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'Fire in the House': Gendered Experiences of Drunkenness And

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'Fire in the House': Gendered Experiences of Drunkenness And Geoforum 39 (2008) 1667–1675 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Geoforum journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/geoforum ‘Fire in the House’: Gendered experiences of drunkenness and violence in Siem Reap, Cambodia Katherine Brickell Department of Geography and Environment, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom article info abstract Article history: After decades of turmoil and international isolation, Cambodia has embarked on a threefold transition: Received 22 December 2006 from armed conflict to peace, from political authoritarianism to liberal democracy, and from a socialist Received in revised form 8 April 2008 economic system to one based on market-driven capitalist growth. In this context of transition, the paper explores the perceived linkages that exist between drinking, drunkenness and gender-based violence in rural and urban Siem Reap, home to the global tourism site of Angkor. By considering the ways in which Keywords: men and women relate alcohol use with violence, the paper questions what implications these social con- Alcohol structions have for tackling gender-based violence and concludes that challenging such external explana- Cambodia tions for violence is needed in order for gender-based violence to be understood as the struggle for Drinking Gender equality in men and women’s everyday lives. Post-conflict Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Violence 1. Introduction enness and violence in post-conflict and transition contexts before considering the conceptualisations of men, masculinities and vio- After decades of turmoil and international isolation, Cambodia lence, which underpin the framework of this paper. has embarked on a threefold transition: from armed conflict to peace, from political authoritarianism to liberal democracy, and 2. From conflict to violent peace? from a socialist economic system to one based on market-driven capitalist growth. Drawing upon the Cambodian Buddhist expres- Holding particular salience in contemporary Cambodia is the sion, ‘Fire in the House’, this paper examines how alcohol-related gen- notion that the absence of war does not mean peace (Galtung, der-based violence is manifest in the everyday lived experiences of 1969). Domestic violence is persistently identified as having in- men and women and explores the perceived linkages that exist be- creased in scope1 and intensity2 in the aftermath of Pol Pot’s reign tween drinking, drunkenness and violence at this time of transition. (Mackay, 1995; Kumar et al., 2000; Pickup et al., 2001; Surtees, While the proverb traditionally relates only to women’s respon- 2003) and is now considered to represent the major challenge for sibility to contain three fires of anger – related to parents, husbands Cambodia to reach its targets of promoting gender equality in the and ‘others’ – within the spatial confines of the house, the paper that Millennium Development Goals (Ministry of Planning, 2005).3 follows considers intra-community violence between men along- side its primary focus on inter-spousal violence against women. By 1 In terms of scope, a nationally representative survey found that 22% of ever- focusing on gender-based violence and its intersection with post- married women reported physical, sexual, or emotional violence with 13% of conflict dynamics and alcohol use, I contribute to a fuller under- surveyed women reporting physical violence (National Institute of Public Health standing of what are regarded as common ‘myths’ that are used to et al., 2006, 290). 2 explain or justify such violence (Pickup et al., 2001, 18) and demon- Compounding the widespread nature of violence is its severity with 10% of women reporting having been slapped or having their arm twisted and 8% reporting strate the ascendance of alcohol use as a perceived external factor. having been pushed, shaken or had things thrown at them by their husband in the 12 Given that it is critical to understand the cultural, political and months preceding the survey (National Institute of Public Health et al., 2006, 291). economic environment within which this drinking and possible 3 According to the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defence of Human violence occurs, in the discussion that follows I briefly outline Rights (2006), the government response to domestic violence in Cambodia has been Cambodia’s recent history from 1975 to the present day and ex- slow and inadequate. While Cambodia ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1992 it was not until plain the main objectives informing the paper. I then examine September 2005 that the Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the some of the interconnections that exist between drinking, drunk- Protection of Victims was passed – and in 2000, committed to enforcing the Cambodian Millennium Development Goals (CMDG). Both instruments contain provisions to reduce and eliminate violence against women, but there has been E-mail address: [email protected] insufficient government action to implement or enforce them. 0016-7185/$ - see front matter Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.geoforum.2008.04.002 1668 K. Brickell / Geoforum 39 (2008) 1667–1675 Furthermore, violence against women is viewed as one of the most The national and regional significance of alcohol consumption serious human rights problems in the country (Cambodian League has potentially broader academic and policy relevance to other for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (2006)). In Cambo- countries of the developing world, which have been identified as dia, nationally representative data shows that women’s experience ‘long-neglected areas where alcohol problems are likely to increase of violence also varies with the extent of alcohol consumption by at an alarming rate in the future’ (WHO, 2004, iii), and where the the husband. Women whose husbands regularly get drunk are over seriousness of drinking problems has been systematically underes- six times more likely to have experienced physical or sexual violence timated (Room, 1984, 170). In contrast to other disciplines such as than women whose husbands do not drink or do not get drunk (Na- anthropology however, geographical scholarship has paid rela- tional Institute of Public Health et al., 2006, 295). Given such evi- tively little consideration to the ‘ethnocentrism of alcohol studies’ dence, this paper examines more closely the circumstances that against non-European countries (Valverde, 1998, 18). Rather this women – and men – use to ‘explain’ drinking and violence. has not been a sustained area of inquiry by geographers relative To date, studies on Cambodia’s history of violence have tended to the examination of drinking and the development of modern to prioritise the systematic state violence and politically-motivated industrial urban life in the Global North (Bromley and Nelson, killings directed towards urbanites, high-ranking government offi- 2002; Chatterton and Hollands, 2003; Hubbard, 2005; Jayne cials, businessmen, military officers and/or those that refused to et al., 2006, 2008). By exploring alcohol use and gender-based vio- transform to Democratic Kampuchean life during 1975–1979 lence in the context of post-conflict transition therefore, this paper (Chandler, 1991; Vickery, 1984; Zwi and Ugalde, 1991). Some re- demonstrates the potential for geographers to produce a body of search has looked more specifically at the gendered dimensions exciting work into drinking practices and related development is- of the period, albeit from a female perspective alone; including wo- sues in the Global South. men’s experiences as victims of forced marriages organised by Pol 4 Pot cadres (Heuveline and Poch, 2006; Surtees, 2003) ; in exposure 3. Alcohol and violence: a drunken mix? to rape by Khmer Rouge, Vietnamese and Thai soldiers in camps (By- rne, 1995; Kumar et al., 2000) and as perpetrators of the genocide it- Although there is long standing debate in feminist theory about self (Fein, 1999). Meanwhile, the absence of alcohol from accounts of the causality of men’s violence, in which the conditions and char- the Khmer Rouge period is partly because the regime viewed drink- acteristics associated with gender inequality are widely empha- ing as an aspect of delinquency and that it was nearly impossible for sised (Berns, 2001; Cleaver, 2002; Gelles and Loseke, 1993; the ordinary Cambodian to access alcohol and other drugs at this Pickup et al., 2001; Surtees, 2003)6, ‘violence against women is time (Lala and Straussner, 2001). not caused in any simple way by unequal power relations between Whilst decades of international isolation and civil war have women and men’ (Pickup et al., 2001, 111). Equally, as Gelles come to an official end however, scholarship and international con- (1993, 169) argues, ‘if alcohol is linked to violence – then it is sciousness of what Cambodia represents as a nation remains dom- through a complicated set of individual, situational and social fac- inated by the attempt to come to terms with the Democratic tors’. Whilst this paper does not seek to answer whether there is a Kampuchea period (Marston, 2005). Moving beyond Cockburn’s ‘real’ causal relationship between alcohol use and violence, it does (2001, 16) four analytical ‘moments’ of conflict (pre-conflict, con- explore the ‘vocabularies of motives’ (Hearn, 1998, 133) which dif- flict, peacemaking and reconstruction), the paper considers the sig- ferent participants use to establish a relationship between the two.7 nificance of drinking, drunkenness and violence in the context of The complexity and controversy surrounding the association of the new economic challenges and rising social expectations associ- alcohol with violence can be viewed in a number of regards. At the ated with Cambodia’s ‘post-post conflict’ development (World most basic level, it is clear that alcohol consumption in isolation is Bank, 2006, 1). I therefore contribute to a growing body of scholar- neither a necessary nor a sufficient cause of to explain violent ship founded on addressing the socio-cultural changes which have behaviour (Gough and Edwards, 1998; Gutmann, 1996).
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