State Society and Governance in Melanesia

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY School of International, Political and Strategic Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia State Society and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2010/3 YOUTHS, ELDERS, AND THE WAGES OF WAR IN ENGA PROVINCE, PAPUA NEW GUINEA INTRODUCTION Even in these times people still want to from around 1800–1850, long before the POLLY listen to leaders in a village before they go coming of white men and the gun, there was WIESSNER and fight. People still try to conform to the a period of equal destruction. Fluctuations in traditional pattern. But today the notable dif- the intensity of warfare and the prevalence ference from the past is this: the few young of peace over generations characterize Enga men who possess guns make the decision history. As the Enga say, “Our land is green whether to go and fight or not. Money, pigs, and black, green during times of peace and and the views of leaders are not required. We black when war rages” (Young 2004). This are all like passengers in a public bus and the runs contrary to stereotypic views that “tribes” driver is in control. If I happen to have a gun, in traditional societies are caught in a never- then my people must listen to what I have to ending spiral of revenge and that primitive say. I am the driver. The power is in the gun. war is total war with limited means (Keeley It is the gun that is speaking and not me. 1996). Cycles of war give us an opportunity (Anonymous interview, Wakumale, Enga 2005) to explore the actors, dynamics, and contexts that generate chaos, as well as those that In 2005, the Lai Valley of Enga was dev- restore order. astated with houses burned to ash, trees Here I will consider cycles of Enga war- chopped to ragged stumps, modern facilities fare within the 350-year span for which we destroyed as young men drove “the war bus”. have information on warfare from oral and The devastation of valleys of Enga in modern written historical records. The first is a period times appeared unprecedented, but when of intensive warfare that occurred in the first one looks back into Enga historical traditions half of the 19th century, redrawing the map Youths, Elders, and the Wages of War in Enga Province, PNG of Enga after the introduction of the sweet when “sons” can find no prestigious positions 2 potato. These turbulent times were followed (Mesquida and Wiener 1999). by a hundred-year period of successful ini- After a period of economic change, rapid tiatives to keep warfare in check and to pro- population growth, and an increase in the mote prosperity. The Colonial Era then inter- proportion of young men to elders, it would vened with a ban on warfare. The second be expected that coalitional violence would is a period of devastating “modern” warfare increase as youth and elders respond to that began a few years before Independence new costs and benefits, including those in 1975 (Gordon and Kipilan 1982); Paney introduced by the nation state. In some 1973) and accelerated in 1990 with the adop- societies a cycle of runaway warfare results tion of new technology in warfare, home- causing population decline as it has among made shotguns and high-powered weapons, the Waorani of Ecuador (Beckerman et al. reversing the power hierarchy between older 2009) or the Etoro of Papua New Guinea men and youths. Fieldwork and village court (Kelly 1977; 2000). However, in most cases, records allow us to trace the rise in violence, if a population is to flourish, it cannot be the formation of warring gangs of mercenar- constantly at war. Elders understand this ies, the impact on the population of Enga and work to realign the goals of youth with and the state of Papua New Guinea, and in their own. Waves of war and peace will thus the last few years, what may be a trend back depend to some extent on which genera- towards moderation. tion is driving the “war bus” and whether the While reasons for any given war are driver can navigate the obstacles of modern contextual, longer term cycles in the intensity life: beer, marijuana, mobility, and the per- of war have much to do with intergenerational spective that “money is life”. dynamics. For analysis I will borrow an approach from behavioral ecology: parent– BACKGROUND offspring conflict theory (Trivers 1974). Parent–offspring conflict theory proposes that certain activities have different payoffs for parents and children. When applied to The Enga: Past and present warfare, parent–offspring theory proposes The Enga of Papua New Guinea are a that the “sons” generation will use warfare Highland horticultural society well described to pursue their individual interests in forming in the anthropological literature (Brennan male alliances, gaining status, and increasing 1982; Feil 1984; Kyakas and Wiessner 1992; access to resources to attract women. The Lacey 1975, 1979; Meggitt 1965, 1972, “fathers” generation will seek to contain 1977; Talyaga (1982); Waddell (1972); and warfare and use it strategically to create Wohlt (1978), amongst many others). Today an environment conducive to the welfare they number some 300,000 and make up of a broader population including their the largest linguistic group in Papua New descendants and those of close relatives. Guinea. Their staple crop is the sweet potato Elders will strive to foster beneficial social used to feed large human and pig popula- and political relationships for themselves and tions. The Enga are divided into nine mutu- for their group. ally intelligible dialect groups (Brennan 1982) Parent–offspring conflict theory dovetails that share a common language as well as with other approaches from the social scienc- important economic, social, political, and es. For example, Daly and Wilson’s (1985) religious orientations. First contact with Aus- “young male syndrome” proposes that coali- tralian patrols and gold prospectors occurred tional violence is perpetuated by young men in the 1930s; the Colonial Administration was who stand to gain and have little to lose. The not established until after World War II. “youth bulge” or demographic armament the- The Enga are divided into tribes with ory (Fuller 1995; Heinsohn 2003) attributes 1,500 to 8,000 members, each having con- increases in frequency and destructiveness stituent exogamous patrilineal clans and of warfare to periods of demographic growth sub-clans (Meggitt 1965). Clans of 350– Youths, Elders, and the Wages of War in Enga Province, PNG Yu 3 a at u r a i T un Maramuni Yengis m Yeim ra W L a al aga M e ip P o A L r m a g Mulitaka bu i era m S au Paiela Kompiam P Tipinini a g Kasap u Porgera N p Tetemanda Irelya ia le Laiagam Lenge K eta Birip L yele a Ai i L Wapenamanda a M i - i P n W Saka a u m a r Valley b g a e r i Kepele sites Walya Pre 1920 Tee routes Kandep Post 1940 Tee routes Great Ceremonial Wars Tambul Participants in the Great Wars 0 20 North Mendi kilometres Map 1. The Tee cycle, the Great Ceremonial Wars and Kepele Cult networks. 1,000 are the units for most political actions, ity of their clan vis-à-vis others (Wiess- including war. Women devote themselves ner 2009). Ceremonial exchange networks primarily to child-rearing, gardening, pig crossed many clan boundaries and warfare husbandry and more recently, cash crops. was endemic as local groups jockeyed to They maintain the private inter-group ties maintain the matrix of equality necessary that are used to obtain wealth on credit from for long distance exchange to flow. Men outside the clan to fuel their ceremonial dis- formed coalitions of supporters to rise in tributions of wealth. Although men shoulder status, but if they failed to deliver benefits the heavy work of building houses, fencing to their followers, their demise was rapid. and clearing forest, it is the politics of ritual, Today a new rung of modern leaders has warfare, and ceremonial exchange of wealth been added: politicians, public servants and that absorb much of their time and interest. businessmen. All modern leaders participate Today men also devote time to cash enter- in traditional clan activities and contribute prises and local, provincial and national generously to wealth distributions. politics. Both men and women participate in the activities of the many denominations of Pre-colonial history churches of Enga. The social, economic and political situation in Traditionally Enga society was, and to Enga at the time of first contact with Europe- some extent still is, governed by a “big- ans in the 1930s was not a long-established man” system. All men started as equals and one (Wiessner and Tumu 1998). Some 300 strove to make a name through producing years earlier, the sweet potato had been pigs, excelling in mediation, organizing cer- introduced to the island of New Guinea emonial exchange, negotiating peace and from Indonesia via local routes, releasing assisting their followers. Potential equality constraints on production (Watson 1965; within the sexes was of utmost importance Ballard et al. 2005). Historical traditions from for internal cooperation; for external coop- all areas report subsistence and residential eration big-men strove to maintain equal- shifts, surplus pig production, population Youths, Elders, and the Wages of War in Enga Province, PNG growth (ca.1.1% per annum), and the expan- 1975, 1979; Wiessner and Tumu 1998). They 4 sion of exchange and ritual in response to cover a period of some 350 years; accompa- mounting social and political complexities nying genealogies allow events to be placed (Wiessner and Tumu 1999; Wiessner and in a chronological framework.

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