Cumann Na Ngaedheal Part 1
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Brochure: Ireland's Meps 2019-2024 (EN) (Pdf 2341KB)
Clare Daly Deirdre Clune Luke Ming Flanagan Frances Fitzgerald Chris MacManus Seán Kelly Mick Wallace Colm Markey NON-ALIGNED Maria Walsh 27MEPs 40MEPs 18MEPs7 62MEPs 70MEPs5 76MEPs 14MEPs8 67MEPs 97MEPs Ciarán Cuffe Barry Andrews Grace O’Sullivan Billy Kelleher HHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH Printed in November 2020 in November Printed MIDLANDS-NORTH-WEST DUBLIN SOUTH Luke Ming Flanagan Chris MacManus Colm Markey Group of the European United Left - Group of the European United Left - Group of the European People’s Nordic Green Left Nordic Green Left Party (Christian Democrats) National party: Sinn Féin National party: Independent Nat ional party: Fine Gael COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: • Budgetary Control • Agriculture and Rural Development • Agriculture and Rural Development • Agriculture and Rural Development • Economic and Monetary Affairs (substitute member) • Transport and Tourism Midlands - North - West West Midlands - North - • International Trade (substitute member) • Fisheries (substitute member) Barry Andrews Ciarán Cuffe Clare Daly Renew Europe Group Group of the Greens / Group of the European United Left - National party: Fianna Fáil European Free Alliance Nordic Green Left National party: Green Party National party: Independents Dublin COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: for change • International Trade • Industry, Research and Energy • Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs • Development (substitute member) • Transport and Tourism • International Trade (substitute member) • Foreign Interference in all Democratic • -
Civil Liberties 1/7 (1=Most Free, 7=Least Free)
Ireland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13 Freedom in the World 2018 Ireland Profile FREEDOM Freedom in the World STATUS: Scores Quick Facts FREE Freedom Rating 1/7 Political Rights 1/7 Civil Liberties 1/7 (1=Most Free, 7=Least Free) Aggregate Score: 96/100 (0=Least Free, 100=Most Free) Overview: Ireland is a stable democracy. Political rights and civil liberties are robust, although the government suffers from some incidence of corruption. There is some limited societal discrimination, especially against the traditionally nomadic Irish Travellers. Key Developments in 2017: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/ireland 9/21/2018 Ireland | Freedom House Page 2 of 13 • Leo Varadkar—the son of an Indian immigrant, Dàil as the youngest Prime Minister (Taoiseach) ever, following the decision by Enda Kenny to step down after six years. • In July, the Council of Europe criticized the Irish government for failing to uphold its commitments to implementing anticorruption measures. • In March, the country was shocked by the discovery of a mass grave of babies and children at the site of the former Bon Secours Mother and Baby Home in Tuam, Galway. The facility had housed orphaned children and the children of unwed mothers, and closed in 1961. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 39 / 40 A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/ireland 9/21/2018 Ireland | Freedom House Page 3 of 13 president. Thus, the legitimacy of the prime minister is largely dependent on the conduct of Dàil elections, which historically have free and fair. -
Copyrighted Material
Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath -
IRLAND Minister of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science
IRLAND Minister of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Simon HARRIS Born on 17. October 1986 in Greystones He was appointed as Minister of Further and Higher Education, Innovation and Science in June 2020. He is a native of County Wicklow and has been involved in the community all his life. He first became involved in politics through his work as a disability advocate. Before entering politics, Simon established the Wicklow Triple A Alliance, a charity to support children and families affected by Autism. He was first elected to Dáil Éireann in the 2011 General Election and was the youngest member of the 31st Dáil. During that Dail term, Simon served as a member of the Public Accounts Committee, Oireachtas Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform, Secretary of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party and Co-Convenor of the Oireachtas Cross Party Group on Mental Health, before being appointed in July 2014 as Minister of State in the Departments of Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform and the Department of the Taoiseach with Special Responsibility for OPW, Public Procurement and International Banking (including IFSC). He was re-elected as TD for Wicklow and East Carlow in the February 2016 General Election and subsequently appointed Minister for Health. Prior to his election to Dáil Éireann, Simon was a member of both Wicklow County Council and Greystones Town Council, having been elected in the 2009 Local Elections with the highest percentage vote of any candidate in the country. He has also served his community as Chairperson of the County Wicklow Policing Committee, Chairperson of the Dublin-Mid Leinster Regional Health Forum, Board Member of Wicklow Tourism and Member of Wicklow Vocational Educational Committee. -
Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16Th – 17Th November 2018
79th ÁRD FHEIS Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16th – 17th November 2018 #FGAF18 CONTENTS Information Connacht/Ulster Candidates 4 17 5 Standing Orders 20 Dublin Candidates 6 What’s Happening 22 Leinster Candidates Message from the Munster Candidates 8 General Secretary 25 General Election Candidates Message from 28 9 An Taoiseach Leo VaradkarTD 30 Accounts Executive Council 10 Nominations 2018 Motions for Debate 32 11 Presidential Candidate 43 Site Maps 12 Vice Presidential Candidates Parliamentary Party Candidates 13 Council of Local Public 16 Representatives Candidates #FGAF18 ARD FHEIS 2018 // 3 INFORMATION REGISTRATION & PRE-REGISTRATION ELECTIONS & VOTING Don’t worry if you haven’t pre-registered for Voting will take place on the Ground Floor of the Árd Fheis. You can still register, but please the Convention Centre between 1.00pm and be aware that you must do so at the Citywest 4.00pm. To vote, members must produce a valid Convention Centre. Membership Card (2018/19) and a Delegate Card and will be asked to produce photo I.D. Registration will take place from 4.00pm to The following are entitled to vote: all Public 8.00pm on Friday and 9.00am to 5.00pm on Representatives, members of Executive Council, Saturday. Constituency and District Officers and five Delegates will be required to produce their delegates per Branch. membership card and photo I.D. Travelling companions will have to be vouched for by a VOTING APPEALS member. The Ethics Committee (Gerry O’Connell, Eileen Lynch, Tom Curran (Gen. Sec), Brian Murphy, COLLECTION OF ACCREDITATION Mary Danagher, Fiona O’Connor, John Hogan) will Delegates who have registered but have not convene in the Carraig Suite between 1.00pm. -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice În Irlanda
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice în Irlanda Assistant Lecturer Javier Ruiz MARTÍNEZ Fco. Javier Ruiz Martínez: Assistant Lecturer of Polics and Public Administration. Department of Politics and Sociology, University Carlos III Madrid (Spain). Since September 2001. Lecturer of “European Union” and “Spanish Politics”. University Studies Abroad Consortium (Madrid). Ph.D. Thesis "Modernisation, Changes and Development in the Irish Party System, 1958-96", (European joint Ph.D. degree). Interests and activities: Steering Committee member of the Spanish National Association of Political Scientists and Sociologists; Steering committee member of the European Federation of Centres and Associations of Irish Studies, EFACIS; Member of the Political Science Association of Ireland; Founder of the Spanish-American Association of the University of Limerick (Éire) in 1992; User level in the command of Microsoft Office applications, graphics (Harvard Graphics), databases (Open Access) SPSSWIN and Internet applications. Abstract: The Irish Party System has been considered a unique case among the European party systems. Its singularity is based in the freezing of its actors. Since 1932 the three main parties has always gotten the same position in every election. How to explain this and which consequences produce these peculiarities are briefly explained in this article. Rezumat: Sistemul Irlandez al Partidelor Politice a fost considerat un caz unic între sistemele partidelor politice europene. Singularitatea sa este bazată pe menţinerea aceloraşi actori. Din 1932, primele trei partide politice ca importanţă au câştigat aceeaşi poziţie la fiecare scrutin electoral. Cum se explică acest lucru şi ce consecinţe produc aceste aspecte, se descrie pe larg în acest articol. At the end of the 1950s the term ‘system’ began to be used in Political Science coming from the natural and physical Sciences. -
Government Times Issue 76
GOVERNMENT TIMES The award-winning newsletter of students and staff in UCC’s Department of Government & Politics. Issue 76 – Thursday 19 April 2018 ‘I know that local government isn’t the sexiest subject, but I hope to make it mainstream’ - Minister John Paul Phelan Read the exclusive interview with the Minister of State for Local Government by DANIELLE GAYSON (see pages 4 & 5). 1 | P a g e GOOD LUCK TO ALL STUDENTS FOR THE END OF TERM AND THE FORTHCOMING EXAMS Dr Theresa Reidy of the Department of Government and Politics with the prize-winners from the BA Politics programme (picture courtesy of Tomás Tyner). Another academic year has come and virtually gone in the blink of an eye. The second semester has been an especially busy one in the Department of Government and Politics which is reflected in Issue 76 of Government Times. We have 20 pages for you covering activities of students and staff, with a feature interview with the Minister of State for Local Government, John Paul Phelan TD. Thanks to Minister Phelan for giving his time to appear in our own Government Times. The 2017/2018 editorial team is bowing out with this issue and it is our wish that you have enjoyed reading Government Times in this academic year. Best of luck to all for the period ahead with assignments due and exams to be sat. Do your best – we can ask no more of you. Aodh Quinlivan, Danielle Grayson, Bryan O’Shea, James Massi and Lee Nagle. 2 | P a g e PAGE 1 Interview with Minister John Paul Phelan PAGE 2 Editorial: PAGE 3 Contents: In this issue PAGE 4 Cover story: Interview with John Paul Phelan PAGE 5 Cover story: Interview with John Paul Phelan PAGE 6 CLRG News: Third annual public lecture series PAGE 7 CLRG News: Launch of Tip O’Neill memorial lecture PAGE 8 CLRG News: Presentation of Dissolved and RTÉ Brainstorm PAGE 9 Brexit, Irexit and the Future of Europe – report and opinion by Bryan O’Shea PAGE 10 Brexit, Irexit and the Future of Europe – report and opinion by Bryan O’Shea PAGE 11 Brexit, Irexit and the Future of Europe – report and opinion by Bryan O’Shea PAGE 12 Dr Mary C. -
The Rise of Sinn Féin
UNDERSTANDING 1917 AND BEYOND THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN Sinn Féin, as a political entity, was founded on 28th November 1905 at the first annual convention of the National Council. Based on policies he had previously written about in The Resurrection of Hungary (1904), Arthur Griffith presented a detailed programme that would be later published as ‘The Sinn Féin Policy’. THE SINN FÉIN POLICY 'Sinn Féin' began life as a slogan, used by many Irish nationalists and organisations – it is believed that it originates from an early motto of the Gaelic League: ‘Sinn féin, sinn féin amháain’, meaning ‘Ourselves, ourselves alone’. Arthur Griffith - a well known journalist and nationalist - then adopted this slogan to describe his policy that would go on to become the foundation of Sinn Féin. Formally a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), Griffith began to oppose their more radical aims. Griffith believed that Ireland could not win independence through physical means, nor was he fully convinced that self-governance could be achieved politically. Arthur Griffith Griffith was a journalist and Irish Instead, Griffith urged a policy ofpassive resistance: refusal to pay taxes, Nationalist who gained fame boycotting of British goods as part of a wider plan to make Ireland self for his political writings and sufficient, creating independent Irish courts, the establishment of a National later, his political career. Griffith Council in Ireland and Irish MPs withdrawing from Westminster (abstention). was instrumental in the founda- As part of his policy, Griffith also supported thedual monarchy approach: tion of a number of national- that Ireland should become its own kingdom alongside Britain, with the two ist organisations, newspapers forming a dual monarchy – a shared monarch with two separate governments. -
Final DBL Text
38 Days of blue loyalty internally and was in a weak position in the party system. Even his most dogged critics within the party invariably paid tribute to his integrity and decency, and most of them acknowledged that, however much responsibility Bruton bore for the party’s uninspiring record during the 1990s, many other factors had also played a part. Bruton’s defenders argued that the heave against him epitomised the way the political process was becoming trivialised, with integrity seen as only a minor counterbalance to the apparently more important factor of a dis- appointing opinion poll result. Those outside the party, and some within it, also pointed to a patchy performance by the party’s spokespersons on various policy areas. Any realistic evaluation of Bruton’s leadership has to take full account of the difficulty of making an impact as the leader of a party in opposition, at a time when there was little to choose between the policies of the various alternative governments and when the country was enjoying unprecedented levels of eco- nomic growth. He was party leader for over 10 years, which is by no means a bad tenure given the demands on politicians. If he was not able to inspire very much enthusiasm among the electorate, or transform the fortunes of his party, it has to be acknowledged that he is not the only party leader about whom this has been said. Once Bruton had lost the confidence motion, the race began for the vote to fill the vacancy. The bookmakers offered prices about eight possible runners, but the odds for Michael Noonan (5 to 2 on) made it clear that the race was not per- ceived as wide open. -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
The Government's Executions Policy During the Irish Civil
THE GOVERNMENT’S EXECUTIONS POLICY DURING THE IRISH CIVIL WAR 1922 – 1923 by Breen Timothy Murphy, B.A. THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D. DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND MAYNOOTH HEAD OF DEPARTMENT: Professor Marian Lyons Supervisor of Research: Dr. Ian Speller October 2010 i DEDICATION To my Grandparents, John and Teresa Blake. ii CONTENTS Page No. Title page i Dedication ii Contents iii Acknowledgements iv List of Abbreviations vi Introduction 1 Chapter 1: The ‗greatest calamity that could befall a country‘ 23 Chapter 2: Emergency Powers: The 1922 Public Safety Resolution 62 Chapter 3: A ‗Damned Englishman‘: The execution of Erskine Childers 95 Chapter 4: ‗Terror Meets Terror‘: Assassination and Executions 126 Chapter 5: ‗executions in every County‘: The decentralisation of public safety 163 Chapter 6: ‗The serious situation which the Executions have created‘ 202 Chapter 7: ‗Extraordinary Graveyard Scenes‘: The 1924 reinterments 244 Conclusion 278 Appendices 299 Bibliography 323 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to extend my most sincere thanks to many people who provided much needed encouragement during the writing of this thesis, and to those who helped me in my research and in the preparation of this study. In particular, I am indebted to my supervisor Dr. Ian Speller who guided me and made many welcome suggestions which led to a better presentation and a more disciplined approach. I would also like to offer my appreciation to Professor R. V. Comerford, former Head of the History Department at NUI Maynooth, for providing essential advice and direction. Furthermore, I would like to thank Professor Colm Lennon, Professor Jacqueline Hill and Professor Marian Lyons, Head of the History Department at NUI Maynooth, for offering their time and help.