurius/the Potter (CME, 143, Zuwaylah (CME, 5, fol. 2b). Fol 46b. Maqrizi: Evetts/Butler 1895, 305-306). Monastery of St George: see Appendix 3. Deir al-Qusayr Ten churches, dedicated to the Virgin, Sts Arse- nius, Barbara, Cosmas and Damianus, George, APPENDIX 2: MELKITE CHURCHES AND MONASTER- Sabas, Stephen, Thomas, John the Baptist, and the IES OF GREATER CAIRO (ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH Apostles (CME, 145-153, fols 49a-52a; Maqrizi: CENTURIES) Evetts/Butler 1895, 307-308).

Haret Zuwayla Church of St Nicholas. Restored by Abu al-Barakat APPENDIX 3: ARMENIAN CHURCHES AND MONAS- Yuhanna Ibn Abu Layth and his brother between TERIES OF GREATER CAIRO (ELEVENTH AND 1101 and 1130 (CMS, 8-9, fol. 5b). Maqrizi: TWELFTH CENTURIES) Church of Saint Nicholas ‘near the Archers’ (Evetts/ Butler 1895, 346). Al-Maqs Another church was destroyed in the same period Church of St George. Turned into a mosque and and transformed into a mosque during the reign of flooded by the Nile during the reign of al-Hakim al-Hafiz (1130-1149; CME, 5, fol. 2b). (CMS, 27, fols 14a/b).

Haret al-Rum Haret al-Hussayniya Churches of Sts Nicholas (formerly St Andrew), The former West Syrian church in this quarter was Barbara, George, and the Forty Martyrs (CMS, 17, used by both communities and destroyed in 1168 fol. 9a). (CMS, 26-27, 31, fols 13b, 14a, 15b, 16a).

Haret Bergawan Deir al-Khandaq Church of St Thomas. Said to be built by Badr Church of St George and a small church built in al-Jamali (CMS, 22; fol. 12a). 1149-1154 (CMS, 28, 30-31, fols 14b, 15b; HPEC 2.3, 356-357). Hamra al-Wusta (al-Kantarah) Church of the Virgin (CME, 153-154, fol. 52a).

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97087_ECA.indb 51 14/01/15 10:29 Al-Fahadin the great church, consecrated in A.H. 902/A.M. ‘Jacobite’ church where the Armenians had an altar 1187 (CME, 147, fols 48a-b). Maqrizi: Monastery installed in the presence of Patriarch Mark III of St George (Evetts/Butler 1895, 305). (1166-1189; CMS, 19, fols 10b-11a). APPENDIX 4: SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCHES IN THE Deir Mari Mina GREATER CAIRO AREA Maqrizi: Armenian church (Evetts/Butler 1895, 327). Deir al-Khandaq Church of St Apoli. Allocated to the Syrians after Az-Zuhri their expulsion from Haret al-Hussayniya (CMS, Church (CME, 10-11, fols 5a-b). In all likelihood 31, fols 15b-16a; HPE 2.3, 356). the former Melkite Church of the Virgin (HPEC 2.3, 345; HPEC 3.1, 32, 54). For the burning Haret al-Hussayniya down of this church during riots in 1321, see Church. After the Armenian takeover of the quarter Maqrizi, Evetts/Butler 1895, 328-340. in the 1070s, it was used by both communities; The cell of the Armenian catholicos was in an destroyed in A.D. 1168 (CMS, 26-27, 31, fols 13b, Armenian monastery (CME, 7, 8, fol. 3b; see also 14a, 15b, 16a; HPEC 2.3, 355-356). HPEC 3.1, 50). Deir Mari Mina Al-Basatin Maqrizi: Syrian church, in all likelihood the one Monastery with the Church of St James (CME, which is dedicated to St Behnam to the present day 1-3, 8-13; fols 1b-2a, 4b-6b). (Evetts/Butler 1895, 327).

Turah Fustat Church of St George. Seized from the Copts Two churches were erected by Athanasius Bar between 1074 and 1092, it was returned after the Gumaye during the reign of ¨Abd al-Malik Ibn Ayyubid takeover (CME, 143-144, fols 47b-48b). Marwan (685-705). (Michael the Syrian: Chabot The church may have stood in the Monastery of 1901, 475-477; Chronicle of 1234: Chabot 1952, St George. Abu al-Makarim also quotes another 229; Bar Herbraeus: Wallis Budge 2003, 104-105). source mentioning the takeover from the Armeni- Church of St John. Mentioned on fol. 104a in a ans in A.H. 559/A.D. 1164. There was a church of manuscript copied for this church at Balad near St Menas on the upper floor and one dedicated to Mosul in A.D. 862 (BL Add. 14492; Wright 1870, Sts John the Baptist and Gregory to the south of 179, no. 243).

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