Integration of Bosniak Community in Albania
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Bosnia and Herzegovina Joint Opinion on the Legal
Strasbourg, Warsaw, 9 December 2019 CDL-AD(2019)026 Opinion No. 951/2019 Or. Engl. ODIHR Opinion Nr.:FoA-BiH/360/2019 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA JOINT OPINION ON THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK GOVERNING THE FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, IN ITS TWO ENTITIES AND IN BRČKO DISTRICT Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 121st Plenary Session (Venice, 6-7 December 2019) On the basis of comments by Ms Claire BAZY-MALAURIE (Member, France) Mr Paolo CAROZZA (Member, United States of America) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute member, Moldova) Mr Jean-Claude SCHOLSEM (substitute member, Belgium) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2019)026 - 2 - Table of Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 3 II. Background and Scope of the Opinion ...................................................................... 4 III. International Standards .............................................................................................. 5 IV. Legal context and legislative competence .................................................................. 6 V. Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 8 A. Definitions of public assembly .................................................................................. -
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ........................................................................................................................... -
Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’. -
Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ? Xavier Bougarel
Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ? Xavier Bougarel To cite this version: Xavier Bougarel. Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ?. Journal of Modern European History, Munich : C.H. Beck, London : SAGE 2018, XVI, pp.164 - 168. 10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2- 164. halshs-02546552 HAL Id: halshs-02546552 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02546552 Submitted on 18 Apr 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 « Bosnia-Herzegovina – How Much Did Islam Matter ? », Journal of Modern European History, vol. XVI, n° 2, 2018, pp.164-168. Xavier Bougarel The Bosniaks, both victims and actors in the Yugoslav crisis Referred to as ‘Muslims’ (in the national meaning of the term) until 1993, the Bosniaks were the main victims of the breakup of Yugoslavia. During the war that raged in Bosnia- Herzegovina from April 1992 until December 1995, 97,000 people were killed: 65.9% of them were Bosniaks, 25.6% Serbs and 8.0% Croats. Of the 40,000 civilian victims, 83.3% were Bosniaks. Moreover, the Bosniaks represented the majority of the 2.1 million people displaced by wartime combat and by the ‘ethnic cleansing’ perpetrated by the ‘Republika Srpska’ (‘Serb Republic’) and, on a smaller scale, the ‘Croat Republic of Herceg-Bosna’. -
Czech Development Cooperation in Bosnia and Herzegovina Icons Icons 48
CZECH DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ICONS ICONS 48 17 ICONS: COLOUR VERSION ICONS 48 ICONS NO ZERO GOOD HEALTH QUALITY GENDER CLEAN WATER POVERTY HUNGER AND WELL-BEING EDUCATION EQUALITY AND SANITATION CZECH DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 17 ICONS: COLOUR VERSION NO ZEROAFFORDABLE AND GOODDECENT HEALTH WORK AND QUALITYINDUSTRY, INNOVATION GENDERREDUCED CLEANSUSTAINABLE WATER CITIES RESPONSIBLE POVERTY HUNGERCLEAN ENERGY ANDECONOMIC WELL-BEING GROWTH EDUCATIONAND INFRASTRUCTURE EQUALITYINEQUALITIES ANDAND SANITATION COMMUNITIES CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the Czech Republic’s Thematic priorities and SDGs: Sustainable development goals most important development cooperation partners. AFFORDABLE AND DECENTCLIMATE WORK AND INDUSTRY,LIFE INNOVATION REDUCEDLIFE SUSTAINABLEPEACE, JUSTICE CITIES RESPONSIBLEPARTNERSHIPS Over the past 20 years, the nature of cooperation has CLEAN ENERGY ECONOMICACTION GROWTH AND INFRASTRUCTUREBELOW WATER INEQUALITIESON LAND ANDAND COMMUNITIES STRONG CONSUMPTIONFOR THE GOALS evolved from humanitarian assistance from the Czech INSTITUTIONS AND PRODUCTION Republic through post-war reconstruction to the current scheme to support the stability and successful ICONS 48 ICONS 48 integrationICONS of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the CLIMATE LIFE LIFE PEACE, JUSTICE PARTNERSHIPS EconomicACTION When an icongrowth is onBELOW a square, WATER thatwith square mustONemphasis LAND be proportional 1 x 1. ANDon STRONG energyFOR THEfrom GOALS ICONS INSTITUTIONS European -
Political Relations Between Albania and France 1945- 1990
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Vol 8 No 5 S1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) Social Sciences September 2017 Political Relations between Albania and France 1945- 1990 Arshela Arapi Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris, France Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations. Keywords: France, collaboration, convention, strategy 1. Introduction In the framework of the complex historical evaluation of the diplomatic policy of the Albanian country, the relationships, with the European countries in general and those of the Western Europe especially, hold a great importance. -
Albania's Journey to Self Reliance & the U.S. Albania Transparency Academy
UNCLASSIFIED Albania’s Journey to Self Reliance & The U.S. Albania Transparency Academy Overview Since 1992, USAID has invested more than $500 million in Albania to support political pluralism; civil society; effective local governments; independent media; the rule of law; the energy and health sectors; free-market economic systems; and sustainable economic growth, including through the development of tourism, and micro-enterprise partnerships. This assistance over the past 28 years has led to significant political and economic reforms in Albania. Today, Albania is advanced in its journey to self-reliance for a middle-income country, having demonstrated its commitment and capacity to plan, finance, and implement solutions to its own development challenges. These achievements show Albania is well-positioned to take on more ownership of its development challenges. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)’s Journey to Self Reliance (J2SR) is a commitment to work closely with host-country partners to address their development challenges with the goal of ending the need for development assistance. As part of this effort, USAID has developed Road Maps with metrics that identify strengths and weaknesses in a country’s commitment and capacity to solve its own development challenges. Albania’s J2SR indicators show that it is one of the five most “self-reliant” countries where 1 USAID operates globally . Thus, USAID is forging a new development partnership between USAID and the Government of Albania (GoA). USAID has been gradually shifting from supporting a multi-sector programmatic approach to a more focused approach that addresses some of Albania’s central development challenges, particularly in rule of law, economic development and energy. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Attitudes on Violent Extremism and Foreign Influence
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Attitudes on Violent Extremism and Foreign Influence January 4 - February 3, 2017 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted by Ipsos in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights and Survey Research, and was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. • Data was collected between January 4 and February 3, 2017 through face-to-face interviews at the respondents’ homes using the CAPI method (computer assisted personal interviewing). • A total of 1,537 interviews were completed, with an overall margin of error of plus or minus 2.5 percent at the midrange of the 95 percent confidence level. A nationally-representative sample was assembled based on a multistage stratification proportionate to population sample distribution, through the random selection of households and respondents. • The sample is composed of citizens of BiH, aged 18 and older and was based on the 2013 Census; Vital Statistics 2012 and Ipsos estimations derived from the Central Election Commission database; Agency for Identification Documents; and the Registers and Data Exchange of Bosnia and Herzegovina database. • The sampling frame consisted of polling station territories (approximate size of census units) within strata defined by municipalities and type of settlements (urban and rural). Polling station territories enable the most reliable sample selection, due to the fact that these units represent the most comprehensive and up-to-date data available. • Households were selected according to the random route technique. Starting from a given address, interviewers selected the third house down the same side of the street or the next available house for an interview from the starting point. -
Political Status of Ethnic Groups in Montenegro
Montenegro Ethnicity in Montenegro Group selection We identify the following politically relevant ethnic groups: Alba- nians, Bosniak/Muslims, Croats, Montenegrins, Roma, and Serbs. With 44,9% of the population, Montenegrins are the largest ethnic group in the country. Serbs constitute the largest minority with 28,7%, followed by Bosniaks and Albanians (3464, 3465, 945). For 3464 [Census, 2011] the 2003 census, the term “Bosniaks” was introduced, but Muslims 3465 [Bieber, 2010] and Bosniaks are included in one single category, although there is a slight difference between Serbian speaking Muslims and Bosnian speaking Bosniaks. This is in line with Bieber (3466, 944), who also 3466 [Bieber, 2010] considers Bosniaks and Muslims in Montenegro as a combined ethnic group. Power relations 2008-2016 In 2006, Montenegro declared independence from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrins are the political majority and they dominate the government. They are mostly represented by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power from independence to 2020. Serbs are represented by the party alliance Serbian List (Srpska lista), and more recently the Democratic Front, but Serbs also vote for other parties and approximately 30 percent of the parliament members, from the Serbian and other parties, considered themselves as Serbian (3467, 945). Yet, as the parties representing the Serbs are 3467 [Bieber, 2010] in opposition, and thus without governmental influence, Serbs are considered politically powerless according to the EPR coding rules. In Montenegro, seats are allocated using the d’Hondt method. There is a three percent threshold to gain representation. If none of the lists of a specific minority group achieve a threshold of 3 percent, a lower threshold of 0.7 percent is used (for Croatians, this becomes 0.4 percent) (3468). -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
Women Entrepreneurs in Albania
SEED Working Paper No. 21 InFocus Programme on Boosting Employment through Small EnterprisE Development Job Creation and Enterprise Department Series on Women’s Entrepreneurship Development and Gender in Enterprises — WEDGE Women Entrepreneurs in Albania by Mimoza Bezhani International Training Centre of the ILO, International Labour Office · Geneva Turin, Italy Copyright © International Labour Organization 2001 First published 2001 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to the Publications Bureau (Rights and Permissions), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered in the United Kingdom with the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP [Fax: (+44) (0)20 7631 5500; e-mail: [email protected]], in the United States with the Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 [Fax: (+1) (978) 750 4470; e-mail: [email protected]] or in other countries with associated Reproduction Rights Organizations, may make photocopies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. ILO Women Entrepreneurs in Albania Geneva, International Labour Office, 2001 ISBN 92-2-112758-3 Based on original document: Biznesi i Gruas në Shqipëri = L’imprenditorialità femminile in Albania, published by the International Training Centre of the ILO, Turin, 1999 (without ISBN). The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. -
Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact.