French and Arabic Text and Source Materials That Appear in This Book Have Been Translated in Full by the Author
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
182 the Breath in His Chest and the Lover Has No Choice but to Remember the Beloved. Separation Between the Lover and the Belove
the breath in his chest and the lover has no choice but to remember the beloved. Separation between the lover and the beloved cannot erase the beloved from the lover’s mind. On the contrary, it causes the lover to be totally obsessed with the sentimental image of the beloved’s face, and to remember him or her at all times. Proximity in the view and practice of great scholars By Abd Al-Rahim Abazari1* Manner of proximity among scholars During the minor and major occultation, great Shia scholars, while being inspired by the ideology of the Infallible Imams Articles (peace be upon them), experienced very little tension when dealing with Sunni scholars. These two groups always worked together side by side and for the good of the common and united Islamic community. Shiite scholars and jurists in particular made efforts to discuss only common points that existed with the Sunnis. Proximity in the view and practice of great scholars They refrained from conveying those points that would result in 182 *. Researcher and graduate student of Qum Seminary School. segregation and separation. The important book, «Al – Khalaf», was written by inspiring jurist Sheikh Tousi (deceased in 460 AH) in line with the very same purpose. By writing this book, he aimed at collecting views and ideas from various Islamic schools of thought. After his demise, Allameh Helli (deceased in 726 AH) continued his valued efforts and authored the book «Al – Tathkerah». In this book, he consolidated the principle of unity among scholars or Islamic schools, expanding and deepening on the area of «comparative jurisprudence». -
Civil War Leftist Political
THEORISING REVOLUTION APPREHENDING CIVIL WAR LEFTIST POLITICAL PRACTICE AND ANALYSIS IN LEBANON 1969-79 Fadi Bardawil LSE Middle East Centre Paper Series | 16 About the Middle East Centre The LSE Middle East Centre builds on LSE’s long engagement with the Middle East and provides a central hub for the wide range of research on the region carried out at LSE. The Middle East Centre aims to enhance understanding and develop rigorous research on the societies, economies, polities, and international relations of the region. The Centre promotes both specialised knowledge and public understanding of this crucial area and has outstanding strengths in interdisciplinary research and in regional expertise. As one of the world’s leading social science institutions, LSE comprises departments covering all branches of the social sciences. The Middle East Centre harnesses this expertise to promote innovative research and training on the region. Social Movements and Popular Mobilisation in the MENA Research Network Since the highly televised, tweeted and mediatised Arab uprisings, there has been a deluge of interest in social movements and contestation from both inside and outside Middle East Studies, from the public, from policy-makers, and from students. The LSE Middle East Centre has established the Social Movements and Popular Mobilisa- tion (SMPM) Research Network which aims at bringing together academics and students undertaking relevant research. The objective is to generate a platform which will drive forward intellectual development and cutting-edge research in the field. As part of the network, a seminar series was set-up inviting academics to present their work. Presented papers are published as part of the LSE Middle East Centre Paper Series. -
A Main Document V202
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: TELEVISION NEWS AND THE STATE IN LEBANON Jad P. Melki, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Dissertation directed by: Professor Susan D. Moeller College of Journalism This dissertation studies the relationship between television news and the state in Lebanon. It utilizes and reworks New Institutionalism theory by adding aspects of Mitchell’s state effect and other concepts devised from Carey and Foucault. The study starts with a macro-level analysis outlining the major cultural, economic and political factors that influenced the evolution of television news in that country. It then moves to a mezzo-level analysis of the institutional arrangements, routines and practices that dominated the news production process. Finally, it zooms in to a micro-level analysis of the final product of Lebanese broadcast news, focusing on the newscast, its rundown and scripts and the smaller elements that make up the television news story. The study concludes that the highly fragmented Lebanese society generated a similarly fragmented and deeply divided political/economic elite, which used its resources and access to the news media to solidify its status and, by doing so, recreated and confirmed the politico-sectarian divide in this country. In this vicious cycle, the institutionalized and instrumentalized television news played the role of mediator between the elites and their fragmented constituents, and simultaneously bolstered the political and economic power of the former while keeping the latter tightly held in their grip. The hard work and values of the individual journalist were systematically channeled through this powerful institutional mechanism and redirected to serve the top of the hierarchy. -
Economic and Social Council Distr
UNITED NATIONS E Economic and Social Council Distr. GENERAL E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/NGO/42 21 July 2003 ENGLISH AND FRENCH ONLY COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights Fifty-fifth session Item 4 and 5 of the provisional agenda ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS PREVENTION OF DISCRIMINATION Written statement* submitted by Association for World Education, a non-governmental organization on the Roster The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [17 July 2003] ______________ *This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non-governmental organization(s). GE.03-15101 -2- An Arab-based culture of racist Judeophobia/Antisemitism 1. Judeophobia/Antisemitism — under the guise of anti-Zionism — is now generally recognised as endemic in the Arab world, being nourished by a deliberate ‘culture of hate’ that is spilling over dangerously into in to Europe. The annual adoption at the Commission of a resolution since 1999 — sponsored by the 56 OIC countries — against defamation of religions has had no affect whatsoever on these attitudes. Resolution 2003/4: Combatting defamation of religions states, inter alia, under §6: “Expresses deep concern at programmes and agendas pursued by extremist organizations and groups aimed at the defamation of religions, in particular when supported by Governments.” 2. The dangers of Arab-based manifestations of such racist Judeophobia was indicated over thirty years ago in an introduction to Arab Theologians on Jews and Israel by D.F. -
By Judith Harik
PAPERS ONLEBANON by Judith Harik ----- -- ---- ----- Centre for Lebanese Studies -----7 -- -- - -- --- - -- -- - 59 Observatory Street, Oxford OX2 6EP. Tel: 0865-58465 Papers on Lebanon 14 The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias Judith Hari k. September 1994 Centre for Lebanese Studies 59 Observatory Street, Oxford OX2 6EP. Tel: 0865-58465 @Centre for Lebanese Studies Published by the Centre for Lebanese Studies oxford The Centrefor Lebanese Studies is a privatety-funded, independent research institution devoted to the study of Lebanon, its history and the issues presently confronting it. Books in the Centre's series'are published in the interest of public infomation. They represent the free expression of their authors' opinions and do not necessarily indicate the judgement or opinion of the Centre. ISBN: 1 870552 39 3 ISSN: 0269-8919 Designed and Typeset by Bridget Hamey Printed in Great Britain by Oxonian R ew ley Press Ltd. The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias Judith Nmaulk* Introduction This study examines the development and political implications of the para-legal public and social services that arose as a result of Lebanon's civil war. With their government helpless to affect the spiralling violence and to perform normal public services, citizens, caught in the crossfire of conflict, turned for assistance to those who controlled their areas-the medfighters of local parties? What ensued were several experiments in the provision of public services and social assistance which served to further the autonomy of the areas concerned and seemed to portend the state's territorial disintegration. The goal of this study therefore, is to specify the dynamics which encouraged some confessionally-based Lebanese political parties to initiate, expand and diversify their involvement within their constituencies in public assistance programmes over time, and to elucidate any broad trends which may be involved in this process. -
WARS and WOES a Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1
The Levantine Review Volume 1 Number 1 (Spring 2012) OF WARS AND WOES A Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1 Mordechai Nisan* In the subconscious of most Lebanese is the prevalent notion—and the common acceptance of it—that the Maronites are the “head” of the country. ‘Head’ carries here a double meaning: the conscious thinking faculty to animate and guide affairs, and the locus of power at the summit of political office. While this statement might seem outrageous to those unversed in the intricacies of Lebanese history and its recent political transformations, its veracity is confirmed by Lebanon’s spiritual mysteries, the political snarls and brinkmanship that have defined its modern existence, and the pluralistic ethno-religious tapestry that still dominates its demographic makeup. Lebanon’s politics are a clear representation of, and a response to, this seminal truth. The establishment of modern Lebanon in 1920 was the political handiwork of Maronites—perhaps most notable among them the community’s Patriarch, Elias Peter Hoyek (1843-1931), and public intellectual and founder of the Alliance Libanaise, Daoud Amoun (1867-1922).2 In recognition of this debt, the President of the Lebanese Republic has by tradition been always a Maronite; the country’s intellectual, cultural, and political elites have hailed largely from the ranks of the Maronite community; and the Patriarch of the Maronite Church in Bkirke has traditionally held sway as chief spiritual and moral figure in the ceremonial and public conduct of state affairs. In the unicameral Lebanese legislature, the population decline of the Christians as a whole— Maronites, Greek Orthodox, Catholics, and Armenians alike—has not altered the reality of the Maronites’ pre-eminence; equal confessional parliamentary representation, granting Lebanon’s Christians numerical parity with Muslims, still defines the country’s political conventions. -
Syria and the Polarization of Lebanese Politics | the Washington
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 961 Syria and the Polarization of Lebanese Politics by Robert Rabil Feb 18, 2005 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Rabil Robert Rabil is the LLS Distinguished Professor of Current Affairs in Florida Atlantic University's Department of Political Science. Brief Analysis he assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafiq Hariri in a massive bombing in Beirut a few days ago T came at a time of growing Lebanese opposition to Syria’s fifteen-year "trusteeship" (occupation) of the country. Lebanese politics have become polarized by the September 2004 term extension of the pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud. UN Security Council Resolution 1559, calling for Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon and the disbanding of Hizballah, was adopted that same month in reaction to the term extension. That resolution not only helped the Lebanese opposition to the Syrian presence broaden its base of support but also gave it an international political cover. Background Since its overthrow of the “First Republic” in 1990, Damascus has manipulated Lebanon’s parliamentary elections to prevent the victory of vocal or potential opponents, as well as coalitions of independent political candidates. The constitutional amendment to extend the term of President Lahoud in the face of almost universal Lebanese opposition was approved by a vote of ninety-six to twenty-nine with three members not present. Damascus manipulated the parliamentary elections by gerrymandering electoral districts and enforcing party lists. For example, prior to the parliamentary elections of 2000, Beirut was divided into three districts in order to reduce the number of seats won by Hariri, who had become a fierce critic of Lahoud and then-Prime Minister Salim al-Huss. -
Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse. -
THE POLITICS and LIBERATION of LEBANON by Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)*
THE POLITICS AND LIBERATION OF LEBANON By Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)* For 30 years, political events in Lebanon were dominated by Syrian occupation until 2005, when the Syrian army withdrew under international pressure. Yet the national future of Lebanon remains clouded in doubt and tension, as acts of terror against anti-Syrian elements continue, the March "Cedar Revolution" is stymied, and the country totters between freedom and political paralysis and breakdown. Events in Lebanon in the first half of 2005 Lebanese/Maronite-Palestinian fighting in altered the political state of affairs Beirut and Mount Lebanon.3 concerning Syria's long occupation of that By June 1976, Syria also sent its own country. Yet the outcome of these events is army into Lebanon to dominate the country still unclear and fluid. This article analyzes and subdue it to the will of Damascus. the history of the Lebanon issue and Manipulating the complex fighting scenario prospects for creating a new, more in Lebanon, Syrian-Palestinian cooperation equitable and stable order given the against the Christian community became dramatic changes which have taken place. the major motif. For example, in February 1980, the Syrians turned over the western STAGES AND METHODS IN SYRIAN area from Damur to the Zahrani to the PLA, OCCUPATION OF LEBANON along with heavy military equipment.4 On The hegemonic notion of Greater Syria July 20, 1976, following the launching of provides the ideological and historic Syria's direct military intervention in underpinnings for Damascus's drive to Lebanon, Hafiz al-Asad gave an historic eliminate Lebanese independence.1 Among speech in which he declared that its tools in realizing this goal was the "[throughout] history, Syria and Lebanon Saiqah Palestinian faction established in have been one country and one people"--a 1968. -
The Political Vision of the Association) in Lebanon 2010
Appendix The Political Vision of the A L- JAMA’A AL- ISLAMIYAH (Islamic Association) in Lebanon 2010 In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful Thanks to almighty God, and prayer and peace be upon all God’s prophets, upon the seal of prophets, our master Muhammad, and upon all his com- panions. Thereafter: al- Jama’a al- Islamiyah in Lebanon is a reformist, ideo- logical, and Islamic movement whose objective is satisfying almighty God and accomplishing the total meaning of worship in the life of the individual and society. Al- Jama’a al- Islamiyah upholds national co- existence with non- Muslims within Islamic law safeguards, and cooperates with all citizens in order to achieve social justice and to protect human rights and his/her free- doms. Al- Jama’a operates in its Da’wa [call to Islam] within Lebanon’s reality and through legitimate means. It seeks to reform, among other things, the moral, economic, and political conditions so that they could become more harmonious with Islamic principles, which, we see, realize the interests of society. General Departing Points Political activism is an undivided part of the program of the Islamic Association. It is similar to all other areas of activisms, be they cultural, physical, societal, or propagational, which cover the life and needs of people in their religion and world. From this departing point, political activism is the ref lection of the think- ing and program of the Association, which works to achieve. Political activism is neither a sheer reaction nor an acquiescence to the political reality in which we live. -
National Pact of 1943
PAPERS ON LEBANON ---- ---- - ------- .~ --- Centre for Lebanese Studies ---- -- --- -- --- - -- -- - 59 Observatary Street. Oxford OX26EP. Tel: 0865-58465 Papers on Lebanon 12 The Comnlunal Pact of National Identities: The Making and Politics of the 1943 National Pact October 1991 ----- - ----- --. --_--- -- - Centre for Lebanese Studies =-: =-: - -- 59 Observatory Street, Oxford OX2 6EP. Tel: 0865-58465 @ Farid el-Khazen 1991 Published by the Centre for Lebanese Studies, Oxford ISBN 1 870552 20 2 ISSN 0269 - 8919 Typeset on a Monotype Lasercomp at Oxford University Computing Service Printed in Great Britain by Oxonian Rewley Press Ltd. THE COMMUNAL PACT OF NATIONAL IDENTITIES: THE MAKING AND POLITICS OF THE 1943 NATIONAL PACT * Farid el-Khazen t Since the outbreak of war in 1975, Lebanon has been the subject of a plethora of writing reflecting the divisive issues that have marked conflict. This contrasts with the dearth of writing on the period that immediately preceded the war, namely, the late 1960s and early I~~OS, which would have helped explain the process of disintegration that opened the country to almost all the destabilising forces that have swept the Middle East in the last three or four decades. The same can be said about another period, namely pre- independence Lebanon under the French mandate, beginning in the early 1920s with the establishment of the modern Lebanese state. Aside from the proclamation of the Constitution in 1926, the most important development that occurred in the next two decades was Lebanon's independence, achieved by the mid-1940s. The National Pact of 1943 (al-Mithaq al-Watani) was the new label that came to symbolise post-independence confessional politics, thereby crowning the process of change that occurred during the mandate both within Lebanon and in its regional order. -
Deliverable No. D2.3 Baseline Study on Cluster B
Ref. Ares(2020)5992759 - 27/10/2020 Call: H2020-SC6-GOVERNANCE-2019 Topic: SU-GOVERNANCE-10-2019 Funding Scheme: Research and Innovation Action (RIA) Deliverable No. D2.3 Baseline study on Cluster B: Interactions between states and religious institutions Grant Agreement no.: 870769 Project Title: Preventing and Addressing Violent Extremism through Community Resilience in the Balkans and MENA Contractual Submission Date: 30/09/2020 Actual Submission Date: 27/10/2020 Responsible partner: FMSH PAVE has received Funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 870769. PAVE (870769) D2.3– Baseline study on Cluster Grant agreement no. 870769 Project full title PAVE - Preventing and Addressing Violent Extremism through Community Resilience in the Balkans and MENA Deliverable number D2.3 Deliverable title Baseline study: interactions between state and religious institutions Type R Dissemination level PU Work package number 2 Work package leader TCD Author(s) Marie Kortam with support from case study country leaders Keywords Religion, sects, ethnicity, state, Christian, Shia, Sunni, violent extremism, vulnerability, resilience, civil society, territory, space, municipality. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870769. The author is solely responsible for its content, it does not represent the opinion of the European Commission and the Commission is not responsible for