Chapter 11 Ute Ethnohistory and Historical
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Chapter 7 the Enduring Hopi
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln HOPI NATION: Essays on Indigenous Art, Culture, History, and Law History, Department of September 2008 Chapter 7 The Enduring Hopi Peter Iverson Arizona State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/hopination Part of the Indigenous Studies Commons Iverson, Peter, "Chapter 7 The Enduring Hopi" (2008). HOPI NATION: Essays on Indigenous Art, Culture, History, and Law. 16. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/hopination/16 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in HOPI NATION: Essays on Indigenous Art, Culture, History, and Law by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CHAPTER 7 The Enduring Hopi Peter Iverson “What then is the meaning of the tricentennial observance? It is a reaffirmation of continuity and hope for the collective Hopi future.” The Hopi world is centered on and around three mesas in northeastern Arizona named First, Sec- ond, and Third. It is at first glance a harsh and rugged land, not always pleasing to the untrained eye. Prosperity here can only be realized with patience, determination, and a belief in tomorrow.1 For over 400 years, the Hopis have confronted the incursion of outside non-Indian societies. The Spanish entered Hopi country as early as 1540. Then part of Francisco Vásquez de Coronado’s explor- ing party invaded the area with characteristic boldness and superciliousness. About twenty Spaniards, including a Franciscan missionary, confronted some of the people who resided in the seven villages that now comprise the Hopi domain, and under the leadership of Pedro de Tovar, the Spanish over- came Hopi resistance, severely damaging the village of Kawaiokuh, and winning unwilling surrender. -
Tribal Perspectives on the Hohokam
Bulletin of Old Pueblo Archaeology Center Tucson, Arizona December 2009 Number 60 Michael Hampshire’s artist rendition of Pueblo Grande platform mound (right); post-excavation view of compound area northwest of Pueblo Grande platform mound (above) TRIBAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE HOHOKAM Donald Bahr, Ph.D. Professor Emeritus, Arizona State University The archaeologists’ name for the principal pre-European culture of southern Arizona is Hohokam, a word they adopted from the O’odham (formerly Pima-Papago). I am not sure which archaeologist first used that word. It seems that the first documented but unpublished use is from 1874 or 1875 (Haury 1976:5). In any case, since around then archaeologists have used their methods to define and explain the origin, development, geographic extent, and end of the Hohokam culture. This article is not about the archaeologists’ Hohokam, but about the stories and explanations of past peoples as told by the three Native American tribes who either grew from or replaced the archaeologists’ Hohokam on former Hohokam land. These are the O’odham, of course, but also the Maricopa and Yavapai. The Maricopa during European times (since about 1550) lived on lands previously occupied by the Hohokam and Patayan archaeological cultures, and the Yavapai lived on lands of the older Hohokam, Patayan, Hakataya, Salado, and Western Anasazi cultures – to use all of the names that have been used, sometimes overlappingly, for previous cultures of the region. The Stories The O’odham word huhugkam means “something that is used up or finished.” The word consists of the verb huhug, which means “to be used up or finished,” and the suffix “-kam,” which means “something that is this way.” Huhug is generally, and perhaps only, used as an intransitive, not a transitive, verb. -
Ethnography: Challenges and Opportunities
Research made simple Evid Based Nurs: first published as 10.1136/eb-2017-102786 on 9 September 2017. Downloaded from Ethnography: challenges and opportunities Janice Jones,1 Joanna Smith2 10.1136/eb-2017-102786 Introduction observation, often complemented with interviews, and Collectively qualitative research is a group of meth- detailed analysis often at a micro level. Although the methods used are not exclusive to ethnography, it is 1Institute of Vocational Learning, odologies, with each approach offering a different the depth of fieldwork and the continuous process of School of Health and Social Care, lens though which to explore, understand, interpret or London South Bank University, explain phenomena in real word contexts and settings. engaging with participants and their natural environ- London, UK This article will provide an overview of one of the ments that is central and adds strength to the find- 6 2Children’s Nursing, School of many qualitative approaches, ethnography, and its rele- ings of ethnographic studies. Participant observation Healthcare, University of Leeds, vance to healthcare. We will use an exemplar based on requires immersion in the setting under investigation, Leeds, UK a study that used participant-as-observer observation and observing the language, behaviours and values of 7 and follow-up interviews to explore how occupational the participants. Consequently, paramount to under- therapists embed spirituality into everyday practice, and taking an ethnographic study is the role of the researcher Correspondence to: offer insights into the future directions of ethnography in data collection. Dr Janice Jones, Institute of Engaging with participants in the real world poses Vocational Learning, School of in response to increased globalisation and technological Health and Social Care, London advances. -
Hopi and the Grand Canyon
The Hopi Landscape and People The current Hopi reservation occupies but a small portion of the Hopi’s ancestral territory. Completely surrounded by the Navajo, the Hopi Reservation sits near the center of an area commonly called Hopitutskwa [Hopi toots-kwa]. The term means “Hopi lands” and refers to the entire landscape over which Hopi’s ancestors migrated. In recent times, in part do to land claim cases, Hopitutskwa has come to be applied to a much more restricted geographic area. Beyond this area is a much broader region over which the Hopi and their ancestors lived, traveled, and interacted with the other groups in the southwest. Because Hopi ancestors (histatsinom [hee- sat-see-nom]) came to the Hopi mesas from many different directions, they each brought unique knowledge, customs, and understandings of their past. Hopi is made up of many different clans that still retain this individuality; clan knowledge and history is not shared between clans. Hopi and Öngtupqa (the Grand Canyon) Öngtupqa [oung-toop-ka] plays an ongoing central role in many aspects of Hopi culture and history: Origin – many Hopi clans identify Öngtupqa, specifically the Sipapuni I [sea-pa-poony], as the origin point for people. It is here that the peoples of the earth emerged from the Third World into this, the Fourth World. Migrations – Upon emergence into the Fourth World, the Hopi ancestors entered into a spiritual pact with Ma’saw, the guardian of the Fourth World, to become stewards of the earth. In fulfilling this pact, the Hopi ancestors were instructed to travel to the corners of the land, leaving their “footprints” as evidence of their passing, as they searched for the center of the universe, the Hopi Mesas. -
Functionalists Write, Too: Frazer/Malinowski and the Semiotics of the Monograph1
1 Functionalists Write, Too: Frazer/Malinowski and the Semiotics of the Monograph1 James A. Boon What does the ethnographer do? – he writes (Geertz 1973:19). art of the business of anthropology is to make superficially exotic practices appear familiar and superficially familiar practices exotic. PRegardless of how such practices are experienced by observers, they are interpreted by observers in writing: notes, articles, books. That ethnographic description and ethnological comparison occur as writing suggests the fundamental symbolic remove from whatever immediacy or presence anthropological discourse presumes to embody. All varieties of writing are semiotic systems – shifting signs and symbols that stand for (replace, substitute, differ from) what they are conventionally understood to ‘represent’. Moreover, any writing of ethnographic detail and ethnologi- cal generalization in whatever style or format is constrained by sets of rules and values that at their fullest extent we call cultures. Fieldwork – ‘being there’ – offers no exception to these semiotic facts. Fieldwork is not only a way of doing; it is also a device for writing, a format for organizing description, a conceit around which ethnographic discourse revolves. (It was not always so.) At this level fieldwork, despite the fact that it happens, is a ‘fiction’. Cross-cultural interpretation requires outside help, even when fieldwork works. Cultures cannot be penetrated simply with passports, survey sheets, statistics, genealogies, dictionaries; Source: Semiotica, vol. 46, nos. 2/4, 1983, pp. 131–149. 2 CONTEXTS AND CONTROVErsiES or intuition, benign tolerance, indomitable self-confidence, or studious self-effacement (although each of these may occasionally help!). Rather, cross-cultural interpretation must be made to happen; and it is made to happen by means of semiotic operations derived from sources beyond the conditions of fieldwork proper, as narrowly construed in the functio- nalist school. -
The Politics of Identity in Organizational Ethnographic Research
HUM0010.1177/0018726714541161Human RelationsAlcadipani et al. 541161research-article2014 human relations human relations 2015, Vol. 68(1) 79 –106 The politics of identity in © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: organizational ethnographic sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0018726714541161 research: Ethnicity and tropicalist hum.sagepub.com intrusions Rafael Alcadipani São Paulo Business School, Fundação Getúlio Vargas (EAESP-FGV), Brazil Robert Westwood University of Newcastle, Australia Alexandre Rosa Federal University of Espirito Santo (UFES), Brazil Abstract The article addresses aspects of the politics of identity that became manifest in the researcher–researched relationships in the context of an organizational ethnographic field study at a UK-based printing business. As the fieldwork commenced, it quickly became apparent that the researcher’s Brazilian nationality and Latin American ethnic identity were being performed and responded to in certain specific and problematic ways. This study analyzes the dynamics of identity work and identity politics in ethnographic and other qualitative research. However, the specific contribution of this article is that it examines the questions that arise when the typical structures and patterns of research practice – which are themselves embedded in a spatialized politics of knowledge – are reversed. Historically, research in the social sciences (including management and organization studies) has been conducted by researchers from the center in relation to others in the non-center. Furthermore, in so doing, epistemologies, theories and methods developed in and for the center are deployed to examine and explain phenomena in those other places. This article addresses the question of what Corresponding author: Rafael Alcadipani, São Paulo Business School, Fundação Getúlio Vargas (EAESP-FGV), Rua Itapeva, 474–11º andar—CEP 01332-000, São Paulo, Brazil. -
ETHNOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW DRAFT #2 Colorado National Monument Sally Mcbeth February 26, 2010
ETHNOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW DRAFT #2 Colorado National Monument Sally McBeth February 26, 2010 written in consultation with the Northern Ute ETHNOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW DRAFT #2 Colorado National Monument Sally McBeth February 26, 2010 written in consultation with the Northern Ute Submitted to the National Park Service Cooperative Agreement # H1200040001 (phases I and II) and H1200090004 (phase III) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The generosity of many Ute friends, whose willingness to share their stories, remembrances, and recollections with me cannot go unacknowledged. I treasure their rich and profound understandings of ancestral landscape shared with me over the past three years. These friends include, but are not limited to Northern Ute tribal members (alphabetically): Loya Arrum, Betsy Chapoose, Clifford Duncan, Kessley LaRose, Roland McCook, Venita Taveapont, and Helen Wash. Their advice and suggestions on the writing of this final report were invaluable. Special thanks are due to Hank Schoch—without whose help I really would not have been able to complete (or even start) this project. His unflagging generosity in introducing me to the refulgent beauty and cultural complexity of Colorado National Monument cannot ever be adequately acknowledged. I treasure the memories of our hikes and ensuing discussions on politics, religion, and life. The critical readings by my friends and colleagues, Sally Crum (USFS), Dave Fishell (Museum of the West), Dave Price (NPS), Hank Schoch (NPS-COLM), Alan McBeth, and Mark Stevens were very valuable. Likewise the advice and comments of federal-level NPS staff Cyd Martin, Dave Ruppert, and especially Tara Travis were invaluable. Thanks, all of you. Former Colorado National Monument Superintendant Bruce Noble and Superintendant Joan Anzelmo provided tremendous support throughout the duration of the project. -
Garden Ofthe Gods
GARDEN OFTHE GODS I I &d :,i:1 W rc*l Il Welcome To The Garden Of The Gods a park of dramatic colors, rock silhouettes, grasses that ripple in the wind. trees gnarled with age, and wildlife soaring in the sky or scurrying across the ground. The Garden of the Gods - a meeting place symbolizing beauty, strength, and diversity - in which nature blends the elements of life. Where Indians, settlers, and travelers throughout time have paused. We invite you to discover and enjoy this unique park and Registered Natural Landmark. A UNIQUE MEETING PLACE GARDEN OF THE GODS VISITOR CENTER Hourc: a.m. - 4 p.m., Weekends (Aprtl, May, The Garden of the Gods was first frequented by Native 1l Americans who called it the "old red land". They often used the September, October) - (June Day) Ute Pass Trail. a major thoroughfare through the Garden of 9 a.m. 5 p.m., dally ' Labor the Gods that continues into the mountains. The Ute Indians Serving as park information headquarters, the Visitor Center wintered near the park until the 1880's, when the pressure of is an excellent starting point for visits to the Garden of the Gods. settlement forced them to reservations in Utah. The Center features displays that interpret the park's human Many plans were made in the late 1800's to take advantage history, geology, plants and wildlife. Slide programs better of the area's scenic beauty, such as carving Gateway Rock as acquaint you with feafures of the park. Brochures about horse Mt. Rushmore now is, or establishing the area as a national park. -
Profiles of Colorado Roadless Areas
PROFILES OF COLORADO ROADLESS AREAS Prepared by the USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Region July 23, 2008 INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 2 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ARAPAHO-ROOSEVELT NATIONAL FOREST ......................................................................................................10 Bard Creek (23,000 acres) .......................................................................................................................................10 Byers Peak (10,200 acres)........................................................................................................................................12 Cache la Poudre Adjacent Area (3,200 acres)..........................................................................................................13 Cherokee Park (7,600 acres) ....................................................................................................................................14 Comanche Peak Adjacent Areas A - H (45,200 acres).............................................................................................15 Copper Mountain (13,500 acres) .............................................................................................................................19 Crosier Mountain (7,200 acres) ...............................................................................................................................20 Gold Run (6,600 acres) ............................................................................................................................................21 -
Colorado Springs & the Pikes Peak Region, Colorado 2 0 0 5 Visitor Guide
COLORADO SPRINGS & THE PIKES PEAK REGION, COLORADO 2 0 0 5 VISITOR GUIDE room to breathe • boundless views THE PERFECT PLACE TO RECONNECT 2 05 Visitor Guide: ExperienceColoradoSprings.com 05 Visitor Guide: Pikes-Peak.com 3 4 : Welcome/Table of Contents 05 Visitor Guide: ExperienceColoradoSprings.com Welcome to the Pikes Peak Region Table of Contents The Way Colorado Was Meant to be Experienced Welcome calendar of events. 8 You’ll find an abundance of unique cultural things to know – colorado springs facts and figures . 9 and recreational opportunities awaiting you maps. .10-12 in Colorado Springs, no matter what time travel and regional information. .12-13 trails and hiking information. 37 of year you are visiting. Enjoy breathtaking itineraries . .44-45 views of Pikes Peak, our most prominent Southwest landmark, or go to the top of the mountain by southwest map . 18 foot, automobile, or cog railway. Visit Garden not to be missed. 19 of the Gods, the magnificent park of red things to do . 25 restaurants . 25 sandstone formations, a spiritual retreat of accommodations . 26 ancient peoples. Explore collections of Hispanic, Native American, shopping . 27 and western American art, including works by Georgia O’Keefe, at service . 27 the Fine Arts Center in downtown. Learn a little about the Air Force, Southeast/Downtown past and present, at Colorado’s most frequently visited man-made southeast map . 38 attraction, the Air Force Academy. not to be missed. 39 things to do . 39 Many other attractions await you, as well as a myriad of shopping restaurants . 39 and dining opportunities in our vibrant downtown and throughout accommodations . -
Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 0
Fall 08 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 1 1 Second Mesa Culture Center Website 2016 0 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 1 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy Hopi Tribe Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 2018 U.S. Economic Development Administration Prepared by: Hopi Tribe Office of Community Planning and Economic Development and Land Information Systems OCPEDLIS 2 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 3 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy Hopi Tribal Council Executive Branch Timothy L. Nuvangyaoma, Hopi Tribal Chairman Clark W. Tenakhongva, Hopi Tribe Vice Chairman Wilfred L. Gaseoma, Tribal Treasurer Theresa Lomakema, Tribal Secretary Alfonso Sakeva Jr., Sergeant at Arms Village of Bakabi Village of Kykotsmovi Clifford Qotsaquahu David Talyumptewa Lamar Keevama Jack Harding Jr. Davis Pecusa Phillip Quochytewa Sr. Herman G. Honanie Upper Village of Moencopi Village of Mishongnovi Robert Charley Pansy K. Edmo Leroy Shingoitewa Craig Andrews Bruce Fredericks Annette F. Talayumptewa Philton Talahytewa, Sr. First Mesa Consolidated Villages Albert T. Sinquah Village of Sipalouvi Wallace Youvella, Sr. Norene Kootswatewa Alverna Poneoma Rosa Honani THE FOLLOWING VILLAGES CHOOSE TRADITIONAL GOVERNMENT AND DO NOT HAVE VILLAGE REPRESENTATION ON THE TRIBAL COUNCIL. Village of Shungopavi Village of Oraibi Village of Hotevilla Village of Lower Moencopi 0 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy 1 Hopi Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy Table of Contents -
STATE of DOWNTOWN Colorado Springs 2021 ONE YEAR AGO, Downtown Colorado Springs Was Poised to Have Its Best Year Economically in Decades
Economic snapshot and performance indicators STATE OF DOWNTOWN Colorado Springs 2021 ONE YEAR AGO, Downtown Colorado Springs was poised to have its best year economically in decades. The fundamentals were strong, new construction was humming and small business was luring new patrons. Then came the pandemic and ensuing recession, which proved particularly devastating to tourism, restaurants, small business and arts and culture, while also disrupting workforce patterns. But despite these historic challenges, as this report demonstrates, Downtown weathered this crisis far better than most city centers nationwide and is poised for an incredibly strong rebound. New businesses and investors are taking note – making Downtown Colorado Springs one of the hottest up-and-coming markets in the country. Our sixth annual State of Downtown Report notes nearly $2 billion in development – driven by strong multifamily growth, exciting new attractions, and investments in preserving and enhancing Downtown’s unique historic center. This comprehensive benchmarking report is packed with the data, trends and analysis to inform key stakeholders in making sound business decisions, created especially with investors, brokers, developers, retailers, civic leaders and property owners in mind. State of Downtown is produced by the Downtown Development Authority, and most data throughout the report tracks specifically within the DDA boundaries, the natural defining area of Downtown. Where noted, some data is reported for the Greater Downtown Colorado Springs Business Improvement District, the 80903 ZIP code, or the two census tracks that align with the city’s core. Data and rankings are for 2020 except where noted. A special mention about the pandemic: Some sections of this report are briefer than past years, and in some instances data from 2019 is reported instead.