Visualizing the Invisible Hand of Markets: Simulating Complex Dynamic Economic Interactions
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A Hayekian Theory of Social Justice
A HAYEKIAN THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Samuel Taylor Morison* As Justice gives every Man a Title to the product of his honest Industry, and the fair Acquisitions of his Ancestors descended to him; so Charity gives every Man a Title to so much of another’s Plenty, as will keep him from ex- tream want, where he has no means to subsist otherwise. – John Locke1 I. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to critically examine Friedrich Hayek’s broadside against the conceptual intelligibility of the theory of social or distributive justice. This theme first appears in Hayek’s work in his famous political tract, The Road to Serfdom (1944), and later in The Constitution of Liberty (1960), but he developed the argument at greatest length in his major work in political philosophy, the trilogy entitled Law, Legis- lation, and Liberty (1973-79). Given that Hayek subtitled the second volume of this work The Mirage of Social Justice,2 it might seem counterintuitive or perhaps even ab- surd to suggest the existence of a genuinely Hayekian theory of social justice. Not- withstanding the rhetorical tenor of some of his remarks, however, Hayek’s actual con- clusions are characteristically even-tempered, which, I shall argue, leaves open the possibility of a revisionist account of the matter. As Hayek understands the term, “social justice” usually refers to the inten- tional doling out of economic rewards by the government, “some pattern of remunera- tion based on the assessment of the performance or the needs of different individuals * Attorney-Advisor, Office of the Pardon Attorney, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; e- mail: [email protected]. -
Staying the Invisible Hand
Staying the Invisible Hand Jeff Madrick JUNE 28, 2018 ISSUE Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy by Dani Rodrik Princeton University Press, 316 pp., $29.95 In 1997, when Dani Rodrik, a Turkish- born professor at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, published his brief book Has Globalization Gone Too Far?, progressive economists widely embraced his arguments that many free trade policies adopted by the US, which reduced tariffs and other protections, also weakened the bargaining power of American workers, destabilized their wages, and encouraged social conflict. “The danger,” Rodrik wrote presciently, “is that the domestic consensus in favor of Martin Roemers/Panos Pictures A clothing market in Cairo, 2011; photograph by Martin Roemers open markets will ultimately erode to the from his book Metropoli, published by Hatje Cantz in 2015 point where a generalized resurgence of protectionism becomes a serious possibility.” I remember that Robert Kuttner, the coeditor of The American Prospect, was particularly enthusiastic about the book. Almost twenty years later, he again praised Rodrik for his continued devotion to an empirically grounded skepticism of what Rodrik now calls “hyperglobalization.” Has Globalization Gone Too Far? challenged a mainstream economic belief that in 1997 was accepted with increasing fervor: that reducing tariffs to encourage trade almost always resulted in a healthier, more rapidly growing economy for all nations. If some workers in industries that directly competed with rising imports lost their jobs or had their wages reduced, it was assumed that the economy would create enough new jobs to compensate. Free trade had been a principle of modern economic theory since Adam Smith. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
Liberal Discourse
Liberal discourse - An invisible hand in free trade research? - An investigation into how global trade discourse is created through discourse interaction within research. COURSE: Globala studier 61-90, 30 hp PROGRAM: International work - global studies AUTHORS: John Bohman, Henrik Malmrot EXAMINATOR: Karl Hedman SEMESTER: VT17 JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY Bachelor Thesis School of Education and Communication Global Studies International Work Spring semester 2017 ABSTRACT _____________________________________________________________ John Bohman & Henrik Malmrot Pages: 30 Liberal discourse – An invisible hand in free trade research? An investigation into how global trade discourse is created through discourse interaction within research. _______________________________________________________________________ This paper uses a quantitative content analysis informed by a critical realist framework to study the patterns of international political economy discourse prevalence within research articles concerning free trade. Once categorized, there are observable differences in the extent to which articles in the different categories address other discourses. Analyzing these patterns using concepts from discourse theory, we suggest that the liberal discourse constitutes a regime of truth to which the other discourses must relate. It is also found that articles published in higher ranking journals are less likely to address other discourses. We argue that this could be explained as being an effect of the larger readership of those journals. Keywords: -
The Anarcho-Capitalist Society a Critical Analysis of Huemer’S Society Without Government
The Anarcho-Capitalist Society A Critical Analysis of Huemer’s Society Without Government Jacob C. Castermans S1551809 MA Philosophical Perspectives on Politics and the Economy Dissertation Leiden University Spring 2020 Supervisor: W. Kalf WorD count: 21008 Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3 1.1 The Government’s Growing Sphere of Influence ......................................................................................... 3 1.2 A Society Without Government .................................................................................................................... 3 1.3 A Philosophically Convincing Political Theory ........................................................................................... 4 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation ........................................................................................................................ 5 2. Critical Analysis of the Methodology ........................................................................................................ 7 2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 7 2.2 Common-Sense Morality .............................................................................................................................. 7 2.3 Ethical Intuitionism ..................................................................................................................................... -
Conservative Thinking Through the Ages
If you don’t regularly receive my reports, request a free subscription at [email protected] ! Visit my website at http://www.myslantonthings.com ! 13 Star Flag Washington Franklin Jefferson 24 Star Flag John Adams Madison Hamilton Samuel Adams De Tocqueville 48 Star Flag Hayek Friedman Reagan 50 Star Flag CONSERVATIVE THINKING THROUGH THE AGES Steve Bakke April 7, 2021 Sometimes, to get “grounded” while working through frustrating upside-down realities of politics in 2021, it helps to go back to our Founding Documents for wisdom. And it helps to recall some wise quotes by conservatives spanning our nation’s history. I enjoy reading through these from time to time. Our Form of Government • The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are……staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. – George Washington • Here, sir, the people govern. – Alexander Hamilton • The Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intentions. – Daniel Webster Page 1 of 3 • Government’s first duty is to protect the people, not run their lives. – Ronald Reagan • The power to do good is also the power to do harm. – Milton Friedman American Exceptionalism • We are a nation that has a government – not the other way around……Our government has no power except that granted it by the people. – Ronald Reagan • I say RIGHTS, for such they have, undoubtedly, antecedent to all earthly government; Rights, that cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws; Rights, derived from the great Legislator of the universe. -
Chapter 4 the Theory of Laissez-Faire
Page 15 Chapter 4 The Theory of Laissez-Faire It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. — Adam Smith hy do some men succeed in business and others fail? Why are some people rich and others poor? Why does one company develop new products, make huge profits, and remain Wsuccessful while others fail? Why does one athlete become a superstar and another never makes the team? One possible answer to all these questions is that the successful are often better equipped to survive than those who fail. People who get ahead in life are usually those with both ability and the willingness to work hard. Those who fail either don’t have what it takes or just don’t work hard enough to get to the top. Some people believe that life is a jungle, that the rules of the game are to compete as hard as you can, take care of yourself and not to worry about others. If you lose, you have nobody to blame but yourself. Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand If you agree with the ideas in this introduction, then you probably agree with the philosophy of 'laissez-faire' and the social theory of 'survival of the fittest.' Such ideas are also guiding principles of the business people who do not want the government to interfere with their actions. It is the philosophy of those who are against ‘big government,' and who believe that too many rules in the business world prevent healthy, keen competition and stop progress. -
Hayek and Friedman: Head to Head 2
HAYEK AND FRIEDMAN: HEAD TO HEAD 2 Hayek theorized in terms of the market process that governs relative prices. His macroeconomic theorizing focused especially on the rate of interest, which, broadly conceived, reflects the pattern of prices of consumer goods and various categories of capital goods. Monetary expansion can disrupt the market process, causing resources to be misallocated. Friedman focused on the strong relationship between changes in the monetary aggregates and subsequent movements in the overall level of prices—as Hayek and Friedman: Head to Head demonstrated statistically during the heyday of monetarism for many economies and for many time periods. With possible effects on resource allocation considered to be at most a secondary issue, the empirical findings bolster the claim that the Roger W. Garrison long-run effect of monetary expansion is overall price-and-wage inflation. Auburn University The differing orientations—theoretical for Hayek and empirical for Friedman—reflect a fundamental difference in methodological precepts. While actually allied on many policy issues (including even monetary policy when their policy recommendations are constrained by considerations of practicality and In the grand battle of ideas, F. A. Hayek and Milton Friedman were, at the same political viability), Hayek and Friedman are radically at odds with one another time, soul mates and adversaries. Hayek’s Constitution of Liberty (1960) and about the very nature of the requisite analytical framework. Friedman’s Capitalism and Freedom (1962) are rightly seen as companion The difficulties of comparing Hayek and Friedman get compounded by volumes. By contrast, Hayek’s Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle ([1928] Hayek’s prescription for monetary policy. -
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A Moral Argument in Favor of The VoluntaryProvis ion of Social Services Robert S. Ogilvie In this paper. I make theargument that ifthe devolution of the welfare state from the federal /eve/ to the local /eve/ is planned and implemented properly. then Americans could end up being better off I say this because I have fo und that volunteering to provide a social service in a local voluntary institution can have a profound moral impact on all involved. Such participation can produce better people. and that. I believe. is the essential starting point fo r the production of a better society. As planners look to affect change they don 't very oft en look at the level of the individual. We need to correct /his omission. as we are currently being presented with a great opportunity to profoundly affect the nature of this country. Citing political theory and the experiences of the volunteers at The Partnership fo r the Homeless in New York City. Ogilvie contends that voluntary participation in a local organization can create better citizens. His central point is that it is a prime responsibility of every law maker and planner to create these good citizens, that is, citizens who are capable of making informed and sensitive decisions. Furthermore, he argues that these sorts of citizens can only develop out of habituation, usually through voluntary participation in a local organization. Plans about social serviceprovision need to recognize this. and create as many situations as possible fo r people to be active in decision making and serviceprovision. Introduction In this paper I make the argument that if the devolution of the welfare state from the fe deral level to the local level is planned and implemented properly, then America could end up being better off. -
The Political Economy of Capitalism
07-037 The Political Economy of Capitalism Bruce R. Scott Copyright © 2006 by Bruce R. Scott Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. #07-037 Abstract Capitalism is often defined as an economic system where private actors are allowed to own and control the use of property in accord with their own interests, and where the invisible hand of the pricing mechanism coordinates supply and demand in markets in a way that is automatically in the best interests of society. Government, in this perspective, is often described as responsible for peace, justice, and tolerable taxes. This paper defines capitalism as a system of indirect governance for economic relationships, where all markets exist within institutional frameworks that are provided by political authorities, i.e. governments. In this second perspective capitalism is a three level system much like any organized sports. Markets occupy the first level, where the competition takes place; the institutional foundations that underpin those markets are the second; and the political authority that administers the system is the third. While markets do indeed coordinate supply and demand with the help of the invisible hand in a short term, quasi-static perspective, government coordinates the modernization of market frameworks in accord with changing circumstances, including changing perceptions of societal costs and benefits. In this broader perspective government has two distinct roles, one to administer the existing institutional frameworks, including the provision of infrastructure and the administration of laws and regulations, and the second to mobilize political power to bring about modernization of those frameworks as circumstances and/or societal priorities change. -
Libertarianism
Libertarianism BIBLIOGRAPHY maintaining residence within the polity, one voluntarily The Committee of Santa Fe. 1980. A New Inter-American Policy agrees to the government laws one lives under. for the Eighties. Washington, DC: Council for Inter-American Government is recognized as a special kind of organiza- Security. tion, and might be said to enjoy a special kind of legiti- Cone, James H. 1990. A Black Theology of Liberation. 20th macy, but it does not get a special dispensation on Anniversary ed. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. coercion. In the eyes of the libertarian, everything the gov- Gutierrez, Gustavo. 1988. A Theology of Liberation: History, ernment does that would be deemed coercive and crimi- Politics, and Salvation. Trans. and ed. Sister Caridad Inda and nal if done by any other party in society is still coercive. John Eagleson. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. For example, imagine that a neighbor decided to impose a Levine, Daniel H. 1992. Popular Voices in Latin American minimum-wage law on you. Since most government Catholicism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. action, including taxation, is of that nature, libertarians Smith, Christian. 1991. The Emergence of Liberation Theology: see government as a unique kind of organization engaged Radical Religion and Social Movement Theory. Chicago: in wholesale coercion, and coercion is the treading on lib- University of Chicago Press. erty. This semantic, libertarians say, was central in eigh- teenth- and nineteenth-century custom and social Otto Maduro thought, for example in Adam Smith’s treatment of “nat- ural liberty” and through the American founders, the abolitionists, John Stuart Mill (1806–1873), Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), and William Graham Sumner LIBERTARIANISM (1840–1910). -
Individual Freedom and Laissez-Faire Rights and Liberties
Individual Freedom and Laissez-Faire Rights and Liberties ---Samuel Freeman, Philosophy and Law, University of Pennsylvania (Please do not circulate or cite without Author’s permission) “Law, Liberty, and Property are an inseparable trinity.”---Friedrich Hayek “Capitalism is a cultic religion.” ---Walter Benjamin1 The traditional philosophical justification for full or laissez-faire economic rights and liberties is an indirect utilitarian argument that invokes Adam Smith’s “Invisible Hand”: Individuals’ self-interested pursuit of income and wealth against a background of free competitive markets, with free contract and exchange and full property rights, maximizes aggregate income and wealth, therewith overall (economic) utility. The only limits allowed on economic liberties are those needed to maintain market fluidity and mitigate negative externalities. The traditional doctrine of laissez-faire also allows for taxation and provision for public goods not otherwise adequately provided by private market transactions, and perhaps even a social “safety net” (e.g. the English Poor Laws) for people incapable of supporting themselves. These arguments have a long and respectable history going back to David Hume and Adam Smith; they were refined by the classical economists, including J.S. Mill, were further developed by Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman and 1 Hayek, Rules and Order, vol I of Law, Liberty and Legislation, p.107. Walter Benjamin, ‘Capitalism as Religion,’ Fragment 74, Gesammelte Scriften, vol.VI. This is a chapter from a manuscript on Liberalism and Economic Justice I am working on. I apologize for its length. 1 Hayek, Rules and Order, vol I of Law, Liberty and Legislation , p.107. Walter Benjamin, ‘Capitalism as Religion,’ Fragment 74, Gesammelte Scriften, vol.VI.