Political Discussion Group
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ian Bremmer on the Drift in Global Governance
1 M A R C H 2 0 11 Ian Bremmer on the drift in global governance The head of Eurasia Group discusses the absence of G20 leadership in resolving economic imbalances and the current China–US relationship. 2 As a coauthor of Eurasia Group’s annual risk forecast, president and founder Ian Bremmer identified the top risk in 2011 as “G-Zero”: a lack of leadership on the part of G20 countries in guiding an international economic agenda and resolving subsequent conflicts. Instead, the G-Zero model features policies driven by self-interest, uneven growth, and strained political ties between developed and emerging economies—among them China and the United States, whose bilateral relationship is an integral part of this shifting world order. In this interview, conducted at this year’s World Economic Forum, in Davos, Switzerland, Bremmer talks with McKinsey’s director of publishing, Rik Kirkland, about the implications of G-Zero and the current state of China–US relations. Ian Bremmer: There is this backdrop of extraordinary unease because we’re in a new world order that is so uncharted, and so much more volatile. What is clear is that the G20 that we put together after the financial crisis is aspirational. It doesn’t actually work, it’s not providing leadership—too many countries, different values. The ones that can provide leadership, the economies are doing badly. The biggest risk from a G-Zero is probably protectionism, because the geopolitical balance, which used to be about military [and] conventional nuclear security, is now really about economics. -
Religion–State Relations
Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Dawood Ahmed © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-113-2 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ............................................................................................... -
The Siloviki in Putin's Russia
Ian Bremmer and Samuel Charap The Siloviki in Putin’s Russia: Who They Are and What They Want The July 2006 meeting of the Group of Eight (G-8) major indus- trialized nations in St. Petersburg focused the attention of the international media on Russia. On issues ranging from Middle East conflict to energy se- curity, President Vladimir Putin sought to demonstrate that his increasingly self-confident government has earned its seat at the G-8 table. Coverage of the summit focused squarely on Putin—his international priorities, control over domestic politics, personal relationships with other heads of state, and leadership style. These stories created the impression that Putin is Russian politics, reinforcing the view that to understand Putin himself is to under- stand Kremlin policy. Since Putin was named acting president on December 31, 1999, ana- lysts have poured over his personal history, public statements, and writings, confidently forecasting political and economic trends based largely on their interpretations of what they found. Those who portray him as an autocrat underline his KGB background. Others point to his tutelage under former St. Petersburg mayor and liberal reformer Anatoly Sobchak or his preference for pragmatism over ideology. Recently, Western scholars unearthed his doc- toral thesis and used it to explain Russian state involvement in the energy sector.1 President George W. Bush famously contributed to this line of analysis by implying in 2001 that his “sense of the man’s soul” provided a reliable foun- dation for U.S.-Russian relations. Despite its parsimony and popularity, this approach to understanding Kremlin policy, which some have called “Putinol- ogy,” creates a misleading impression of how Russia is ruled. -
Dr. Ian Bremmer - Bio President, Eurasia Group
Dr. Ian Bremmer - Bio President, Eurasia Group A dedicated intellectual entrepreneur, Ian Bremmer’s career spans academic, investment, and policymaking communities. His focus has been global emerging markets—for Bremmer, those countries where political will matters at least as much to the market as economic fundamentals. Bremmer’s work to define the business of politics has accordingly focused on making political science relevant to the global marketplace. Ian Bremmer received his PhD in political science from Stanford University in 1994, specializing in nation- and state-building in the former Soviet Union. Bremmer went on to the faculty of the Hoover Institution where, at 25, he became the Institution’s youngest ever National Fellow. He has held research and faculty positions at Columbia University (where he presently teaches), the EastWest Institute, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, and the World Policy Institute, where he has served as Senior Fellow since 1997. Bremmer’s research focuses on states in transition, global political risk, and US foreign policy. His five books include The J Curve: A New Way to Understand Why Nations Rise and Fall (Simon & Schuster, 2006), selected by The Economist as one of the best books of 2006. Bremmer has also published over 200 articles and essays in The Harvard Business Review, The New Republic, Survival, Fortune, The Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post, The Financial Times, The Wall Street Journal, and The New York Times. He is a columnist for The International Herald Tribune and the webzine Slate, contributing editor at The National Interest, and a political commentator on CNN, FoxNews and CNBC. -
DIRECTING the Disorder the CFR Is the Deep State Powerhouse Undoing and Remaking Our World
Charting the CFR’s Political Dominance • Rethinking Discrimination August 10, 2020 • $3.95 www.TheNewAmerican.com THAT FREEDOM SHALL NOT PERISH DIRECTING THE Disorder The CFR is the Deep State powerhouse undoing and remaking our world. NEW CHINA: THE DEEP STATE’S TROJAN HORSE IN AMERICA This exposé shows that the Chinese Communist plan to subvert America is well underway, and is being aided by the Deep State. Will Americans wake up before the tipping point? By Arthur R. Thompson, CEO, The John Birch Society (2020ed, pb, 132pp, 1-11/$7.95ea; 12-23/$5.95ea; 24-49/$3.95ea; 50+/$2.95ea) BKCDSTHA ✁ Order Online: Mail completed form to: QUANTITY TITLE PRICE TOTAL PRICE ShopJBS • P.O. BOX 8040 www.ShopJBS.org APPLETON, WI 54912 Credit-card orders call toll-free now! 1-800-342-6491 Name ______________________________________________________________ Address ____________________________________________________________ SHIPPING/HANDLING WI RESIDENTS ADD City _____________________________ State __________ Zip ________________ SUBTOTAL (SEE CHART BELOW) 5.5% SALES TAX TOTAL Phone ____________________________ E-mail ______________________________ 0000 ❑ ❑ ❑ 000 0000 000 000 For shipments outside the U.S., please call for rates. Check VISA Discover 0000 0000 0000 00 Order Subtotal Standard Shipping Rush Shipping ❑ Money Order ❑ MasterCard ❑ American Express VISA/MC/Discover American Express Three Digit V-Code Four Digit V-Code $0-10.99 $6.36 $9.95 Standard: 4-14 $11.00-19.99 $7.75 $12.75 business days. Make checks payable to: ShopJBS ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ $20.00-49.99 $9.95 $14.95 Rush: 3-7 business $50.00-99.99 $13.75 $18.75 days, no P.O. -
10 Ideology Interests and Identity
Ideology, Interests, and Identity Comparing Secession Crises in the USSR and Russia Stephen H. Hanson University of Washington November 1998 As is well known, the final collapse of the Soviet Union along the lines of its national republics in 1991 took Soviet specialists largely by surprise. Before Gorbachev’s launching of perestroika, few scholars argued that unrest among Soviet nationalities might pose a serious threat to the regime—and even those who did tended to focus on issues such as the increasing population growth of Central Asians relative to Slavs, the potential threat of Islam to Marxism-Leninism, and the possibility of war on the territory of the USSR (d’Encausse, 1979; Bennigsen and Broxup, 1983; Amalrik, 1970). After 1987, when Gorbachev’s active encouragement of glasnost’ had led to the formation of “national fronts” in a whole series of Soviet republics, the problem of nationalities naturally began to receive much more explicit scholarly attention in the West (Hajda and Beissinger, 1990). Yet right up until 1991, the majority of analysts of Soviet affairs—including the most theoretically sophisticated ones— remained quite skeptical of arguments that the “Soviet empire” would actually break up along national lines, instead emphasizing the economic and institutional barriers facing would-be proponents of full republican independence (Motyl, 1987; Hough, 1990; Laitin, 1991). Despite recent efforts by some post-Soviet states to introduce greater political and economic integration within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States—which might appear to support some of these neo- institutionalist arguments—the fact remains that the dynamics of 1 2 Ideology, Interests, and Identity secessionism in the late USSR were far more powerful, with far more consequential historical results, than anticipated by most theorists. -
Romano-OP with Green.Indd
September 2007 Occasional Paper Occasional An Outline of Kurdish Islamist Groups in Iraq David Romano Abstract: This article outlines the history and genesis of Kurdish Islamist groups in Iraq. Based on fi eldwork and personal interviews conducted in Iraq in 2003 and 2004, this study presents a signifi cant amount of never-before published details about these movements. Particular attention is paid to the links between various groups, their transformation or splintering into new organizations, and the role of the non-Kurdish Iraqi Muslim Brotherhood in spawning these movements. The conclusion to this study addresses possible strategies for containing radical Islamist movements, and the dilemmas inherent in constructing such strategies. Th e Jamestown Foundation’s Mission Th e mission of Th e Jamestown Foundation is to inform and educate policymakers and the broader policy community about events and trends in those societies that are strategically or tactically important to the United States and that frequently restrict access to such information. Utilizing indigenous and primary sources, Jamestown’s material is delivered without political bias, fi lter or agenda. It is often the only source of information that should be, but is not always, available through offi cial or intelligence channels, especially in regard to Eurasia and terrorism. * * * * * * * * * * * Occasional Papers are essays and reports that Th e Jamestown Foundation believes to be valuable to the policy community. Th ese papers may be created by analysts and scholars associated with Th e Jamestown Foundation or as the result of a conference or event sponsored or associated with Th e Jamestown Foundation. Occasional Papers refl ect the views of their authors, not those of Th e Jamestown Foundation. -
Reassessing U. S. International Broadcasting
REASSESSING U. S. INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTING S. ENDERS WIMBUSH ELIZABETH M. PORTALE MARCH 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................... 3 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 7 II. THE WORLD TODAY AND THE CHANGED MEDIA ENVIRONMENT ............................. 16 III. MISSION ........................................................................................................................................ 21 IV. THE GREAT DIVIDE: PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND SURROGATE BROADCASTING ..... 25 V. AMERICAN VALUES .................................................................................................................... 29 VI. TELLING AMERICA’S STORY ................................................................................................... 33 VII. AUDIENCES ................................................................................................................................. 38 VIII. NETWORK INDEPENDENCE, OBJECTIVE JOURNALISM AND FIREWALLS ............ 42 IX. DOES BROADCASTING CONNECT TO U.S. FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGIES? ............ 46 X. CAN IT BE FIXED? POSSIBLE NEW MODELS ....................................................................... 52 XI. WHY NOT START OVER: A NEW PARADIGM ..................................................................... 55 APPENDIX: INTERVIEWEES ............................................................................................................ -
Iraq Tribal Study – Al-Anbar Governorate: the Albu Fahd Tribe
Iraq Tribal Study AL-ANBAR GOVERNORATE ALBU FAHD TRIBE ALBU MAHAL TRIBE ALBU ISSA TRIBE GLOBAL GLOBAL RESOURCES RISK GROUP This Page Intentionally Left Blank Iraq Tribal Study Iraq Tribal Study – Al-Anbar Governorate: The Albu Fahd Tribe, The Albu Mahal Tribe and the Albu Issa Tribe Study Director and Primary Researcher: Lin Todd Contributing Researchers: W. Patrick Lang, Jr., Colonel, US Army (Retired) R. Alan King Andrea V. Jackson Montgomery McFate, PhD Ahmed S. Hashim, PhD Jeremy S. Harrington Research and Writing Completed: June 18, 2006 Study Conducted Under Contract with the Department of Defense. i Iraq Tribal Study This Page Intentionally Left Blank ii Iraq Tribal Study Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY CHAPTER ONE. Introduction 1-1 CHAPTER TWO. Common Historical Characteristics and Aspects of the Tribes of Iraq and al-Anbar Governorate 2-1 • Key Characteristics of Sunni Arab Identity 2-3 • Arab Ethnicity 2-3 – The Impact of the Arabic Language 2-4 – Arabism 2-5 – Authority in Contemporary Iraq 2-8 • Islam 2-9 – Islam and the State 2-9 – Role of Islam in Politics 2-10 – Islam and Legitimacy 2-11 – Sunni Islam 2-12 – Sunni Islam Madhabs (Schools of Law) 2-13 – Hanafi School 2-13 – Maliki School 2-14 – Shafii School 2-15 – Hanbali School 2-15 – Sunni Islam in Iraq 2-16 – Extremist Forms of Sunni Islam 2-17 – Wahhabism 2-17 – Salafism 2-19 – Takfirism 2-22 – Sunni and Shia Differences 2-23 – Islam and Arabism 2-24 – Role of Islam in Government and Politics in Iraq 2-25 – Women in Islam 2-26 – Piety 2-29 – Fatalism 2-31 – Social Justice 2-31 – Quranic Treatment of Warfare vs. -
“We Can Do Very Little with Them”1: British Discourse and British Policy on Shi'is in Iraq Heath Allen Furrow Thesis Submi
“We can do very little with them”1: British Discourse and British Policy on Shi‘is in Iraq Heath Allen Furrow Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In History Carmen M. K. Gitre (Chair) Danna Agmon Brett L. Shadle 9 May 2019 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Iraq, Imperialism, Religion, Christianity, Islam 1 “Gertrude Bell to Sir Hugh Bell, 10 July 1921,” Gertrude Bell Archive, Newcastle University, http://gertrudebell.ncl.ac.uk/letters.php. “We can do very little with them”2: British Discourse and British Policy on Shi‘is in Iraq Heath Allen Furrow Abstract This thesis explores the role of metropolitan religious values and discourses in influencing British officials’ discourse on Sunni and Shi‘i Islam in early mandate Iraq. It also explores the role that this discourse played in informing the policy decisions of British officials. I argue that British officials thought about and described Sunni and Shi‘i Islam through a lens of religious values and experiences that led British officials to describe Shi‘i Islam as prone to theocracy and religious and intellectual intolerance, traits that British officials saw as detrimental to their efforts to create a modern state in Iraq. These descriptions ultimately led British officials to take active steps to remove Shi‘i religions leaders from the civic discourse of Iraq and to support an indigenous government where Sunnis were given most government positions in spite of making up a minority of the overall population of Iraq. -
Black Flags from the East - P63 the Flag - P63 Brief History - P64 AQ's Goals - P64 Owning the Resistance - P65 the Instability-Fix Technique - P65
1 It was narrated from Abu Hurayrah that the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said: “Towards the end of time, hardly any dream of a Muslim will be false. The ones who have the truest dreams will be those who are truest in speech. The dream of a Muslim is one of the forty-five parts of Prophethood. Dreams are of three types: a good dream which is glad tidings from Allaah, a dream from the Shaytaan which causes distress, and a dream that comes from what a man is thinking of to himself…” (Sahih Muslim 2263) And the disbelievers planned, but Allah (God) also planned. And Allah is the best of planners. (Quran 3:54) Khurasan: The Land of Narrow Mountain passes, vast open spaces, thick forests, caves, and the Pamir maze ‘the roof of the world’ which opens the (hidden) gateway to the rest of the middle world. The narrow mountain passes for preventing huge armies. The vast open spaces to expose the enemy and give him no place to hide. The thick forests and caves to hide your own men and weapons. And the amazing Pamir maze – territory of the Muslim fighters, where you can hide, regroup, or simply travel to any country of your choice, without any borders in your way. The land Allah (God) would choose for the preparation of the ‘Battles of the End of Time.’ 2 Contents Introduction: The Boy's Dream – p7 Part 1 - 1979-1989 – a new Islamic century. The Afghan Jihad against Russia – p9 Abdullah Azzam – p9 Osama’s first visit to Afghanistan – p11 Russia loses – p12 The early Taliban - p14 Block the Supply Routes Strategy: - p15 Part 2 - (1989-2000) - the Foundation of the Movement The Foundation (Qa'idah) of AQ (Al Qa’idah) & The Afghan Civil War - p16 1990-1996:-Osama's return to Saudi Arabia - p17 The Move to Sudan. -
Political Islam Among the Kurds
POLITICAL ISLAM AMONG THE KURDS Michiel Leezenberg University of Amsterdam Paper originally prepared for the International Conference ‘Kurdistan: The Unwanted State’, March 29-31, 2001, Jagiellonian University/Polish-Kurdish Society, Cracow, Poland 1. Introduction The theme of Islam is not very prominent or popular when it comes to writings about the Kurds. Political analyses of Kurdish nationalism tend, almost as a matter of definition, to downplay religious aspects, which the Kurds by and large have in common with Political Islam among the Kn ethnic factors like language that mark off the Kurds.1 Further, Kurdish nationalists tend to argue that the Kurds were forcibly converted to Islam, and that the ‘real’ or ‘original’ religion of the Kurds was the dualist Indo-Iranian religion of Zoroastrianism; this religion, it is further alleged, lives on in sects like the Yezidis and the Kakais or Ahl-e Haqq, which are thus portrayed as more quintessentially Kurdish than the Sunni Islam to which most Kurds adhere. Likewise, foreign scholars often have a particular interest in the more exotic and colorful heterodox sects in Kurdistan, which has resulted in a disproportionate amount of attention devoted to groups like the Yezidis, the Ahl-e Haqq, and the Alevis, not to mention the Christian and Jewish groups that live (or used to live) in the region. This is not to criticize such valuable and often very interesting research, but merely to state that much of the beliefs and practices of the Kurds, the vast majority of whom are orthodox Sunni muslims,